;-NRLF 


,r 


REESE    LIBRARY 


UNIVERSITY    OF   CALIFORNIA 

Received.       ..Q4 

Accessions  No^J  c  //          Shelf  No.-. 


>• 


LIFE 


OF 


GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 


VOL.   I. 


THE 


.LIFE 


OF 


GOUVERNEUR     MORRIS; 


WITH 


SELECTIONS  FROM  HI  S  CORRE  SPONDENCE 


AND 


MISCELLANEOUS    PAPERS; 


DETAILING    EVENTS    IN    THE    AMERICAN    REVOLU 
TION,     THE    FRENCH    REVOLUTION,    AND    IN 
THE    POLITICAL    HISTORY    OF    THE     • 
UNITED    STATES. 


BY    JAREPS  PARKS 


THREE    VOLUMES 
VOL.   I. 


B  O  S  TO  N  : 

PUBLISHED    BY   GRAY   &   BOWEN. 


1832. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1831,  by  GRAT  AWD  BOWEW, 
in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


-7 


BOSTON: 
Wain  &  Dow's  Power  Press- 


PREFACE. 


THE  materials  for  this  work  have  been  derived  from  various 
sources,  but  chiefly  from  the  manuscripts  left  by  Gouverneur 
Morris  at  Morrisania,  and  furnished  by  his  widow,  Mrs  Anne 
C.  Morris.  I  have  been  indebted,  for  several  interesting  par 
ticulars  in  the  memoir,  to  the  politeness  of  General  Morgan 
Lewis,  Dr  David  Hosack,  and  M.  Leray  de  Chaumont,  who 
were  intimately  acquainted  with  Mr  Morris  at  different  periods 
of  his  life.  Acknowledgments  are  due,  also,  to  the  Secreta 
ry  of  the  State  of  New  York,  who  very  obligingly  opened  to 
my  inspection  the  archives  in  his  office,  from  which  some  im 
portant  facts  were  obtained  respecting  Mr  Morris's  early  po 
litical  services. 

In  its  general  arrangement  the  work  is  divided  into  two 
parts,  the  first  containing  a  biographical  sketch,  and  the  other 
a  selection  of  letters  and  miscellaneous  articles.  During  the 
American  Revolution,  and  indeed  down  to  the  time  of  his  de 
parture  for  Europe,  he  gave  little  attention  to  his  papers,  but 
from  that  date  to  the  end  of  his  life  they  were  preserved  with 
remarkable  care.  It  would  seem,  that  every  important  letter 
was  copied  into  his  letter,  books.  Within  this  space,  his  pub 
lished  correspondence  affords  so  complete  an  account  of  his 
life  and  opinions,  that  it  has  been  thought  best  to  allot  a  large 
portion  of  the  memoir  to  earlier  events.  Previous  researches 
had  furnished  me  with  copious  materials,  from  which  collater- 
1* 


Yl  PREFACE. 

al  facts  have  occasionally  been  drawn,  with  the  view  of  sup 
plying  the  deficiencies  in  his  papers,  and  illustrating  some  of 
the  less  familiar  parts  of  our  revolutionary  history,  in  which 
he  was  a  prominent  actor. 

While  Mr  Morris  resided  in  Europe  he  kept  a  Diary, 
which  affords  much  curious  matter,  particularly  respecting  the 
Revolution  in  France,  and  extracts  from  which  have  been 
woven  into  the  narrative  in  such  proportions,  as  the  limits  of 
the  work  would  admit. 

The  letters  and  other  papers,  selected  for  publication  in 
these  volumes,  have  been  transcribed  from  the  original  manu 
scripts,  none  of  them  having  before  been  printed,  except  the 
speeches  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  the  Essay  on  the 
Bank  of  North  America,  and  perhaps  half  a  dozen  letters. 
The  correspondence  with  Washington,  which  was  continued 
for  many  years,  is  probably  the  most  valuable  part  of  the  col 
lection.  Washington's  own  letters  are  printed  from  the  orig 
inals,  which,  in  every  instance,  exist  in  the  handwriting  of 
the  author. 

It  has  not  been  my  aim  to  write  a  panegyric,  to  conceal  de 
fects,  or  emblazon  good  qualities,  but  rather  to  present  traits 
of  character,  actsy  and  opinions,  in  their  genuine  light  and  just 
bearings,  and  leave  them  to  make  their  proper  impressions. 
Such  is  doubtless  the  legitimate  purpose  of  biography.  Indis 
criminate  eulogy  is  seldom  sincere,  never  true,  contributing 
little  to  accurate  history,  or  to  the  stock  of  valuable  know 
ledge  either  of  men  or  things. 


CONTENTS 


or   THE 


FIRST    VOLUME 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Morris  Family  in  America. — Birth  and  education  of  Gouver- 
neur  Morris. — His  College  Orations. — Studies  law  with  Wil 
liam  Smith,  the  Historian  of  New  York. — Writes  on  the 
Finance  of  the  Colony. — Practises  law. — Meditates  a  visit  to 
Europe. — First  movements  in  New  York  concerning  the  aggres 
sions  of  England. — Mr  Morris's  views  of  that  subject.  -  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Political  state  of  the  American  Colonies  at  the  opening  of  the 
Revolution. — Organization  of  the  first  forms  of  Government. — 
Committees  of  the  people. — First  Provincial  Convention  and 
Congress  of  New  York. — Modes  of  election. — Part  taken  by  Mr 
Morris  in  the  first  Congress. — Aspect  of  political  opinions 
in  the  Congress  and  in  the  Colony. — Means  of  raising  money. 
—Mr  Morris's  plan.  28 

CHAPTER  III. 

Indian  disturbances  on  the  frontiers. — Guy  Johnson's  letter 
and  the  reply  of  the  Congress.— Intercepted  correspondence  of 
General  Gage. — Preparations  for  military  defence. — Project 
of  the  Congress  for  a  conciliation  with  England. — Mr  Morris's 
modification.— Burke's  correspondence  with  the  Assembly  of 
New  York.— Ceremony  on  the'  occasion  of  General  Washing 
ton's  passing  through  New  York  to  take  command  of  the 
army.  -  41 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Ticonderoga. — Ethan  Allen. — State  of  affairs  oh  Lake  Champlain. 
— Visit  of  Allen  and  Warner  to  the  Continental  Congress  and 
the  Congress  of  New  York. — Authorized  to  raise  a  regiment  of 
Green  Mountain  Boys. — Emission  of  money  by  New  York. — 
General  Wooster  marches  his  forces  to  Haerlem.— Committee 
of  Safety. — Its  organization  and  powers.— Unpopular  measure 
of  attempting  to  seize  the  arms  of  disaffected  persons. — Affair 
with  the  armed  ship  Asia,  in  the  harbor  of  New  York. — 
Captain  Sears.— Destruction  of  Rivington's  printing  presses. — 
Excitement  occasioned  by  that  adventure.  53 

CHAPTER  V. 

Administration  of  Justice. — Delegates  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress. — Pay  of  Members  in  that  body.— Apprehensions  of  an 
attack  on  New  York. — General  Charles  Lee  takes  command 
there.— Preparations  for  defence. — General  Lee's  correspon 
dence  with  Washington. — Power  of  arresting  Tories. — Lord 
Stirling  takes  command  in  New  York.— Washington's  arrival 
there.  69 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Proceedings  for  organizing  a  new  Government  in  New  York. — 
Mr  Morris's  views  of  the  subject.— Mr  Jay's  Resolutions.— Mr 
Morris's  Speech  in  favor  of  Independence.— His  mission  to  the 
Continental  Congress.— Declaration  of  Independence  adopted  in 
New  York.— Committee  appointed  to  draft  a  Constitution.  88 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Regulations  respecting  Tories. — Draft  of  a  Constitution  reported  to 
the  Convention. — Debated  in  Convention. — Council  of  Appoint 
ment. — Views  of  Jay,  Morris,  and  Livingston. — Council  of  Revision. 
— Toleration. — Slavery. — Constitution  adopted.  -  115 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Plan  for  organizing  the  New  Government.— Governor  Clinton.— 
Alarms  at  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga.— Mr  Morris  visits  Gen 
eral  Schuyler's  Head  Quarters. — His  letters  to  the  Convention. — 
Appointed  on  a  Committee  to  meet  Delegates  from  the  New  Eng 
land  States  at  Springfield.— Monopoly  and  regulation  of  prices.— 
Mr  Morris  and  Mr  Jay  visit  General  Washington's  Head  Quarters 


CONTENTS.  ix 

as  a  Committee  from  the  Convention.— Curious  interview  of  Gen 
eral  Gates  with  Congress. — General  Schuyler. — Mr  Morris's  cor 
respondence  with  him.  -  128 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Mr  Morris  chosen  a  Delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress  from  New 
York. — Takes  his  seat.— Passes  the  winter  at  Volley  Forge  on  a 
Committee  from  Congress. — His  intimacy  with  Washington. — Ar 
rangements  of  the  army. — He  draws  up  a  paper  for  Congress  on 
the  state  of  Public  Affairs. — Debates  in  Congress  on  a  provision  for 
half  pay  to  the  officers. — Correspondence  with  Mr  Jay. — Letter 
from  Dr  Sbippen.  149 

CHAPTER  X. 

Mr  Morris's  Correspondence  with  General  Washington. — Conway's 
intrigues.— General  Lafayette. — Foreign  officers  in  the  service  of 
the  United  States. — Petition  of  the  American  officers. — General 
Greene.  -  163 

CHAPTER  XL 
4- 

'Lord  North's  Conciliatory  Propositions. — Proceedings  of  Congress  on 

that  subject. — British  Commissioners. — Mr  Morris  takes  a  leading 
part  in    the  transactions   respecting  them. — Prepares  the  instruc 
tions  to  Dr  Franklin. — Interview  and  conversation  with  the  French 
Minister. — Western   boundaries. — Finances  of    America. — Canada/ 
Expedition. — Washington's  arrangements  for  the  next  campaign. 

182 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Debates  in  Congress  on  the  terms  of  peace. — Mr  Morris  drafts  the 
instructions  on  the  subject.— Silas  Deane. — Thomas  Paine.— Mr 
Morris's  Speech  in  the  affair  of  Paine. — Treaties  with  Foreign 
Powers.  -  -  195 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Controversy  between  New  York  and  Vermont. — Views  of   Clinton, 

Morris,  and   Hamilton  on  that  subject.— Mr  Morris  retires  from 

Congress. — Valuable  papers  written  by  him  on  American  Curren- 

\,/~cy  and  Finance. — Accident  occasioning  the  loss  of  his  leg. — Spain 

and  the  United  States.  •  -  -  208 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Organization  of  Executive  Departments  in  Congress. — Robert  R.  Liv 
ingston — Robert  Morris,  at  the  head  of  the  Finance  Department. 
Gouverneur  Morris  Assistant  Financier.— Bank  of  North  Ameri 
ca. — New  instructions  for  negotiating  peace. — Mr  Morris's  opin 
ions  respecting  them. — First  Secretary  of  War.— M.  Rendon.  227 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Mr  Morris  and  General  Knox  Commissioners  for  exchange  of  pris 
oners.— France  and  the  United  States. — Count  Vergennes — Cor 
respondence  between  Mr  Morris  and  General  Greene.— Newburgh 
Letters. — Close  of  the  War.— British  commercial  restrictions. — Trade 
between  the  United  States  and  French  West  India  Islands.  242 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Mr  Morris   visits  Morrisania  after  the  peace. — Illumination  in  Pliila- 
delpliia.|^His  arguments  for  the  Bank  of  North  America. — Condi 
tion  of  the  Tories.— Commercial   restrictions — M.  de  Chastellux. — 
,,    Pamphlet   on  the  Bank — Mr  Morris's  plan   of  a  new  Coinage. — 
Purchases  the  estate  at  Morrisania.  264 , 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Convention  for  forming  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. — Mr 
(/    Morris's  opinions  in  that  body.— Mr  Madison's  letter.— Hamilton. — 
Mr  Morris  visits  Virginia. — Prepares  to  depart  for  Europe. — Wash 
ington.  -       282 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Mr  Morris  sails  for  Europe.— Arrives  in  Paris.— Lafayette.—  Jefferson. 
— Mr  Morris's  Diary.— Extracts  concerning  events  of  the  French 
Revolution.— Madame  de  Chastellux.— Dutchess  of  Orleans. — Mare- 
chal  de  Castries.— Necker.— Ceremony  of  opening  the  States-Gen- 

eral Segur The     Bishop  d'Autun.— Montmorin.— Madame    de 

Stael. — Letter  to  Lafayette  on  a  new  Ministry.— Affair  of  Favras. 
— Mr  Morris's  Note  to  the  Queen.  293 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Mr  Morris  is  commissioned  by  Washington  on  a  secret  agency  to  the 
British  Government.— His  negotiation.— Duke  of  Leeds.— Mr  Pitt.— 


CONTENTS.  XI 

Tour  up  the  Rhine.— Selections  from  the   Diary  narrating  events 

in  Paris Mr  Morris's  multiplicity  of  affairs  in  Europe. — Death  of 

Mirabeau. — Mr  Morris  visits  the  Dutchcss  of  Orleans  at  En. — lie 
writes  a  Memoire  for  the  King,  and  the  draft  of  a  speech  design 
ed  to  be  pronounced  by  the  King  to  the  National  Assembly.  339 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Mr  Morris  appointed  Minister  from  the  United  States  to  the  Court  of 
France.— Presented  to  the  King.— Aids  in  concerting  a  secret  plan 
for  the  removal  of  the  King  and  Royal  Family  from  France.— Ber- 
trand  de  Molleville. — Monciel— The  King  deposits  money  in  the 
hands  of  Mr  Morris.— Dutchess  of  Orleans.  367 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Negotiation  for  paying  a  part  of  the  French  debt.— Doubts  raised  in 
this  respect  by  the  change  of  Government. — Differences  with  the 
French  Ministers.— Mr  Morris  demands  his  passport,  and  threatens 
to  leave  Paris. — Capture  of  Lafayette. — Views  of  the  American  Min 
isters  at  London,  Paris,  and  the  Hague,  as  to  their  authority  to  de 
mand  his  release. — Imprisonment  of  Madame  de  Lafayette  in  Paris. 
— Disagreeable  situation  of  Mr  Morris,  as  Minister  in  Paris. — Retires 
into  the  country.— His  various  official  acts  and  duties. — Imprison 
ment  of  Thomas  Paine  at  the  Luxembourg,  and  Mr  Morris's  attempt 
to  procure  his  release. — Mr  Morris's  recall.  387 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Mr  Monroe. — Mr  Morris  leaves  France. — Travels  in  Switzerland. — 
Visits  M.  Necker  and  Madame  de  Stael.— Basle.— Schaffhausen.— 
Passes  through  Germany  to  Hamburg. — Resides  at  Altona.— Trav 
els  in  Holstein. — Arrives  in  London. — Interview  with  Lord  Gren- 
ville.— Count  Woronzow.— Mr  Pitt. — Travels  in  England  and  Scot 
land. — Bishop  of  Landaff. — Conversation  with  the  King. — Returns 
to  the  Continent.— Visits  Berlin,  Dresden,  and  Vienna.— Sir  Morton 
Eden.  -  -  420 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Mr  Morris's  attempt  in  Vienna  to  procure  the  liberation  of  Lafayette. 
—Correspondence  with  Madame  de  Stael  on  that  subject.— Inter 
view  with  the  Austrian  Minister.— Letter  to  Madame  de  Lafayette. 
— Royal  Princess  of  France.— Austrian  Nobility.— Leaves  Vienna 
for  Berlin.— Conversation  with  the  King  of  Prussia.— Residence 


Xll  CONTENTS. 

in  Brunswick.— Returns  to  Altona.— Lafayette's  release  from  Ol- 
mutz.— Given  up  to  the  American  Consul  at  Hamburg,  in  pres 
ence  of  Mr  Morris.  -  -  439 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Mr  Morris  commences  another  tour  to  the  South  of  Germany.— 
Francfort,  Ratisbon,  Munich.— Count  Rumford.— Mr  Morris  returns 
to  Altona.— Duke  of  Orleans.— His  concealment  in  Switzerland  — 
Letters  from  the  Countess  de  Flahaut  to  Mr  Morris  concerning 
him.— They  travel  together  to  Hamburg  — The  Duke's  travels  in 
Norway  and  Sweden.— His  correspondence  with  Mr  Morris.— His 
visit  to  the  United  States.  -  459 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Mr  Morris's  voyage  to  America. — Arrival  in  New  York.— He  retires  to 
Morrisania.— Chosen  to  the  Senate  of  the  United  States.— Engaged 
in  a  cause  at  the  bar  with  Hamilton.— Presidential  election.— Part 
taken  by  him  as  a  Senator. — His  tour  to  Canada.— His  political 
opinions — Orations  and  political  writings. — General  Moreau.— Mad 
ame  de  StaeTs  proposed  visit  to  the  United  States.  -  -  475 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Mr  Morris  first  suggests  the  idea  of  the  Canal  between  Lake  Erie  and 
the  Hudson.— His  services  in  effecting  that  work.— His  death. — 
Sketch  qf  his  character  by  Madame  de  Damas.— Concluding  re 
marks.  ..."  495 


< 
• 

w 

LIFE 


OF 


GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE    MORRIS     FAMILY     IN     AMERICA. BIRTH     AND     EDUCATION    OF     GOUVER 
NEUR    MORRIS HIS    COLLEGE    ORATIONS. STUDIES     LAW    WITH    WILLIAM 

SMITH,     THE     HISTORIAN    OF     NEW     YORK. WRITES     ON    THE    FINANCE    OF 

THE      COLONY. PRACTISES      LAW. MEDITATES     A     VISIT      TO     EUROPE. — 

FIRST    MOVEMENTS    IN    NEW    YORK     CONCERNING    THE  AGGRESSIONS   OF    EN 
GLAND. — MR  MORRIS'S  VIEWS  OF  THAT  SUBJECT. 

RICHARD  MORRIS  was  the  original  stock  of  a  family,  which, 
for  more  than  a  century,  through  the  popular  and  command 
ing  talents  of  some  of  its  members,  exercised  a  controlling 
influence  in  the  political  events  of  New  York  and  New 
Jersey.  His  descendants  have  now  become  numerous  in  both 
those  States,  and  have  spread  into  other  parts  of  the  Union. 
Wearied  with  the  unsettled  condition  of  affairs  in  England, 
brought  about  by  the  wars  of  Cromwell,  in  whose  armies  he 
is  said  to  have  been  a  distinguished  leader,  he  turned  his 
views  to  America,  and  came  over  first  to  the  West  Indies, 
and  shortly  afterwards  to  New  York.  Here  he  purchased 
an  estate  near  Haerlem,  ten  miles  from  the  city,  containing 
more  than  three  thousand  acres  of  land.  By  th'e  Governor's 
original  grant  this  domain  was  invested  with  manorial  privi- 
VOL.  i.  1 


£  LIFE    OF 

leges,  and  called  Morrisania.  The  first  proprietor  of  the 
Manor  of  Morrisania  died  in  1673,  leaving  an  only  son, 
named  Lewis,  an  infant  and  an  orphan,  his  mother  having 
died  a  few  months  before. 

Being  thus  left,  when  he  was  not  yet  a  year  old,  without 
parents  or  any  other  natural  protectors,  the  government  of  the 
colony  appointed  guardians  to  .take  care  of  him  and  the  prop 
erty  left  by  his  father.  Not  long  afterwards  his  uncle  came 
to  America  and  settled  at  Morrisania. *  He  took  his  young 
nephew  under  his  charge,  and  finally  made  him  heir  to  his 
fortune. 

The  early  years  of  Lewis  Morris,  the  nephew,  were  wild 
and  erratic.  On  one  occasion,  having  committed  some  of 
fence  of  youthful  extravagance  or  folly,  which  he  knew  would 
displease  his  uncle,  he  strolled  away  to  the  southern  colonies, 
and  thence  to  the  West  Indies,  where  he  supported  himself  for 
some  time  as  a  scrivener.  Soon  satisfied  with  the  pleasures 
of  wandering,  and  tired  of  a  life  of  dependance  and  privation, 
he  returned  again  to  his  uncle's  roof,  where  he  was  received 
with  kindness.  Endowed  with  strong  natural  powers,  and 
fond  of  distinction,  he  entered  at  an  early  age  upon  a  public 
career.  He  was  one  of  the  Council  of  New  Jersey,  and  a 
judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  that  colony,  and  also  for  sev 
eral  years  member  of  the  Assembly,  and  Chief  Justice  of 
New  York.  In  this  latter  colony  he  was  at  one  period  a 
popular  leader  in  the  party  of  the  Assembly  and  people,  in 
opposition  to  the  Governors,  who,  as  in  most  of  the  other 
colonies,  generally  continued  to  keep  up  a  quarrel  with  the 
people,  by  their  arbitrary  abuse  of  power  and  exactions  of 


*  This  uncle's  name  was  Lewis  Morris.  There  is  a  contract  on 
record  dated  the  tenth  of  August,  1670,  in  which  Richard  Morris  is 
styled  a  merchant  of  New  York,  and  his  brother  Lewis  a  merchant 
of  Barbadoes.  By  this  contract  Lewis  Morris  agreed  to  come  and 
settle  on  his  brother's  lands  at  Morrisania,  but  he  seems  not  to  have 
arrived  for  that  purpose  till  after  the  death  of  the  latter. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  3 

money.  During  the  last  eight  years  of  his  life,  Mr  Morris 
was  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 

He  had  twelve  children,  four  sons  and  eight  daughters. 
Of  these  sons  the  two  eldest,  Lewis  and  Robert  Hunter,  walk 
ed  in  the  steps  of  their  father,  and  became  emulous  of  public 
service  and  notoriety.  Lewis  resided  at  Morrisania,  and  at 
an  early  age  was  a  member  of  the  New  York  Legislature, 
supporting,  as  his  father  had  done  before  him,  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  that  body,  and  the  interests  of  the  people.  Dur 
ing  the  latter-years  of  his  life  he  was  Judge  of  Vice  Admiralty 
for  New  York,  having  jurisdiction  also  by  his  commission  over 
all  maritime  affairs  in  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey.  Robert 
Hunter  Morris  was  for  more  than  twenty  years  one  of  the 
Council,  and  Chief  Justice  of  New  Jersey.  He  visited  Eng 
land  and  obtained  the  appointment  of  Deputy  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  which  post  he  held  about  two  years  in  one  of 
the  most  boisterous  and  troublesome  periods  recorded  in  the 
history  of  that  province.  The  inroads  of  the  French  and  In 
dians  on  the  frontiers,  and  the  disastrous  effects  of  Braddock's 
defeat,  were  among  the"  evils  that  beset  his  administration;  to 
which  may  be  added  his  unceasing  and  stormy  contest  with 
trie  Assembly,  in  endeavoring  to  maintain  the  proprietary  pre 
rogatives  against  the  determined  opposition  of  the  legislative 
body,  the  general  voice  of  their  constituents;  and  above  all  the 
powerful  weight  of  the  talents  and  influence  of  Franklin. 

Lewis  Morris  last  mentioned,  son  of  the  Governor  of  New 
Jersey,  had  eight  children;  of  whom  four  were  sons,  Lewis, 
Staats  Long,  Richard,  and  Gouverneur,  and  four  daughters, 
Mary,  Sarah,  Euphemia,  and  Catherine.  The  eldest  son, 
Lewis,  was  a  graduate  of  Yale  College.  He  took  an  early  and 
decided  part  with  the  advocates  for  freedom  at  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution,  was  a  member  of  the  Old  Congress  from 
New  York,  and  a  signer  of  the  declaration  of  independence. 
Staats  Long  Morris  was  an  officer  in  the  British  army,  and 
married  the  Dutchess  of  Gordon.  He  was  at  one  time  a 
member  of  Parliament,  and  lived  and  died  in  England.  Rich' 


LIFE    OF 


ard    Morris  was   Judge  of  Vice   Admiralty,   and    afterwards 
Chief  Justice  of  New  York. 

GODVERNEUR  MORRIS,  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir,  was 
the  youngest  son  by  a  second  marriage,  and  born  at  Morrisania 
January  thirty-first,  1752.  Very  little  is  known  of  his  early 
years,  and  whether  as  a  boy  he  was  remarkable  for  precocity,  or 
dulness,  or  mischief,  there  is  neither  record  nor  tradition  to  in 
form  us.  Rumor  speaks  of  his  fondness  for  rural  sports,  and 
the  delights  he  enjoyed  in  rambling  over  his  paternal  domains 
in  that  species  of  exercise  and  amusement.  When  quite  a 
child  he  was  put  to  live  in  the  family  of  a  French  teacher, 
M.  Tetar,  at  New  Rochelle,  where  he  acquired  the  basis 
of  the  French  language,  which  in  after  life  he  wrote  and  spoke 
with  nearly  as  much  fluency  and  correctness  as  his  native 
tongue.  His  father  died  before  he  was  twelve  years  old, 
leaving  him  to  the  care  of  his  mother. 

The  second  marriage  of  his  father  seems  not  to  have  been 
well  received  by  the  family,  and  especially  by  the  elder  chil 
dren.  Hence  a  breach  was  made  in  the  bonds  of  family  union 
and  sympathy,  which  was  not  healed'  for  many  years,  and 
which  contributed  to  estrange  the  second  wife  and  her  young 
charge  from  the  interests  of  the  other  branches  of  the  family. 
But  as  she  was  left  with  ample  provisions  by  her  husband, 
neither  she  nor  her  children  experienced  any  other  inconven 
ience  from  these  dissentions,  than  the  privation  of  those  en 
dearments,  which  are  the  result  of  reciprocal  good  feeling  and 
kindness  between  those,  who  are  bound  together  by  the  ties  of 
consanguinity.  She  applied  herself  to  the  management  of  her 
affairs,  and  the  education  of  her  son.* 


*  The  following  is  an  extract  from  his  father's  will,  which  is  dated 
November  nineteenth,  1760.  « It  is  my  desire  that  my  son  Gouverneur 
Morris  may  have  the  best  education,  that  is  to  be  had  in  England  or 
America.' 

There  is  a  whimsical  clause  in  this  will,  which  may  perhaps  be 
characteristic  of  its  author. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  5 

After  the  usual  preparation  at  the  subordinate  schools,  he 
was  entered  at  the  college  in  the  city  of  New  York,  where  he 
graduated  in  May,  1768,  at  the  age  of  sixteen.  While  at 
college  he  was  more  distinguished  for  quickness  of  parts  and 
facility  of  acquisition,  than  for  industry,  a  passion  for  learning, 
or  general  scholarship.  Latin  and  the  mathematics  were  his 
favorite  studies,  and  though  he  began  to  read  Shakspeare  and 
make  rhymes  at  an  early  period,  and  notwithstanding  a  lively 
imagination  was  a  predominant  quality  of  his  mind,  yet  it 
may  be  doubted  whether  his  taste  was  ever  decidedly  bent 
in  the  direction  of  elegant  letters,  or  the  flowery  regions  of  or 
namental  literature.  The  eminent  men  of  his  family  had  all 
been  remarkable  for  their  acuteness,  their  skill  in  discussion, 


*  My  actions  have  been  so  in  considerable  in  the  world,  that  the  most 
durable  monument  will  but  perpetuate  my  folly  while  it  lasts.  My  de 
sire  is,  that  nothing  be  mentioned  about  me,  not  so  much  as  a  line  in  a 
newspaper  to  tell  the  world  I  am  dead.  That  I  have  lived  to  very  little 
purpose,  my  children  will  remember  with  concern  when  they  see  the 
small  pittance  I  have  left  them,  for  children  judge  of  the  goodness  and 
affection  of  their  parents  by  the  largeness  of  the  sums  coming  to 
them.  But  what  I  have  left  them  is  honestly  acquired,  which  gives 
me  a  satisfaction  that  ill  got  thousands  cannot  bestow.' 

Excentricity  in  the  construction  and  wording  of  wills  would  seem 
to  have  been  a  hereditary  foible  in  the  family.  The  following  is  an 
extract  from  the  will  of  Lewis  Moms,  the  Governor  of  New  Jersey. 

'  I  forbid  any  rings  or  any  scarfs  to  be  given  at  my  funeral,  or  any 
man  to  be  paid  for  preaching  a  funeral  sermon  over  me.  Those  who 
survive  me  will  commend  or  blame  my  conduct  in  life  as  they  think  fit, 
and  I  am  not  for  paying  of  any  man  for  doing  of  either ;  but  if  any  man, 
whether  churchman  or  dissenter,  in  or  not  in,  priest's  orders,  is  inclined 
to  say  anything  on  that  occasion,  he  may,  if  my  executors  think  fit  to 
admit  him  to  it.  I  would  not  have  any  mourning  worn  for  me  by  any 
of  my  decsendants,  for  I  shall  die  in  a  good  old  age  ;  and  when  the 
Divine  Providence  calls  me  hence,  I  die  when  I  should  die,  and  no 
relation  of  mine  ought  to  mourn  because  I  do  so,  but  may  perhaps 
mourn  to  pay  the  shopkeeper  for  his  goods,  should  they  comply 
with  what  I  think  the  common  folly  of  such  an  expense.' — Smith's 
History  of  New  Jersey,  p.  434. 
1* 


LIFE    OF 


and  power  of  argument.  In  these  respects  he  resembled  and 
equalled  them,  possessing  at  the  same  time  more  genius, 
more  eloquence,  and  a  greater  versatility  of  character,  than  any 
of  his  predecessors.  His  mathematical  propensity  adhered  to 
him  through  life,  and  was  of  much  service,  particularly  in  his 
financial  and  mercantile  operations.  'He  would  amuse  him 
self  with  rapid  calculations  in  his  mind,  and  the  solution  of 
arithmetical  difficulties,  unassisted  by  figures,  and  sometimes 
he  found  occasion  for  his  higher  skill  in  solving  practical  prob 
lems  in  physical  science,  such  as  relate  to  the  velocity  and 
power  of  running  water,  and  the  motion  of  machinery. 

When  he  graduated  as  bachelor  of  arts,  it  fell  to  his  lot  to 
pronounce  an  oration  before  an  audience  assembled  to  wit 
ness  the  ceremonies  of  the  day.  The  city  of  New  York  be 
ing  at  that  time  the  residence  of  the  Governor  and  other 
officers  of  government,  as  well  as  of  many  of  the  principal 
families  of  the  colony,  a  college  commencement  was  likely  to 
draw  together  as  enlightened  and  polished  an  assemblage  of 
hearers,  as  could  be  collected  in  any  other  part  of  the  conti 
nent,  and  especially  at  a  time  when  public  amusements  were 
few,  and  when  the  college  had  grown  to  be  an  object  of  con 
siderable  interest,  on  account  of  the  conflicts  of  political  par 
ties  in  which  the  affairs  of  that  institution  had  been  made  to 
mingle. 

In  selecting  for  the  exercise  of  his  unfledged  powers  the 
theme  of  '  Wit  and  Beauty^  our  youthful  orator  was  actuated 
more  perhaps  by  a  spirit  of  adventurous  exeriment  common  at 
his  age,  than  by  the  dictates  of  a  mature  judgment.  Be  this 
as  it  may,  he  acquitted  himself  with  credit,  and  won  the  ap 
plause  of  his  auditory,  both  grave  and  gay,  who  saw,  or  imag 
ined  they  saw,  the  fairest  promise  of  the  rich  fruits  of  man 
hood  in  these  buds  and  blossoms  of  young  fancy  and  aspiring 
genius  in  a  boy  of  sixteen.  A  copy  of  this  performance  is 
preserved  among  his  papers.  Amidst  an  exuberance  of  met 
aphors  and  rheto  rical  flourishes,  which  usually  make  so  large 
an  ingredient  in  commencement  orations,  there  are  not  want- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 


ing  ideas  and  modes  of  thought,  that  would  have  graced  a 
maturer  intellect. 

The  exordium  contains  an  apology  for  his  subject,  and  is 
adroitly  constructed.  '  Long  had  I  debated  with  myself,'  he 
begins,  'on  what  subject  to  address  so  learned  and  polite  an 
audience.  Pedantically  tb  discuss  some  knotty  point  of  the 
schools  would  be,  if  not  disagreeable,  at  least  dry,  insipid,  and 
uninteresting  ;  it  would  be  the  retailing  of  other  men's  opinions, 
and  endeavoring  to  explain  what  I  am  little  acquainted  with  to 
those  who  are  well  informed.  For  certainly  at  a  time  where 
law  shines  forth  in  its  meridian  glory,  and  divinity  sprouts  up 
promiscuously  on  all  sides,  no  sophisms  can  darken  the  light 
of  natural  equity,  nor  will  our  moral  duties  be  obscured  or 
unpractised.  Endeavoring  therefore  to  place  them  in  a  fairer 
light,  would  be  to  cast  a  veil  over  their  perfections.  A  lighter 
subject  may  indeed  be  acceptable  to  those,  who,  like  myself, 
are  in  the  early  spring  of  life,  but  with  those  in  whom  sober 
autumn  has  repressed  the  understanding,  blunted  the  passions, 
and  refined  the  taste,  it  may  not  perhaps  be  so  well  received. 
Yet  when  I  consider  that  the  lenity  and  candor  of  those,  to 
whom  I  have  the  honor  of  addressing  myself,  are  equal  to 
their  learning  and  judgment,  I  am  the  more  easily  incited  to 
submit  this  performance  to  their  mild  consideration,  and  to 
descant  upon  wit  and  beauty.' 

Having  thus  begun,  he  proceeds  to  the  thread  of  his  dis 
course,  and  first  of  all  speaks  of  the  characteristics,  power,  and 
advantages  of  wit.  This  choice  gift,  is  one  of  Heaven's  best 
boons  to  social  man  ;  it  makes  the  charm  of  an  agreeable  com 
panion,  it  enlivens  conversation,  promotes  innocent  mirth,  and 
banishes  that  sable  fiend,  melancholy,  the  restless  haunter  of 
our  inmost  thoughts.  It  is  the  two-edged  sword  of  the  poet 
and  moralist.  'It  gilds  the  bitter  pill  of  satire,  it  entices  us  to 
read,  and  compels  us  to  reform.  Faults,  which  escape  the 
grasp  of  justice,  and  hide  behind  the  bulwarks  of  the  law, 
which,  like  Proteus,  change  into  a  thousand  shapes  and  baffle 
the  researches  of  wisdom,  these  it  strips  of  their  borrowed 


8  LIFE    OF 

plumes,  and  shows  in  their  native  deformity.  Whilst  the 
understanding,  in  teaching  and  enforcing  the  duties  of  morality, 
fetters  vice  in  a  chain  of  reason,  wit  boldly  rushes  on,  plies  the 
lash,  and  goads  the  monster  from  her  den.'  But  wit  is  said  to 
be  capricious,  and  its  darts  to  be  thrown  without  discrimination 
or  mercy.  This  is  a  mistake.  The  instrument  is  confounded 
with  the  agent.  Wit  is  harmless,  but  like  every  other  strong 
weapon,  it  may  be  wielfled  to  mischievous  ends.  Wit  is  a 
soothing  balm,  but  a  malignant  temper  may  convert  it  into  a 
deadly  poison.  Wit  is  cheerful,  sunny,  and  serene,  but  a 
morose  spirit  may  enshroud  it  in  a  mantle  of  darkness,  and 
make  it  an  object  of  terror,  and  even  a  source  of  suffering. 
Such  are  the  abuses  of  wit,  but  not  its  aims  and  character. 

In  touching  upon  beauty,  the  second  topic  of  his  discourse, 
the  young  orator  is  more  flightly  and  less  pointed.     His  pre 
vailing  idea,  however,  is  a  good  one,  that  the  forms  of  beauty, 
as  they  exist  in  the  physical  and  moral  world,  have  been  the 
chief  means  of  civilizing  the  human  race,  and  bringing  man  in 
to  a  state  of  social  order  and  happiness.     He  is  not  satisfied 
with  the  notions  of  certain  theorists  on  this  subject.     *  Philo 
sophers,  who  find  themselves  already  living  in  society,  say, 
that  mankind  first  entered  into  it  from  a  sense  of  their  mutual 
wants.     But  the  passions  of  barbarians  must  have   had   too 
great  an  influence  over  their  understandings  to  render  this  pro 
bable.     They,  who  were  in  the  prime  of   life,   would  never 
have  been  persuaded  to  labor  for  such  as  were  passed,  or  had 
not  arrived  at  that  state  ;  and  even  if  they  consented  to  do  it, 
yet  the  love  of  liberty,  so  natural  to  all,  must  have  prevented 
both  old  and  young  from  giving  up  the  right  of  acting  as  they 
pleased,  and  from  suffering  themselves  to  be  controlled  by  the 
will  of  another.     Besides,  reason,  unassisted  by  beauty,  would 
never  have  smoothed  away  that  savage  ferocity,  which   must 
have  been  an  inseparable  bar  to  their  union.' 

This  doctrine  of  the  power  of  beauty  to  subdue  the  savage 
nature  of  man  admits  of  wide  illustration.  In  the  material 
world  all  beautiful  forms  are  suited  to  move  the  kinder  feel- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  9 

ings  and  softer  emotions.  The  heavens  with  their  splendid 
garniture  of  celestial  orbs,  the  earth  clad  in  its  robe  of  verdure 
ever  varied  in  the  colors  and  shapes  it  assumes,  the  wide  blue 
sea  reflecting  from  its  tranquil  bosom  the  images  of  the  hea 
venly  hosts,  that  keep  watch  over  its  midnight  slumbers,  these 
and  the  myriads  of  animated  semblances  of  beauty  that  people 
air,  earth,  and  ocean,  are  so  many  sources  of  enjoyment,  and 
so  many  calls  on  the  gratitude  and  devotion  of  man.  These 
are  the  objects  of  his  contemplative  thoughts,  the  themes  of 
his  musing  hours,  and  where  contemplation  dwells  the  pas 
sions  are  silent,  and  the  social  principle  is  most  easily  diffused 
and  cultivated. 

As  in  the  theatre  of  natural  existences,  so  in  the  world  of 
art,  the  forms  of  beauty  are  at  once  the  indications  and  the 
causes  of  melioration,  refinement,  and  the  social  progress. 
What  are  the  fine  arts,  what  are  the  arts  of  life,  but  proofs  of 
this  position  ?  What  are  sculpture,  architecture,  painting, 
what  the  thousand  varied  combinations  of  taste  and  elegance, 
which  serve  for  the  ornaments  and  convenience  of  the  social 
state,  but  so  many  demonstrations  of  the  same  fact  ?  They 
divest  man  of  his  savage  attributes,  and  bring  him  under  the 
influence  of  his  milder  nature.  Moral  beauty  comes  to  the 
same  result.  Virtue  is  beautiful,  vice  deformed  ;  the  one  re 
fines,  purifies,  expands,  elevates  ;  the  other  debases  and  de 
grades  ;  the  one  promotes  good  faith,  order,  and  tranquillity  in 
society  ;  the  other  perfidy,  misrule,  and  confusion  ;  the  one  is  a 
cheerful  attendant  on  happiness,  the  other  is  leagued  with  mis 
ery.  Such  is  the  power  of  beauty  in  nature,  in  art,  and  the 
soul  of  man.  The  speaker  does  not  forget  to  enlarge  on  fe 
male  beauty  and  its  all  conquering  influence,  and  here  he 
draws  upon  his  classical  erudition,  and  the  records  of  history, 
and  talks  of  heroes,  and  conquerors,  and  the  downfall  of  em 
pires,  the  youthful  king  of  Macedon,  and  of  others,  who  '  laid 
the  spoils  of  a  captive  world  at  beauty's  feet.'  But  enough 
has  been  said  to  give  some  idea  of  this  first  effort  in  the  de 
partments  of  composition  and  eloquence,  in  which  he  after 
wards  became  so  successful  and  eminent. 


10  LIFE    OF 

When  he  left  college  he  lost  no  time  in  deliberating  on  the 
choice  of  a  profession,  for  he  seems  to  have  destined  himself 
for  the  law  from  the  time  of  his  first  reflections  on  the  subject. 
His  ancestors  had  gained  renown  in  this  career,  and  it  was 
natural,  that  his  inclination  should  lead  him  in  the  same  direc 
tion.  He  knew,  moreover,  that  his  success  in  life,  his  fortune 
and  fame,  his  future  usefulness  and  consideration,  depended 
on  his  own  efforts.  A  legacy  of  two  thousand  pounds,  to  be 
paid  after  his  mother's  death,  was  all  he  had  to  expect  from 
his  father's  estate. 

Naturally  active,  sanguine  in  his  temperament,  conscious  of 
his  powers,  and  not  wanting  in  ambition,  he  had  an  early  and 
continued  confidence  in  himself,  which  enabled  him  to  com 
mand  all  the  resources  of  his  mind,  and  to  convert  them  on 
any  given  occasion  to  the  best  account.  In  fact,  this  self  con 
fidence  was  one  of  the  remarkable  features  of  his  character 
through  life,  and  perhaps  its  tendency  was  rather  to  err  on  the 
side  of  boldness  and  presumption,  than  on  that  of  timidity  and 
reserve.  But  there  are  few  more  enviable  qualities  of  the  un 
derstanding,  than  the  power  of  ascertaining  its  own  bias  and 
strength,  and  of  causing  these  to  unite  and  co-operate  in  the 
attainment  of  a  definite  object.  No  man  had  this  power  in  a 
greater  degree  than  Gouverneur  Morris,  nor  exercised  it  with 
more  skill  and  effect.  He  has  often  been  heard  to  say,  that 
in  his  intercourse  with  men  he  never  knew  the  sensation  of 
fear  or  inferiority,  of  embarrassment  or  awkwardness.  Al 
though  this  almost  daring  self-possession,  which  never  forsook 
him,  may  at  times  have  deprived  his  manners  of  the  charm, 
which  a  becoming  diffidence  and  gentleness  of  demeanor  are 
apt  to  infuse,  yet  as  a  means  of  advancement  in  the  world,  it 
must  be  allowed,  when  properly  regulated,  to  take  prece 
dence  of  every  other  quality. 

He  commenced  the  study  of  the  law  soon  after  he  graduat 
ed  as  bachelor  of  arts,  and  applied  himself  with  assiduity,  be 
coming  more  and  more  pleased  with  his  new  pursuit  as 
he  advanced.  With  a  mind  naturally  given  to  method,  and 


GOUVJERNEUR    MORRIS.  11 

patient  in  research,  he  was  not  discouraged  by  the  technicali 
ties,  dry  details,  and  multitude  of  forms,  which  block  up  the 
entrance  to  the  temple  of  legal  fame,  and  which  appear  so 
formidable  to  the  uninitiated ;  on  the  contrary,  he  set  himself 
resolutely  at  work  to  make  his  way  through  them  by  dint  of 
perseverance  and  labor ;  and  if  we  may  put  any  faith  in  tradi 
tion,  and  in  such  evidences  as  remain  on  record,  as  well  as  the 
declaration  of  some  of  his  living  associates,  his  success  was 
adequate  to  his  determination  and  industry.  He  prosecuted 
his  studies  of  the  law  under  the  direction  of  William  Smith, 
the  historian  of  New  York,  at  that  time  an  eminent  lawyer, 
and  afterwards  Chief  Justice  of  the  province.  A  close  inti 
macy  had  subsisted  for  many  years  between  Mr  Smith  and  his 
family,  and  the  effects  of  this  friendship  the  young  student 
seerns  fully  to  have  participated. 

While  yet  a  novitiate  in  the  studies  of  his  adopted  profes 
sion,  he  took  his  master's  degree  in  the  college,  and  the  task 
again  devolved  upon  him  to  make  a  new  exhibition  of  his 
talents  in  another  oration.  The  character  of  this  performance 
is  much  like  that  of  the  first,  tinged  with  youthful  extrava 
gance,  dealing  in  superlatives,  breathing  soft  strains  of  senti 
ment,  and  scattering  flowers  and  fragrance  with  a  prodigal 
liberality,  yet  there  is  at  bottom  a  sound  basis  of  thought,  and 
throughout  the  piece  a  texture  of  just  conceptions  and  good 
sense,  which  raises  it  above  the  ordinary  exercises  of  a  youth 
not  yet  twenty.  His  subject  was  *  Love,'  a  very  good  theme, 
one  might  say,  for  a  sonnet,  or  a  few  stanzas  from  a  despairing 
swain,  but  an  odd  one  for  an  oration  before  a  grave  and  learn 
ed  audience,  assembled  to  witness  a  literary  exhibition  in  a 
university. 

Let  it  not  be  imagined,  however,  that  he  confines  himself  to 
any  narrow  technical  sense  of  that  magic  word.  He  speaks 
of  love  as  a  principle,  which  pervades  all  things,  separating 
the  good  from  the  evil,  the  bond  of  social  union,  the  soul  of 
friendship,  the  magnet  of  sympathy,  and  the  bright  and  steady 
polestar  of  the  moral  world.  Within  this  compass  there  is  no 


12  HFE    OF 

barrenness  of  topics.  The  orator  treats  of  the  objects  and 
uses  of  love.  He  descants  on  love  as  a  religious  feeling,  on 
benevolence  and  patriotism,  on  parental,  filial,  and  connubial 
love,  and  traces  the  consequences  of  this  all  pervading  princi 
ple  on  the  order  of  nature  and  condition  of  men. 

Let  his  own  words  speak  for  him  on  one  point,  the  love  of 
country.  l  It  is  not  a  mere  something  we  are  unacquainted 
with,  that  renders  our  natal  soil  so  peculiarly  agreeable,  it  is 
our  friends,  our  relations,  parents,  children,  laws,  religion. 
Aided  by  the  force  of  these  considerations,  reason  impresses  a 
love  of  country  upon  the  heart  of  every  social  being.  Nay, 
there  is  some  secret  principle  within  us,  some  innate  tenderness 
for  that  spot  where  we  first  drew  our  breath,  first  saw  the  light, 
the  scene  of  our  infant  joys,  some  gentle  effusion  of  divinity 
congenial  with  the  soul,  which  enforces  it  far  beyond  the  pow 
er  of  reason.  This  is  a  universal  principle  of  patriotism  con 
fined  by  no  bounds.  It  rules  in  all  countries,  and  in  all 
nations.  The  sons  of  tyranny  acknowledge  it ;  the  meanest 
slave  has  through  this,  an  affection  for  his  country.  What 
then  must  be  his  love,  who  has  fasted  liberty  at  the  .fountain, 
who  lives  under  a  Constitution  dispensing  the  joys  of  freedom 
wherever  it  prevails,  who  possesses  the  sacred  rights  of  a 
British  subject,  rights  torn  from  the  heart  of  tyranny,  nourished 
with  the  best  blood  of  his  ancestors,  and  transmitted  to  him  on 
the  point  of  their  swords?  A  Britain's  love  of  country  is  fixed 
on  the  solid  basis  of  freedom.  Liberty  !  Nurse  of  heroes ! 
Parent  of  worth  !  Best  blessing  of  society !  Long  continue  to 
smile  upon  this  happy  soil.  Grant  that  my  countrymen  may 
feel  the  fulness  of  thy  influence,  that  they  may  nobly  advance 
under  the  shadow  of  thy  wings  in  the  pursuit  of  true  glory  r  rise 
virtuously  superior  to  the  ills  of  fortune,  and  attain  to  that 
perfection  in  attempting  to  acquire  which  the  Romans  failed. 
May  they  ever  be  loyal,  may  they  ever  be  free.7 

We  here  discover  the  germs,  which  grew  into  strength  and 
matmity,  as  the  young  orator  advanced  in  years,  and  particu 
larly  when  he  was  called  not  long  afterwards  to  put  in  practice 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  13 

his  doctrines  at  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolutionary  strug 
gle,  throughout  which  it  will  appear  that  he  acted  a  bold,  con 
sistent,  and  distinguished  part.  His  love  of  liberty  and  of 
country  remained  as  ardent  as  ever,  and  his  loyalty  as  firm, 
though  devoted  to  a  different  object. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1769  the  Assembly  of  New 
York  had  a  project  for  raising  money  by  issuing  bills  of  credit, 
to  be  put  out  on  a  loan,  with  the  view  of  appropriating  the  in 
terest  to  the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  colony,  and  for  other 
public  exigences.  It  was  understood,  that  the  government  in 
England  would  approve  such  a  bill,  if  it  should  pass  the  colo 
nial  legislature.  It  was  a  measure  highly  acceptable  to  the 
people,  because  it  would  make  money  more  plenty,  and  they 
looked  no  farther.  Some  of  the  sensible  men  of  the  province, 
however,  took  up  the  other  side  of  the  question,  and  were  op 
posed  to  the  issuing  of  a  new  paper  currency,  foreseeing  no  ab 
solute  relief  in  the  scheme,  and  an  increase  of  embarrassment  in 
the  end.  It  would  encourage  farmers  to  borrow  beyond  their 
necessities,  and  merchants  to  contract  new  debts  on  an  artificial 
credit,  and  the  last  scene  of  the  drama,  whenever  it  came, 
must  be  wound  up  with  renewed  instances  of  bankruptcy  and 
distress. 

In  the  midst  of  the  general  excitement  produced  by  these 
discussions,  young  Morris  found  himself  drawn  into  the  cur 
rent,  and  though  at  that  time  but  barely  eighteen,  he  resolved 
to  try  his  hand  at  the  generous  task  of  conveying  light  to  the 
public  mind.  He  wrote  anonymously  against  the  bill,  and 
deprecated  the  evil  of  a  paper  currency,  as  no  other  than  a 
mischievous  pretence  for  putting  off  a  day  of  payment,  which 
must  come  at  some  time,  and  which  ought  to  be  met  prompt 
ly  by  substantial  funds  collected  from  the  resources  of  the 
province. 

He  went  into  an  elaborate  calculation,  founded  on  the  exist 
ing  debt  of  the  colony,  and  the  annual  amount  of  exports  and  im 
ports,  to  show  the  ill  effects  such  a  measure  would  have  on  trade, 
VOL.  i.         2 


14  LIFE  OF 

and  the  actual  loss  that  must  eventually  be  sustained,  by 
throwing  into  circulation  a  paper  currency  in  ihe  manner  con 
templated  by  the  bill.  The  first  fruits  of  his  financial  abilities, 
afterwards  so  eminently  developed,  are  clearly  seen  in  ilu's  • 
juvenile  essays.  Among  his  closing  remarks  are  the  following. 

'  It  is  said,  that  the  imported  foreign  manufactures  into, 
this  colony  exceed  the  exports.  If  so,  ulm  will  be  our 
situation  twenty  years  hence,  should  this  puptr  currency  take 
effect?  A  question  may  naturally  arise  here,  why  are  the  in 
habitants  of  the  colony  so  desirous  of  having  it,  if  it  be  so  per 
nicious  in  its  consequences?  The  answer  is  ready,  because 
they  know  not  those  consequences,  because  they  will  not 
know  them,  because  they  are  in  debt,  and  because,  from  a 
selfishness  they  ought  to  be  ashamed  of,  they  would  pay  their 
debts  at  the  expense  of  the  province.  The  farmer  owes 
money  to  the  merchant,  and  will  be  able,  if  this  takes  place, 
to  pay  it  by  taking  up  money  at  interest  two  per  cent  cheaper 
than  he  can  now.  '  The  merchant,  if  the  farmer  pays  him, 
can  buy  bills  at  an  exorbitant  price  to  pay  part  of  his  debts 
in  Great  Britain,  and  can  gain  credit  to  run  himself  further 
in  debt.  To  make  up  his  loss  in  sterling  bills,  he  will  of 
course  raise  the  price  of  his  sterling  manufactures  ;  and  thus, 
that  the  debtors  in  this  province  may  clear  two  per  cent  on 
the  money  they  owe,  the  province  is  to  be  ruined  ;  and,  that 
the  present  generation  may  live  in  ease,  posterity  is  to  be 
involved  beyond  the  probability  of  redemption.  Before  this 
happens,  may  you,  my  countrymen,  be  convinced  of  your 
own  interests  and  steadily  pursue  them  ;  may  you  be  induced 
with  patience  to  bear  present  small  evils  in  preference  to 
great  ones  yet  to  come ;  aqd  may  you  have  the  fortitude  to 
resist  the  importunities,  and  arguments  to  refute  the  fallacies, 
of  those  schemers,  who  with  specious  appearances  decoy  us 
into  ruin  ;  for  however  they  may  gild  the  pill  they  persuade 
us  to  swallow,  and  whatever  show  of  reason  drawn  from  our 
necessities  they  may  produce  to  make  us  swallow  it,  still 
truths  stand  uncontroverted,  that  a  multiplied  paper  currency 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  15 

is  a  never  failing  source   of  national  debt,  and  that  there  are 
no  hounds  to  national  debt  but  national  ruin.' 

In  regard  to  this  last  remark,  it  must  be  remembered,  that  it 
•  loes  not  necessarily  apply  to  all  kinds  of '  paper  currency,' 
but  only  to  the  particular  kind  which  he  has  been  considering, 
that  is,  certificates  of  loans  issued  by  the  government  on  the 
strength  of  its  own  credit,  merely  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining 
at-  nporary  relief,  and  on  such  terms  as  to  afford  an  undue 
tciuptation  to  adventurous  borrowers. 

In  another  paper  our  young  financier  takes  on  himself 
the  part  of  a  legislator,  and  criticises  the  forms  of  the  bill, 
and  points  out  with  a  good  deal  of  acuteness  various  defects 
and  unsound  principles,  which  he  conceives  it  to  contain. 
The  following  extract  may  serve  as  a  specimen.  '  Whether 
former  acts,'  says  he,  '  authorize  such  a  method  of  proceeding 
I  cannot  tell,  but  by  this  the  jurisdiction  of  the  supreme  court, 
which  is  according  to  the  rules  of  the  common  law,  and  the 
dictates  of  common  sense,  confined  within  the  bounds  of  the 
colony,  is  nevertheless  by  a  legislature,  whose  jurisdiction  is 
the  same,  extended  to  the  trial  of  felonies  therein  named, 
though  commit!*:  J  in  a  different  province  ;  which  is  indeed 
giving  to  others  what  does  not  belong  to  themselves ;  like  that 
little  Prince  of  Italy,  who  gave  away  the  whole  continent  of 
America  and  the  richest  provinces  of  Asia  to  the  Kings  of 
Spain  and  Portugal.' 

[  October,  177"?.  Mr  Morris  was  licensed  to  practise  as 
a.  Lorney  at  law,  full  three  months  before  he  was  twenty 
}c,  of  age.  His  financial  discussions,  and  some  other 
proofs  of  his  abilities.,  had  made  him  known  to  the  principal  men 
of  the  province;  and  a  volunteer  address  to  a  jury  about  the 
time  of  his  being  licensed,  on  some  occasion  in  which  the  com 
munity  took  a  deep  interest1,  was  represented  by  the  hearers 
as  an  extraordinary  display  of  eloquence  and  skilful  reasoning 
in  so  young  a  man.  With  the  advantages  of  his  family  name, 
a  fine  person,  an  agreeable  elocution,  active  and  industrious 
habits,  talents,  and  ambition,  no  young  man  in  the  province 


16 


LIFE    OF 


was  thought  to  exhibit  a  fairer  promise  of  rapid  advancement, 
and  ultimate  eminence  in  his  profession.  But  Providence 
had  destined  him  to  another  and  a  wider  sphere.  It  was  his 
fortune  to  come  upon  the  theatre  of  action  at  a  time,  when 
events  of  the  greatest  moment  both  to  his  country  and  to  the 
civilized  world  at  large  were  ripening  into  maturity,  and  it  was 
likewise  his  fortune  to  take  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  accom 
plishment  of  those  events.  For  the  present,  however,  his  views 
reached  no  farther  than  to  the  limited  distinction  of  a  colonial 
lawyer,  and  his  chief  aims  were  to  attain  an  elevated  rank  in 
the  profession  of  his  choice.  Bent  steadily  on  this  purpose? 
neither  his  ambition  nor  his  active  spirit  would  allow  him  to 
neglect  any  means  of  qualifying  himself  for  the  fullest  expan 
sion  and  best  use  of  his  powers. 

Like  most  young  men  he  indulged  early  dreams  of  foreign 
travel,  and  scarcely  had  he  completed  his  professional  studies, 
when  he  began  seriously  to  think  of  a  voyage  across  the  Atlan 
tic.  Curiosity  was  not  his  only  motive,  for  his  ambition  aim 
ed  at  higher  things  than  mere  amusement  or  pleasure  ;  he 
hoped  to  gather  such  fruits  of  experience  and  knowledge,  as 
would  be  of  solid  advantage  to  him  in  his  future  career,  being 
satisfied  that, 

'  He  cannot  be  a  perfect  man, 

Not  being  tried  and  tutored  in  the  world.* 

While  deliberating  on  this  subject  he  wrote  the  follow 
ing  letter  to  his  friend,  Mr  William  Smith,  in  whom,  by 
the  free  and  unreserved  manner  in  which  he  lays  open  his 
mind  and  asks  advice,  he  seems  to  have  had  much  confi 
dence. 

<  February  20th,  1772. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

'I  have  thoughts  of  sailing  for  London  in  the  Miller,  and  I 
beg  your  sentiments  with  the  same  candor,  that  I  deliver  my 
own.  I  shall  pay  most  regard  to  your  advice,  because  I 
believe  it  will  be  dictated  by  friendship,  and  founded  on  a 
more  intimate  knowledge  of  me  than  I  possess. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  17 

'The  advantages  I  expect  from  a  Uvelve  months'  sojourn 
ing  in  England  are  shortly  these.  I  hope  to  form  some  ac 
quaintances,  that  may  hereafter  be  of  service  to  me,  to  model 
myself  after  some  persons,  who  cut  a  figure  in  the  profession 
of  the  law,  to  form  my  manners  and  address  by  the  example  of 
the  truly  polite,  to  rub  off  in  the  gay  circle  a  few  of  those  ma 
ny  barbarisms,  which  characterize  a  provincial  education,  and 
to  curb  that  vain  self  sufficiency,  which  arises  from  comparing 
ourselves  with  companions  who  are  inferior  to  us.  As  this 
last  is  the  most  agreeable,  so  it  is  the  most  dangerous  kind  of 
flattery,  the  surest  source  of  vanity,  a  disease  which  can  be 
cured  only  by  conversing  with  our  superiors  in  understanding. 

'There  are  many  dangers,  which  it  is  alleged  attend  a 
young  man  thrown  from  under  his  parents'  wings  upon  the 
gay  stage  of  pleasure  and  dissipation,  where  a  wanton  circle 
of  delusive  joys  courts  his  acquaintance,  and  an  endless  varie 
ty  of  objects  prevent?  satiety  and  removes  disgust  .5  and  to  all 
ths  trite  observations  that  may  be  made  on  this  subject  in  the 
present  instance,  perhaps  it  may  be  added,  that  -I  have  natur 
ally  a  taste  for  pleasure,  and,  if  it  be  allowed  that  I  have  a 
taste,  for  pleasure,  it  may  naturally  follow  that  I  shall  avoid 
those  low  pleasures,  which  abound  in  as  great  an  exuberance 
on  this  as  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic.  As  for  those 
pcignar:  joys,  which  are  'ot  of  the  affluent,  like  Tantalus 
I  may  ^rasp  at  them,  but  »  /  will  certainly  be  out  of  my 
reach.  I  might  go  farther  and  make  my  observations  more 
particular,  but  as  Lord  Paeon  told  the  Commons,  with  respect 
to  his  Majesty's  power  and  prerogative,  these  things  are  better- 
to  ^e  imagined  by  you  than  expressed  by  me. 

4 1  desire,  however  that  you  will  consider  how  much  bet 
ter  my  time  may  now  b<.  .ired  than  hereafter.  I  have  some 
how  or  other  been  so  hurried  through  the  different  scenes  of 
childhood  and  youth,  that  I  have  still  some  time  left  to  pause 
before  I  tre--4  the  great  aage  of  life,  and  you  know  how  much 
our  conduct  there  depends  upon  the  mode  of  our  education. 
After  what  I  have  said,  it  will  be  needless  to  add,  that  my  in- 
2* 


18  LIFE    OF 

clinations  have  taken  =part  in  this  debate.  However,  believe 
me,  my  doubts  and  hopes  have  agreed  to  make  you  their  ar 
biter,  and  there  is  a  rule  of  submission  entered  in  the  court  of 
conscience.  I  am,  dear  Sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

'  GOUVERNEUR    MoRRIS.' 

To  this  letter  his  friend  replied  as  follows. 

York,  February  25th,  1772. 


1  My  Dear  Gouverneur, 

'I  take  your  letter  very  kindly,  and  so  am  bribed  on  the  side 
of  your  inclination.  I  could  write  a  long  letter  in  favor  of 
your  voyage.  There  are  volumes  upon  the  benefits  of  travel 
ling.  But  all  the  world  cannot  have  these  pleasures.  To 
some  it  would  be  useless  to  visit  distant  countries,  others  it 
would  ruin. 

'  If  you  mean  to  adorn  your  character,  I  say,  go.  But 
considering  your  time  of  life,  and  the  country  you  go  to,  I 
tremble  at  every  step  you  are  to  take.  Much  depends  upon 
your  fortune.  I  have  at  times  repented  my  confinement  to 
these  shores.  I  correct  myself  again  upon  reflecting,  that  if 
my  industry  had  not  been  incessant,  I  might  have  been  a  beg 
gar,  or  compelled  to  drudge,  which  is  the  same  thing,  in  an 
evening  hour,  while  those  I  sat  out  with  are  singing  a  requiem 
to  their  souls. 

*  Our  end  is  happiness.  Vv  iuiout  flattery  (for  I  am  serious) 
you  can  support  a  reputation  in  your  own  country,  sufficient  to 
add  to  what  you  have,  both  by  business,  marriage,  &c.  Your 
travels  will  affect  the  funds  you  possess,  and  ii  they  increase 
your  knowledge,  perhaps  they  will  proportionably  abate  your 
industry.  I  foresee  it  is  /-  ^  or  never.  It  ofm  happens  that 
we  are  driven  to  the  choice  of  one  of  two  things,  when  we 
desire  both.  I  dare  say  you  want  both  a  wife  and  an  estate. 
You  have  at  least  ir;d  desires  for  both.  Some  take  a  wife  and 
trust  to  fortune  for  future  prosperity,  and  they  have  not  been 
disappointed.  But  hew  many  others  are  in  misery,  by  ventur 
ing  upon  this  leap  -? 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  19 

'Your  reason  for  travelling  to  make  friends  puts  me  in  rnind 
of  what  I  have  said.  I  suppose  you  are  to  return,  for  what 
American  stands  a  chance  on  the  other  side  of  the  water  ? 
And  what  is  there  on  this  side  worth  your  acceptance,  until 
age  has  made  you  indolent,  and  ostentatious  pride  gets  the 
better  of  active,  and  generous,  and  noble  ambition  ? 

i  I  wish  you  had  already  shot  the  Gulph.  I  fear  to  persuade 
you  to  the  attempt.  Remember  your  uncle  Robin.*  He 
saw  England  thrice.  No  man  had  better  advantages,  either 
from  nature  or  education.  He  began  to  figure  with  £30,000. 
He  did  not  leave  £5000.  I  know  others  that  never  saw  the 
east  side  of  the  great  lake,  who  had  no  other  friends  than 
their  own  heads  and  their  hands,  to  whom  your  uncle  was 
in  bonds.  What!  Virtus  post  nummos^  Curse  on  inglori 
ous  wealth.  Spare  your  indignation.  I  too  detest  the  igno 
rant  miser.  But  both  virtue  and  ambition  abhor  poverty,  or 
they  are  mad.  Rather  imitate  your  grandfather,!  than  your 
uncle.  The  first  sought  preferment  here,  and  built  upon  his 
American  stock.  The  other  there,  and  died  the  moment 
before  the  shipwreck.  Is  it  not  an  Apostle,  who  warns  us 
against  the  sin  that  easily  besets  us  ?  If  this  is  not  inspiration, 
it  is  good  sense.  Find  out  yours. 

1  Upon  the  whole,  I  must  refe-r  you  to  your  mother.  She 
must  spare  a  great  deal  before  you  can  resolve  with  prudence. 
And  when  the  guineas  lay  at  your  feet,  think!  think!  think! 
I  love  you  wiih  great  sincerity,  or  I  should  not  be  so  much 
puzzled. 

SMITH.' 


From  the  tenor  of  his  friend's  hints  in  this  letter,  (for  ad 
vice  it  can  hardly  be  called)  it  is  evident  that  serious  obstacles 
stood  in  the  way  of  his  contemplated  voyage.  Further  reflec 
tion  doubtless  brought  them  in  a  stronger  light  to  his  own  mind, 


*  Robert  Hunter  Morris. 

f  Lewis  Morris,  Governor  of  New  Jersey, 


20  LIFE    OF 

and  made  him  contented  to  abandon  his  plans,  or  at  least  to 
defer  the  execution  of  them  to  a  better  opportunity.  We  hear 
no  more  about  them,  but  find  him  for  the  three  next  years 
closely  devoted  to  his  profession,  not  sitting  idly  lu  his  <  iiice 
waiting  for  the  tide  of  accident  or  the  special  favor  of  friends 
to  bring  employment  within  his  doors,  but  in  the  steady  labor 
of  an  active  and  respectable  practice. 

One  of  the  important  causes  in  which  he  was  engagr 
that  of  a  contested  election,  in  Westchester  county,  where  he 
had  JVIr  Jay  for  an  opponent.  It  involved  principles  of  evi 
dence,  questions  about  the  right  of  suffrage  as  then  exercised, 
and  a  complication  of  facts,  local  and  general,  which  gave  full 
scope  for  the  display  of  legal  knowledge  and  forensic  skill. 
He  was  also  licensed  as  an  attorney  in  New  Jersey.  But  the 
records  of  a  young  lawyer's  practice  afford  slender  materials 
for  biography.  I  shall  forbear  to  analyze,  as  I  have  forborne 
to  peruse,  the  bundles  of  briefs,  notes,  references,  forms,  skel 
etons  of  arguments,  and  fragments  of  opinions,  which  afford  a 
monument  of  his  industry  and  toil,  during  this  period,  as  no 
doubt  they  do  of  his  learning  and  talents.  The  following  let 
ter  to  Mr  Penn,  of  Philadelphia,  and  his  lady,  contains  matter 
of  a  different  cast,  and  shows  that  his  mind  occasionally  made 
excursions  beyond  the  rigid  purlieus  of  the  law. 

'  New  York,  January  7th,  1774. 

<  Dear  Sir, 

'  I  arn  confident  you  will  not  attribute  my  silence  to  a  want 
of  respect  or  regard,  for  I  am  sure  you  have  a  better  opin 
ion  of  me  than  to  imagine  I  should  fail  in  either  towards  you. 
In  good  truth,  I  know  of  nothing  worth  your  attention.  News 
we  have  not  any,  at  least  not  more  than  the  gazettes  will  pro 
mulgate  to  the  listening  ear  of  attentive  inquiry.  I  beg  Mr 
Rivingston's*  pardon  for  encroaching  on  his  style.  Politics  I 
dislike,  and  only  look  on  with  pity,  while  the  madness  of  so 


*  Publisher  of  a  Newspaper  in  New  York. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  21 

many  is  made  the  gain  of  so  few,  exclaiming  with  poor  Ham 
let,  "  What's  Hecuba  to  him,  or  he  to  Hecuba?"  Religion — the 

very   word  demands  respect,  and,  as  B says  of  his  wife, 

"  1  speak  of  her  with  reverence."  Love — as  dull  as  a  tale 
twice  told.  Friendship — gone  to  pay  Astrsea  a  visit:  her  vo 
taries  so  few  that  the  world  knows  them  not.  Business — it 
has  so  transformed,  and  transmigrated,  and  almost  transubstan 
tiated  me,  as  hardly  to  leave  the  memory  of  what  I  was.  But 
you  are  not  a  son  of  care  ;  smoothly  then  may  your  minutes 
flow.  May  the  table  of  life  be  spread  before  you  with  uncloy- 
ing  variety ;  and  chiefly  may  you  be  free  from  that  listless 
vacuity  of  mind,  which  admonishes  us  that  man  was  intended 
for  an  active  being.  Pray  how  does  that  honest  man  of  the 
heroic  age,  General  Lee  ?  I  suppose  he  gave  a  loud  plaudit 
to  the  Boston  wights.  Here  follows  a  word  to  Mrs  Penn. 

'  Dear  Madam, 

1  What  a  terrible  life  do  I  lead.  Worse  than  at  Philadel 
phia.  There  I  was  all  night  up  it  is  true,  but  it  was  in  com 
pany,  making  merry.  Here  up  all  night  writing,  and  like  his 
grace  the  Duke  of  C.  "  nobody  with  me  but  myself."  Pity 
it  is  you  are  not  here — balls,  concerts,  assemblies — all  of  us 
mad  in  the  pursuit  of  pleasure.  Not  a  pause.  Grave  phizes 
are  grinned  out  of  countenance,  prudence  kicked  out  of  doors, 
and  your  sober,  solid,  sedate  friend,  (myself  meaning)  is  be 
come  the  butt  of  unfledged  witlings.  Mr  Griffin  is  here. 
How  does  your  neighbor's  family  ?  Bless  us,  what  a  foolish 
question.  You  live  at  too  great  a  distance  to  know.  Lady 
Dunmore  is  here — a  very  elegant  woman.  She  looks,  and 
speaks,  and  moves,  and  is,  a  lady.  Her  daughters  are  fine, 
sprightly,  sweet  girls.  Goodness  of  heart  flushes  from  them 
in  every  look.  How  is  it  possible,  said  that  honest  soul  our 
Governor  to  me,  how  is  it  possible  my  Lord  Dunmore  could  so 
long  deprive  himself  of  those  pleasures  he  must  enjoy  in  such 
a  family  ?  When  you  see  them  you  will  feel  the  full  force  of 
this  observation. 


22  LIFE    OF 

1  Let  me  beg  you  to  make  my  respects  acceptable  to  your 
family,  and  to  believe  that  I  am  really  your  friend, 

1  GOUVERNEUR    MoRRIS.' 

* 

When  the  news  of  the  act  of  Parliament  for  shutting  up  the 
port  of  Boston  reached  New  York  from  England,  it  created  a 
strong  sensation  there,  as  it  did  throughout  America,  for   al 
though  the  bill  was  intended  only  to  operate  against  the  town  of 
Boston,  yet  it  was  designed  as  a  punishment  to  the  inhabitants 
of   that  place,  on  account  of  the  spirited  resistance  they  had 
made  to  the  oppressive  acts  of  the  British  government,  the  prin 
ciples  of  which  were  equally  dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  all 
the  colonies.     A  letter  was  forthwith  despatched  by  express  to 
the  Committee  of  Correspondence  in  Boston,    assuring  them 
of  the   general  indignation  against  this    measure,  and  that   a 
meeting  of  the  citizens  would  be  immediately  calkd  to  give'  a 
public  testimony  of  their  sentiments,  and  of  their  determination 
to    make   common  cause   with  the  people  of  Boston.*     The 
meeting  was  summoned  by  a  public  notice,  and  a  large  con 
course  assembled.     The  tories,  as  the  adherents  of  the  Minis 
try  were  called,  and  the  moderate  men  of  wealth  and  charac 
ter,  came  to  the  meeting   with  the  view  of  counteracting  the 
efforts  of  the  warm  partizans  of  opposition,   and  having  pre 
viously  concerted   matters  together,  they   expected  to  give  a 
turn  to  the  proceedings  suited  to  their  purpose.     They   had 
even  gone    so  far  as  to   make  out  the  list  of  a  committee, 
who  should  be  appointed  to  consider  the  affair  of  the  Boston 
Port  Bill,  the  immediate  cause  of  this  commotion.     But  this 
was    discovered    by   Sears    in    time   to    thwart  their     plans, 
He  proposed  that  no  lists  should  be   presented,   but  that  the 
committee  should  be  appointed    by  nominations   on  the  spot. 
This  was  carried,  and  the  committee  consisted   of  a   nearly 


*This  letter  was  signed  by  Captain  Sears  and  Alexander  McDou- 
gall,  (afterwards  general  Me  Dougall,)  who  were  the  earliest  and 
most  zealous  leaders  in  the  ranks  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty  in  New  York. 


GOUVERNEUR  MORR13.  23 

equal   number  of  both  parties,  but  with  a  preponderance  on 
the  liberal  side.* 

Mr  Morris  was  present  at  this  meeting,  and  on  the  next  day 
he  wrote  an  account  of  it  to  his  friend  Mr  Penn,  together  with 
some  of  his  c  ,vn  opinions  on  the  political  aspect  of  the  times. 

'  New  York,  May  20th,  1774. 

'Dear  Sir, 

{  You  have  heard,  and  you  will  hear,  a  great  deal  about 
politics,  and  in  the  heap  of  chaff  you  may  find  some  grains  of 
good  sense.  Believe  me,  Sir,  freedom  and  religion  are  only 
watch  words.  We  have  appointed  a  Committee,  or  rather  we 
have  nominated  one.  Let  me  give  you  the  history  of  it.  It 
is  needless  to  premise,  that  the  lower  orders  of  mankind  are 
more  easily  led  by  specious  appearances,  than  those  of  a 
more  exalted  station.  This  and  many  similar  propositions  you 
know  better  than  your  humble  servant. 

'  The  troubles  in  America  during  Grenville's  administration 
put  our  gentry  upon  this  finesse.  They  stimulated  some  dar 
ing  coxcombs  to  rouse  the  mob  into  an  attack  upon  the  bounds 
of  order  and  decency.  These  fellows  became  the  Jack  Cades 
of  the  day,  the  leaders  in  all  riots,  the  belwethers  of  the  flock. 
The  reason  of  the  manoeuvre  in  those,  who  wished  to  keep  fair 
with  government,  and  at  the  same  time  to  receive  the  incense 
of  popular  applause,  you  will  readily  perceive.  On  the  whole, 
the  shepherds  were  not  much  to  blame  in  a  politic  point  of 
view.  The  belwethers  jingled  merrily,  and  roared  out  liberty, 
and  property,  and  religion,  and  a  multitude  of  cant  terms, 


*  The  idea  of  a  general  Congress  of  delegates  from  all  the  colonies 
was  also  brought  forward  and  insisted  on.  The  multitude  fell  in  with 
it,  and  the  ministerialists,  finding  it  in  vain  to  resist  the  torrent,  signi 
fied  their  acquiescence.  A  letter  was  accordingly  written  to  the  Com 
mittee  of  Boston  on  the  subject.  Although  the  proposal  fora  general 
Congress  had  begun  to  be  talked  of  by  individuals,  it  is  believed  that 
this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  it  was  promulgated  by  any  pub 
lic  assemblage. 


24  LIFE    OF 

which  every  one  thought  he  understood,  and  was  egregiously 
mistaken.  For  you  must  know  the  shepherds  kept  the  dic 
tionary  of  the  day,  and  like  the  mysteries  of  the  ancient  my 
thology,  it  was  not  for  profane  eyes  or  ears.  This  answered 
many  purposes ;  the  simple  flock  put  themselves  entirely  un 
der  the  protection  of  these  most  excellent  shepherds.  By  and 
bye  behold  a  great  metamorphosis,  without  the  help  of  Ovid  or 
his  divinities,  but  entirely  effectuated  by  two  modern  genii,  the 
god  of  ambition  and  the  goddess  of  faction.  The  first  of 
these  prompted  the  shepherds  to  shear  some  of  their  flock, 
and  then,  in  conjunction  with  the  other,  converted  the  bel- 
wethers  into  shepherds.  That  we  have  been  in  hot  water 
with  the  British  Parliament  ever  since,  every  body  knows. 
Consequently  these  new  shepherds  had  their  hands  full  of  em 
ployment.  The  old  ones  kept  themselves  least  in  sight,  and  a 
want  of  confidence  in  each  other  was  not  the  least  evil  which 
followed.  The  port  of  Boston  has  been  shut  up.  These 
sheep,  simple  as  they  are,  cannot  be  gulled  as  heretofore.  In 
short,  there  is  no  ruling  them  ;  and  now,  to  leave  the  metaphor, 
the  heads  of  the  mobility  grow  dangerous  to  the  gentry,  and 
how  to  keep  them  down  is  the  question.  While  they  corres 
pond  with  the  other  colonies,  call  and  dismiss  popular  assem 
blies,  make  resolves  to  bind  the  consciences  of  the  rest  of 
mankind,  bully  poor  printers,  and  exert  with  full  force  all  their 
other  tribunitial  powers,  it  is  impossible  to  curb  them. 

'  But  art  sometimes  goes  farther  than  force,  and  therefore  to 
trick  them  handsomely  a  committee  of  patricians  was  to  be 
nominated,  and  into  their  hands  was  to  be  committed  the  maj 
esty  of  the  people,  and  the  highest  trust  was  to  be  reposed  in 
them  by  a  mandate,  that  they  should  take  care,  quod  respub- 
lica  non  capiat  injuriam.  The  tribunes,  through  want  of  a 
good  legerdemain  in  the  senatorial  order,  perceived  the  fi 
nesse,  and  yesterday  I  was  present  at  a  grand  division  of  the 
city,  and  there  I  beheld  my  fellow  citizens  very  accurately 
counting  all  their  chickens,  not  only  before  any  of  them  were 
hatched,  but  before  above  one  half  of  the  eggs  were  laid.  In 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS, 

short,  they  fairly  contended  about  the  future  forms  of  our  gov 
ernment,  whether  it  should  be  founded  upon  Aristocratic  or 
Democratic  principles. 

'I  stood  in  the  balcony,  and  on  my  right  hand  were  ranged 
all  the  people  of  property,  with  some  few  poor  dependants, 
and  on  the  other  all  the  tradesmen,  &c.  who  thought  it  worth 
their  while  to  leave  daily  labor  for  the  good  of  the  country.  The 
spirit  of  the  English  Constitution  has  yet  a  little  influence  left, 
and  but  a  little.  The  remains  of  it,  however,  will  give  the 
wealthy  people  a  superiority  this  time,  but  would  they  secure 
it,  they  must  banish  all  schoolmasters,  and  confine  all  knowl 
edge  to  themselves.  This  cannot  be.  LThe  niob  begin  to 
think  and  to  reason.  Poor  reptiles  !  it  is  with  them  a  vernal 
morning,  they  are  struggling  to  cast  off  their  winter's  slough, 
they  bask  in  the  sunshine,  and  ere  noon  they  will  bite,  depend 
upon  it.  The  gentry  begin  to  fear  this.  Their  committee  will 
be  appointed,  they  will  deceive  the  people,  and  again  forfeit  a 
share  of  their  confidence.  And  if  these  instances  of  what 
with  one  side  is  policy,  with  the  other  perfidy,  shall  continue 
to  increase,  and  become  more  frequent,  farewell  aristocracy. 
I  see,  and  I  see  it  with  fear  and  trembling,  that  if  the  disputes 
with  Britain  continue,  we  shall  be  under  the  worst  of  all  possi 
ble  dominions.  We  shall  be  under  the  domination  of  a  riot 
ous  mob. 

c  It  is  the  interest  of  all  men,  therefore,  to  seek  for  reunion 
with  the  parent  state.  A  safe  compact  seems  in  my  poor 
opinion  to  be  now  tendered.  Internal  taxation  to  be  left  with 
ourselves.  'The  right  of  regulating  trade  to  be  vested  in  Brit 
ain,  where  alone  is  found  the  power  of  protecting  it.  I  trust 
you  will  agree  with  me,  that  this  is  the  only  possible  mode  of 
union.  Men  by  nature  are  free  as  the  air.  When  they  enter 
into  society,  there  is,  there  must  be,  an  implied  compact,  for 
there  never  yet  was  an  express  one,  that  a  part  of  this  freedom 
shall  be  given  up  for  the  security  of  the  remainder.  But  what 
part?  The  answer  is  plain.  The  least  possible,  considering 
the  circumstances  of  the  society,  which  constitute  what  may 

VOL.    J.  3 


£6  LIFE  OF 

be  called  its  political  necessity.  And  what  does  this  political 
necessity  require  in  the  present  instance  ?  Not  that  Britain 
should  lay  imposts  upon  us  for  the  support  of  government,  nor 
for  its  defence.  Not  that  she  should  regulate  our  internal  po 
lice.  These  things  affect  us  only.  She  can  have  no  right  to 
interfere.  To  these  things  we  ourselves  are  competent.  But 
can  it  be  said,  that  we  are  competent  to  the  regulating  of 
trade?  The  position  is  absurd,  for  this  affects  every  part  of 
the  British  Empire,  every  part  of  the  habitable  earth.  If 
Great  Britain,  if  Ireland,  if  America,  if  all  of  them,  are  to 
make  laws  of  trade,  there  must  be  a  collision  of  these  different 
authorities,  and  then  who  is  to  decide  the  vis  major  *?  To 
recur  to  this,  if  possible  to  be  avoided,  is  the  greatest  of  all 
great  absurdities. 

'  Political  necessity  therefore  requires,  that  this  power 
should  be  placed  in  the  hands  of  one  part  of  the  empire.  Is 
it  a  question  which  part  ?  Let  me  answer  by  asking  another. 
Pray  which  part  of  the  empire  protects  trade  ?  Which  part 
of  the  empire  receives  almost  immense  sums  to  guard  the 
rest  ?  And  what  danger  is  in  the  trust  ?  Some  men  object, 
that  England  will  draw  all  the  profits  of  our  trade  into  her 
coffers.  All  that  she  can,  undoubtedly.  But  unless  a  rea 
sonable  compensation  for  his  trouble  be  left  to  the  merchant 
here,  she  destroys  the  trade,  and  then  she  will  receive  no 
profit  from  it. 

'  If  I  remember,  in  one  of  those  kind  letters  with  which  you 
have  honored  me,  you  desire  my  thoughts  on  matters  as  they 
rise.  How  much  pleasure  I  take  in  complying  with  your  re 
quests  let  my  present  letter  convince  you.  If  I  am  faulty  in 
telling  things,  which  you  know  better  than  I  do,  you  must  ex 
cuse  this  fault,  and  a  thousand  others  for  which  I  can  make  no 
apology.  I  am,  Sir,  &c. 

1  GOUVERNEUR    MoRRIS.' 

In  another  paper  written  about  the  same  time,  he  under 
takes  to  state  on  what  terms  he  supposes  a  reconciliation  be- 


GOUV^RNEUR    MORRIS.  27 

tween  the  mother  country  and  the  colonies  might  be  effected. 
He  thinks  '  taxation1  the  chief  bar,  and  that  in  everything  else 
the  colonies  would  be  willing  to  yield  a  supremacy,  reserving  at 
the  same  time  to  their  own  legislatures  the  disposal  of  the  sums 
levied  within  them  respectively  for  the  regulation  of  trade,  du 
ties,  and  customs.  '  What  will  the  Americans  accept  ?  To 
answer  this  question,  let  the  state  of  the  two  countries  be  con 
sidered.  I  build  on  three  facts  ;  first,  that  reunion  between  the 
two  is  essential  to  both,  I  say  essential]  secondly,  that  in  every 
state  there  must  be  of  necessity  one  legislature,  which  is  su 
preme  ;  thirdly,  that  in  every  society  the  members  have  an 
antecedent  right  to  the  utmost  liberty,  which  can  be  enjoyed 
consistent  with  the  general  safety.  Is  taxation  an  unalienable 
branch  of  the  supreme  legislature  ?  Reason  and  experience 
both  tell  us  that  it  is  not.  The  King  of  France  might  invest 
his  parliaments  with  this  right,  and  yet  be  supreme  in  every 
other  instance.  In  all  governments  there  must  be  trust  some 
where,  and  there  would  be  no  temptation  to  tyrannize,  I  be 
lieve,  when  the  right  of  taxation  is  ceded.  Nor  will  I  men 
tion  the  dernier  resort,  because  I  think  government  should  be 
founded  on  stationary  and  not  revolutionary  principles.' 

He  mentions  also  a  plan  of  '  uniting  the  whole  continent  in 
one  grand  legislature,'  and  thinks  such  a  scheme  would  be  for 
tunate,  if  practicable,  but  he  looks  upon  it  as  hopeless,  both 
from  the  opposition  which  would  be  made  to  it  by  persons  al 
ready  in  power  on  the  one  hand,  and  by  the  Americans  on 
the  other,  since  its  tendency  would  be  to  give  greater  influence 
to  the  crown,  diminish  the  importance  of  each  colony,  and 
restrain  the  democratic  spirit,  which  the  constitutions  and 
local  circumstances  of  the  country  had  so  long  fostered  in  the 
minds  of  the  people. 


28  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  II. 

POLITICAL     STATE    OF    THE    AMERICAN    COLONIES    AT     THE     OPENING    OF   THZ 
REVOLUTION. ORGANIZATION     OF    THE     FIRST    FORMS    OF    GOTERNMENT. 

COMMITTEES  OF  THE  PEOPLE. FIRST  PROVINCIAL  CONVENTION  AND  CON 
GRESS  OF  NEW  YORK. MODES  OF  ELECTION. PART  TAKEN  BY  MR  MOR 
RIS  IN  THE  FIRST  CONGRESS. — ASPECT  OF  POLITICAL  OPINIONS  IN  THE 

CONGRESS    AND    IN   THE   COLONY. MEANS   OF    RAISING    MONEY. MR 

MORRIS'S  PLAN. 

WE  are  now  coming  to  a  period  in  Mr  Morris's  life,  when 
we  can  begin  to  trace  his  progress  with  more  distinctness  and 
precision.  The  great  event  of  a  final  separation  between 
the  British  government  and  the  colonies  was  now  approaching, 
and  he  was  destined  to  act  a  commanding  part  in  the  drama 
that  followed.  We  have  found  him  writing -to  his  friend,  that 
he  '  disliked  politics/  little  anticipating  probably  that  this  dis 
like  would  be  so  soon  conquered,  and  that  a  large  portion  of 
his  future  life  would  be  passed  amidst  the  most  stirring  scenes 
of  political  change  and  excitement.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  impressions  of  his  youth,  or  the  bias  of  his  opinions  in  the 
incipient  stages  of  the  threatening  storm,  he  betrayed  no  hesi 
tancy  when  the  crisis  came,  but  united  promptly  and  cordial 
ly  with  the  supporters  of  his  country's  claims,  and  from  that 
moment  to  the  end  of  the  contest  he  stood  in  the  front  ranks  of 
those  most  distinguished  for  their  patriotism,  fortitude,  and 
constancy. 

The  American  colonies,  during  the  three  first  years  of  the 
revolution,  presented  a  phenomenon  in  the  political  world,  of 
which  there  is  no  example  in  the  history  of  nations.  Twelve 
governments,  which  had  hitherto  existed  independent  of  each 
other,  and  alike  subordinate  to  a  superior  power,  all  at  once 
and  as  if  by  common  consent,  threw  off  their  alle  giance  to  tha 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  29 

power,  and  assumed  to  themselves  the  perilous  task  of  self 
government,  at  the  fearful  hazard  of  distraction  and  anarchy 
among  themselves,  and  of  receiving  on  their  heads  the  weight 
of  vengeance  prepared  by  their  former  masters,  as  a  punish 
ment  of  their  disobedience  and  revolt.  No  condition  of  hu 
man  affairs  could  be  more  critical  or  alarming.  The  social 
and  political  compact  was  absolutely  resolved  into  its  first  ele 
ments,  and  it  remained  with  each  individual  in  these  wide 
spread  communities  to  determine  in  what  manner,  and  on 
what  terms,  he  would  consent  to  renew  this  compact,  and 
what  sacrifices  he  would  make  of  his  private  interests  and 
personal  independence  for  the  general  good. 

The  marvellous  success,  which  attended  the  experiment  of 
erecting  a  new  fabric,  and  the  union  of  feeling  and  effort, 
which  contributed  to  its  strength  and  durability,  can  only  be 
accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  the  sense  of  wrong  was  univer 
sally  felt,  that  the  burden  of  oppression  rested  heavily  upon  all, 
and  that  common  suffering  and  danger  kindled  a  spirit  of  uni 
ted  resolution,  which,  from  whatever  motive  it  might  first  orig 
inate,  rose  speedily  to  the  lofty  tone  of  self  denial  and  patriot 
ism.  But  however  we  may  explain  causes,  the  results  will 
not  be  the  less  extraordinary,  and  the  formation  of  the 
American  Republics  must  ever  be  a  theme  of  wonder  to  those, 
who  judge  of  social  organizations  by  the  annals  of  past  expe 
rience,  and  in  all  future  time  it  must  constitute  a  novel  chapter 
in  the  history  of  mankind. 

This  is  not  the  place  to  unfold  the  principles,  or  state  the 
facts,  by  which  events  so  remarkable  were  brought  to  pass. 
As  the  subject  of  this  memoir,  however,  was  a  prominent  act 
or  in  the  revolutionary  movements,  which  gave  rise  to  these 
events,  I  shall  not  be  thought  to  wander  from  the  province  of 
biography,  if  I  introduce  such  a  view  of  particulars,  and  such 
a  train  of  observations,  as  will  conduct  the  reader  to  a  just  es 
timate  of  the  part  he  sustained.  Mr  Morris  was  a  member  of 
the  first  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York,  which  was  con 
vened  in  the  spring  of  1775,  and  he  continued  a  member  of 
3* 


30  LIFE    OF 

that  body  under  its  various  names,  of  Congress,  Convention,, 
and  Committee  of  Safety,  with  the  exception  of  a  short  period, 
for  nearly  three  years,  till  he  went  to  the  Continental  Congress. 
Some  preliminary  remarks  are  requisite  to  explain  the  basis, 
on  which  this  new  representative  government  of  New  York 
was  founded. 

And  here  It  must  be  kept  in  mind,  that  wherever  the  power 
of  Great  Britain  was  thrown  off  or  disavowed,  all  political  con 
trol  passed  by  its  natural  course  into  the  hands  of  the  people. 
No  man,  or  body  of  men,  had  authority  to  command  any  other 
body  of  men  or  individual;  equality  of  rights  produced  an 
equality  of  condition  ;  and  the  structure  of  government  could 
only  be  raised  on  the  strength  of  powers  delegated  anew  to 
certain  persons,  for  this  special  purpose,  by  the  willing  voice  of 
the  people,  whom  circumstances  had  made  the  sole  arbiters  of 
their  own  political  destiny.  Hence  the  primary  movement 
was  to  bring  the  people  to  understand  their  interests  and  act 
in  concert,  and  the  first  means  used  to  attain  this  end  was  the 
establishment  of  Committees  of  Correspondence  in  different 
parts  of  the  country.  These  committees  were  chosen  by 
the  people  in  towns,  counties,  parishes,  districts,  or  smaller 
neighborhoods.  They  were  entrusted  with  certain  powers, 
which  enabled  them  to  correspond  with  each  other,  and  to 
represent  in  some  sort  the  political  views  and  objects  of  their 
constituents.  So  necessary  was  this  system  in  itself,  and  so 
well  adapted  to  promote  the  general  welfare,  that  it  was 
acceded  ta  everywhere,  and  in  a  short  time  committees  were 
so  universally  appointed  throughout  the  colonies,  that  the 
friends  of  liberty  had  speedy  and  direct  channels  open  with 
each  other  in  every  part  of  the  continent.  This  increased 
their  mutual  intelligence,  gave  them  confidence  and  encour 
agement,  harmonized  their  sentiments,  and  sowed  the  seeds  of 
union. . 

But  these  committees  in  many  instances  had  a  more  impor 
tant,  trust  and  that  was  the  power  of  electing  deputies  to 
meet  the  deputies  of  other  committees  for  the  purpose  o<f 


GOUVERNEUK    MORRIS.  31 

consulting  on  matters,  which  concerned  them  in  common. 
This  power  was  delegated  to  them  by  the  people  when  they 
were  chosen,  and  in  the  Middle  and  Southern  colonies  it  was 
exercised  on  numerous  occasions.  In  the  New  England 
colonies  the  committees  possessed  extensive  powers,  but  these 
did  not  extend  to  elections,  which  were  held  by  the  people  at 
large  in  towns,  according  to  the  old  method.* 

The  delegates  to  the  first  Continental  Congress  were  chosen 
in  different  ways.  In  Massachusetts  and  some  other  colonies 
they  were  appointed  by  the  regular  Assemblies,  apparently 
without  any  specific  powers  for  this  object  from  the  people, 


*  In  Massachusetts  at  first  there  were  commonly  three  committees 
chosen  in  each  town; — 1.  A  Committee  of  Correspondence; — 2.  A 
Committee  of  Inspection; — '3.  A  Committee  of  Safety. 

It  was  the  business  of  the  first  committee  to  to  forward  intelligence, 
apprize  the  community  of  danger,  and  concert  measures  of  public 
good.  The  second  was  employed  to  take  cognizance  of  the  imports  of 
goods  into  town  and  country,  to  prevent  the  sale  of  tea,  to  detect  and 
expose  the  violation  of  the  non-importation  agreement,  and  the 
association.  The  third  was  a  kind  of  executive  body,  whose  duty  it 
was  to  watch  over  the  safety  of  the  community,  the  internal  police, 
and  the  welfare  of  society,  at  a  time  when  law  was  prostrate,  and 
there  was  no  remedy  against  disorder  and  confusion.  All  these 
committees  were  empowered  to  take  up  persons  suspected  of  hostile 
sentiments  to  the  liberties  of  the  country. 

In  February,  1776,  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  resolved, 
that  these  committees  should  be  united  into  one,  called  the  Committee 
of  Correspondence,  Inspection,  and  Safety,  and  chosen  annually  by  the 
towns.  This  committee  possessed  all  the  powers  of  the  other  three, 
and  was  authorized  in  addition  to  execute  the  resolves,  directions,  and 
recommendations  of  the  legislature,  or  rather  to  see  that  no  one  violat 
ed  them,  giving  notice  to  higher  powers  when  such  violation  in  any 
extraordinary  case  occurred.  The  charge  of  confiscated  property 
was  also  entrusted  to  this  committee.  They  had  power  to  send  for 
persons  and  papers,  to  call  together  the  military  force  of  the  town, 
to  take  charge  of  prisoners  of  war,  and  carry  laws  against  lories  into 
effect. 

These  committees  were  generally  obeyed,  but  sometimes  there  was 
an  appeal  from  their  decision  to  the  legislature. 


32  LIFE    OF 

although  it  was  well  known  that  they  acted  in  accordance  witi- 
the  popular  voice.  In  other  colonies  the  delegates  were 
chosen  by  a  convention  of  committees,  elected  by  the  people 
for  this  specified  purpose.  And  again  they  were  chosen  by 
committees  in  their  individual  capacities,  as  in  New  York, 
where  the  committee  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York 
first  chose  a  certain  number  of  deputies,  and  the  same  appoint 
ments  were  afterwards  approved  by  the  other  committees  in 
the  colony. 

But  in  every  method  of  election,  whether  to  offices  of  a 
higher  or  lower  rank,  the  principle  was  the  same.  The  lead 
ers  were  cautious,  that  the  power  should  actually  and  visibly 
come  from  the  people,  and  it  is  not  likely,  that  in  a  single 
elective  body  on  the  continent  there  was  an  instance  of  a 
member's  taking  his  seat,  without  exhibiting  a  well  authenti 
cated  certificate  that  he  was  duly  chosen.  To  this  careful 
attention  to  the  rights  of  the  people,  this  seeming  endeavor  to 
cause  all  the  first  springs  of  government  to  proceed  from 
them,  may  be  ascribed,  more  than  to  any  other  reason,  their 
confidence  in  the  rulers  of  their  choice,  and  their  invariable 
submission  to  their  decrees.  In  this  respect  the  wisdom  of 
the  governors  and  the  moderation  of  the  governed  are  equally 
worthy  of  admiration,  and  whoever  would  search  for  the  cause 
of  the  singular  unanimity,  which  prevailed  in  the  sentiments 
and  acts  of  the  nation,  when  all  the  world,  influenced  by  the 
example  of  history,  was  looking  for  discord  and  dissolution, 
will  find  it  in  this  judicious,  uniform,  and  systematic  manage 
ment  of  the  elections,  from  the  first  moment  that  all  power  was 
acknowledged  to  have  reverted  to  its  original  possessors  the 
people,  till  a  solid  form  of  government  was  established.  And 
we  may  probably  go  further  and  say,  that  it  is  to  the  security 
given  by  this  form  to  the  elective  franchise,  and  the  well  bal- 
lanced  principles  by  which  it  is  regulated,  that  we  owe  its 
present  stability  and  successful  operation.  Put  this  in  dan 
ger,  or  derange,  or  curtail  it,  and  we  should  soon  experience  the 
fate  of  other  republics,  whether  ancient  or  modern,  and  sink 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  33 

either  under  the  corruption  of  the  few,  or  the  licentiousness  of 
the  many,  or  both  combined. 

The  first  Provincial  Convention  of  New  York  assembled  in  • 
the  city  of  New  York  on  the  twentieth  of  April,  1775,  and 
continued  its  sittings  three  days.  It  consisted  of  forty-three 
members,  elected  from  the  different  counties,  and  empowered 
only  to  choose  delegates  to  the  second  continental  Congress, 
which  was  to  convene  in  May.  Having  executed  this  trust 
the  Convention  was  dissolved.  The  old  colonial  Assembly  had 
been  in  session  during  the  winter,  and  adjourned  on  the  third 
of  April,  never  to  meet  again.  Several  attempts  were  made 
in  it  to  bring  up  the  subject  of  the  Continental  Congress,  to 
approve  their  proceedings,  and  appoint  new  deputies.  All 
these  attempts  failed,  for  though  there  were  several  friends  of 
the  new  order  of  things  in  the  Assembly,  yet  the  majority 
were  royalists,  and  refused  to  sanction  in  any  manner  whatever 
the  movements  of  the  people.  When  this  experiment  had 
been  fairly  tried  in;  the  Assembly  without  success,  the  com 
mittee  of  the  city  of  New  York  sent  circulars  to  the  other 
committees,  advising  a  deputation  of  delegates  in  Convention, 
who  met  as  above  stated. 

These  delegates,  or  deputies,  were  chosen  in  the  city  of 
New  York  by  ward  meetings ;  in  some  of  the  other  counties 
by  the  committees  of  correspondence ;  in  others,  by  a  con 
vention  of  committees  chosen  in  different  parts  of  the  county ; 
in  others  again  the  several  towns  chose  each  a  delegate ;  in 
Orange  county  they  were  chosen  by  the  freeholders  after  the 
manner  of  the  old  elections.*  Each  member  produced  in 


*  In  Westchester  county  several  gentlemen,  to  whom  circulars  had 
been  sent,  met  at  the  White  Plains.  They  there  agreed  to  send  letters 
to  the  principal  freeholders  in  the  county,  recommending  a  general 
meeting  of  the  freeholders  to  take  the  sense  of  the  people  on  the  expe 
diency  of  sending  deputies  to  a  Convention  for  choosing  delegates  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  requesting  each  person  to  whom  a  circulai 
was  Written  to  notify  all  the  freeholders  in  his  district  to  meet  at  the 


34  LIFE    OF 

the  Convention  a  certificate  of  his  election.  In  New  York 
the  certificate  was  signed  by  the  vestrymen  of  the  wards ;  in 
other  cases  by  the  chairmen  of'  committees,  moderators  and 
clerks  of  town  meetings,  or  by  judges  and  justices.  « 

The  day  after  this  Convention  separated,  that  is,  on  the 
twenty-third  of  April,  the  news  of  the  battle  at  Lexington 
reached  New  York,  and  created  there,  as  in  every  other  part 
of  the  country,  the  strongest  agitation  in  the  minds  of  the  peo 
ple.  The  ensigns  of  war  had  been  unfurled,  the  blood  of 
innocent  citizens  shed,  and  indignation  for  so  wanton  an  out 
rage,  mingled  with  alarming  apprehensions  for  the  future, 
roused  the  public  feeling  to  the  highest  pitch  of  excitement. 
The  committee  of  New  York  city  convened,  and  resolved 
that  a  Provincial  Congress  ought  speedily  to  be  assembled, 
who  should  take  into  their  hands  the  government  of  the  colo 
ny,  prepare  for  defence  against  hostile  invasion,  and  provide 
for  the  exigencies  of  the  time.  A  circular  letter  was  des 
patched  to  the  several  committees  in  the  colony,  recommend 
ing  an  election  of  delegates  to  meet  in  a  Provincial  Congress, 
to  consider  and  execute  such  measures,  as  might  be  essential 
to  the  common  safety.  '  The  distressed  and  alarming  situation 
of  our  country,'  say  the  committee,  '  occasioned  by  sanguin 
ary  measures  adopted  by  the  British  .Ministry,  to  enforce 
which,  the  sword  has  been  actually  drawn  against  our  breth- 


White  Plains  on  a  specified  day.  They  met  accordingly,  and  chose 
their  deputies.  But  there  were  present  at  the  meeting,  as  the  records 
affirm,  '  an  inconsiderable  number  of  persons,  who  declared  that  they 
would  not  join  in  the  business  of  the  day,  nor  have  anything  to  do 
with  deputies  and  congresses,  but  that  they  came  there  for  the  sole 
purpose  of  protesting  against  such  illegal  and  unconstitutional  pro 
ceedings.' 

There  were  many  loyalists  in  Westchester  county,  and  those  who 
took  this  mode  of  protesting  were  perhaps  prompted  to  it.  by  the  man 
ner  in  which  the  circular  to  the  freeholders  was  worded,  in  which  it 
was  declared,  '  that  they  who  did  not  appear  and  vote  on  that  day 
would  be  presumed  to  acquiesce  in  the  sentiments  of  the  majority  of 
those  who  should  vote,' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS  35 

ren  in  Massachusetts,  threatening  to  involve  this  continent  in 
all  the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  obliges  us  to  call  for  the  united 
aid  and  counsel  of  the  colony  at  this  dangerous  crisis.' 

The  conimittee  at  the  same  time  drew  up  a  paper  in  the 
form  of  an  association,  to  be  signed  by  the  inhabitants  at  large, 
in  which,  after  declaring  themselves  '  persuaded,  that  the  sal 
vation  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  America  depend,  under 
God,  on  the  firm  union  of  its  inhabitants  m  a  vigorous  prose 
cution  of  the  measures  necessary  for  its  safety,  and  convinced 
of  the  necessity  of  preventing  the  anarchy  and  confusion,  which 
attend  a  dissolution  of  the  powers  of  government,'  they  re 
solve  *  in  the  most  solemn  manner  never  to  become  slaves, 
and  to  associate,  under  all  the  ties  of  religion,  honor,  and  love 
to  their  country,  to  adopt  and  endeavor  to  carry  into  execution 
whatever  measures  may  be  recommended  by  the  Continental 
Congress,  or  resolved  upon  by  the  Provincial  Convention,  for 
the  purpose  of  preserving  their  constitution,  and  opposing  the 
execution  of  the  several  arbitrary  and  oppressive  acts  of  the 
British  Parliament,  until  a  reconciliation  between  Great  Britain 
and  America,  on  constitutional  principles,  which  is  most  ar 
dently  desired,  can  be  obtained.'  Thus  stimulated  there  was 
no  delay  with  the  committees  in  appointing  delegates  to  the 
proposed  Congress,  and  they  met  in  New  York  on  the  22d  of 
May.  The  mode  of  election  was  nearly  the  same  as  in  the 
preceding  Convention.  Eighty-one  members  were  returned, 
of  whom  about  seventy  attended.  Among  this  number  were 
Richard  Montgomery  of  Dutchess  country,  afterwards  the  im 
mortal  hero  of  Quebec,  and  Gouverneur  Morris,  elected  from 
the-  county  of  Westchester.  Thus  in  three  weeks  from  the 
time  when  the  circular  letters  were  written  from  New  York, 
the  elections  had  been  completed,  and'  the  members  were  all 
at  their  post. 

The  first  act  of  the  Congress,  after  organizing  themselves, 
was  to  decide  on  their  rules  of  proceeding.  The  most  impor 
tant  of  these  was  the  plan  of  voting,  which  they  adopted.  It 
was  agreed  that  all  questions  should  be  determined  by  a  ma- 


36  LIFE    OF 

jority  of  the  votes  of  the  counties  represented,  and  that  the 
votes  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York  should  be  consid 
ered  as  four,  the  city  and  county  of  Albany  three,  and  each 
of  the  other  counties  two.  This  scheme  was  adopted  on 
the  principle,  that  each  county  should  vote  nearly  in  the  ratio 
of  its  comparative  importance,  in  regard  to  its  populatiou 
and  wealth.  Had  the  representation  been  perfect,  then  a  vote 
from  each  member  would  have  produced  the  same  result,  but 
since  there  was  no  limit  to  the  number  of  members  from  each 
county,  this  mode  of  voting  was  the  only  one,  which  could 
approach  to  an  equitable  standard. 

A  similar  method,  and  for  similar  reasons,  was  pursued  in 
the  Continental  Congress,  even  till  the  new  Constitution  was 
adopted.  The  ratio  there,  however,  was  less  equitable  than  in 
the  case  of  New  York,  because  each  State,  whether  large  or 
small,  had  but  a  single  vote,  without  any  reference  to  its  con 
sequence  in  the  scale  of  the  Union  as  estimated  by  extent, 
population,  and  property.  Much  was  said  in  those  days,  as 
in  times  more  recent,  about  state  rights  and  state  sovereign 
ty,  and  this  indulgence  to  the  small  States,  of  being  on  a  par 
in  the  national  councils  with  the  large  ones,  was  considered  by 
them  as  a  recognition  of  their  sovereignty,  and  hard  was  their 
struggle  in  parting  with  this  token  of  supremacy  by  the  organ 
ization  of  the  House  of  Representatives  on  its  present  footing. 
The  happy  device  of  preserving  a  similitude  of  the  same  fea 
ture  in  the  Senate  procured  a  tardy  acquiescence,  but  time 
only  has  completed  the  work  of  reconciliation. 
"*  When  the  Provincial  Congress  was  organized,  a  motion  was 
made,  seconded  by  Gouverneur  Morris,  leading  to  a  resolu 
tion  that  implicit  obedience  ought  to  be  rendered  to  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  the  general  regu 
lation  of  the  associated  colonies.  But  the  tone  of  the  new  as 
sembly  was  more  fully  discovered,  when  it  was  moved  to  pass 
a  vote  approving  the  proceedings  of  the  late  Continental  Con 
gress,  The  motion  was  debated,  and  at  length  deferred  for 
future  consideration.  From  this  result  it  was  evident,  that 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  37 

there  was  a  wavering  spirit  if  not  a  decided  tory  interest  in 
the  Assembly. 

At  this  stage  of  affairs  very  few  persons  anywhere,  and 
perhaps  none  in  New  York,  contemplated  a  separation  from 
the  mother  country.  A  redress  of  grievances,  on  such  terms 
as  should  restore  and  secure  the  rights  and  liberties  of  Ameri 
ca,  was  all  that  was  looked  for,  even  by  the  most  zealous  of 
those  engaged  in  concerting  measures  of  resistance  against  the 
oppressive  acts  of  the  British  Parliament.  A  few  keen  sight 
ed  men,  who  had  watched  the  course  of  events  more  critical 
ly,  it  may  be,  had  other  views,  and  were  prepared  from  the 
beginning  to  go  all  lengths,  believing  the  hazard  to  be  war 
ranted  by  the  chance  of  success.  If  there  were  any  such, 
their  number  was  small,  and  they  deemed  it  prudent  not  to 
make  a  public  display  of  the  tokens  of  their  presentiments  and 
hopes. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  revolution,  and  perhaps  throughout 
the  contest,  the  British  had  more  friends  in  the  colony  of  New 
York,  than  in  any  other  part  of  the  continent.  This  may  be 
ascribed  to  several  causes.  In  the  first  place,  there  was  a 
large  number  of  landed  proprietors  and  wealthy  families,  who 
naturally  felt  a  greater  security  for  their  property  under  an  es 
tablished  order  of  things,  than  could  be  expected  in  the  com 
motions  and  risks  of  a  change.  Again,  the  Johnsons,  father 
and  sons,  who  had  dwelt  for  many  years  as  Indian  agents  on 
the  fontiers,  and  were  noted  for  their  loyalty,  possessed  a  strong 
influence  over  the  inhabitants  of  those  regions,  and  for  some 
time  after  the  troubles  commenced,  the  people  west  of  Albany 
were  much  infected  with  tory  principles  and  tendencies. 
Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  and  even  the  city  of  New  York 
and  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  below  the  Highlands,  w(ere  so 
much  exposed  to  hostile  attacks  in  case  of  war,  and  so  little 
capable  of  defence,  that  the  common  dictates  of  nature  would 
incline  the  people  to  the  safer  side,  and  make  them  tardy  in 
throwing  off  allegiance  to  a  power,  whose  effects  they  could 
neither  resist  nor  escape. 
VOL.  i.  4 


38  LIFE    OF 

But  notwithstanding  the  tone  of  sentiment,  which  we  have 
seen  to  prevail  in  this  first  Provincial  Congress,  the  members 
agreed,  as  it  would  seem  by  a  unanimous  vote,  to  subscribe  the 
Association,  and  they  recommended  the  same  to  all  the  county 
committees  and  their  constituents.  They  likewise  instructed 
the  committees  to  return  to  the  Congress  the  names  of  all 
persons,  who  should  neglect  or  refuse  to  sign  the  Association  ; 
but  at  the  same  time  they  added,  that  no  coercive  steps  ought 
to  be  used,  as  the  propriety  of  the  measure,  the  example  of  the 
other  colonies,  and  the  necessity  of  union,  were  presumed  to 
be  sufficient  arguments. 

Among  the  first  subjects  of  deliberation  in  the  Congress 
was  the  means  of  raising  money  to  defray  the  expense  of  mil 
itary  preparations,  and  other  arrangements,  for  separate  gov 
ernment  and  defence.  Mr  Morris  was  one  of  the  committee 
for  devising  a  plan,  and  it  is  understood  that  an  able  and  elab 
orate  report  presented  by  them  to  the  Congress  was  from  his 
pen.  The  report  sets  out  with  the  position,  that  the  crisis  of 
affairs  demanded  an  extraordinary  supply  of  money  from 
some  quarter,  and  that  this  supply  could  not  be  raised  by  tax 
ation.  An  emission  of  a  paper  currency,  therefore,  opened 
the  only  way  of  meeting  the  difficulty,  and  the  question  to  be 
settled  was,  in  what  manner  this  could  most  easily  be  effected. 
After  a  series  of  remarks  on  the  pecuniary  condition  and  re 
sources  of  the  colony,  and  the  general  operations  of  a  paper 
medium,  three  methods  are  suggested  in  the  report,  by  which 
such  a  currency  might  be  put  in  circulation. 

1  First,  that  every  colony  should  strike  for  itself  the  sum  ap 
portioned  by  the  Continental  Congress. 

1  Secondly,  that  the  Continental  Congress  should  strike  the 
whole  sum  necessary,  and  each  colony  become  bound  to  sink 
its  proportionable  part ;  or, 

1  Thirdly,  that  the  Continental  Congress  should  strike  the 
whole  sum,  and  apportion  the  several  shares  to  the  different 
colonies,  each  colony  becoming  bound  to  discharge  its  own 
particular  part,  and  all  the  colonies  to  discharge  the  part,  which 
any  particular  colony  shall  be  unable  to  pay.' 


GOUVERNETJR    MORRIS.  39 

These  several  methods  were  examined,  their  respective  ad 
vantages  compared,  and  the  committee  decided  in  favor  of 
the  last,  as  giving  a  more  certain  credit  to  the  currency,  secur 
ing  a  wider  circulation,  and  presenting  a  new  bond  of  union  to 
the  associated  colonies,  by  creating  a  common  interest  in  the 
property  of  the  circulating  medium,  and  a  common  responsi 
bility  for  its  final  redemption.  The  report  was  throughout 
patriotic,  founded  on  liberal  views  of  the  great  cause  in  which 
the  friends  of  liberty  in  every  part  of  America  were  engaged, 
and  tinged  with  no  local  partialities  inconsistent  with  the  good 
of  the  whole. 

When  it  was  read  and  received,  a  day  was  fixed  for  its 
being  resumed,  and  on  motion  of  Mr  Morris  it  was  agreed,  that 
the  doors  should  be  open  on  that  day,  and  the  merchants  and  •*-*• 
others  of  the  city  and  colony  invited  to  attend  and  hear  the 
debates.  It  was  discussed  accordingly  in  presence  of  a  throng 
ed  audience,  and  Mr  Morris's  speech  on  that  occasion  was 
listened  to  with  admiration,  and  looked  upon  as  an  extraordi 
nary  display  of  argument  and  eloquence  in  a  young  man  of 
twenty-three.  The  knowledge  he  manifested  of  a  most  intri 
cate  subject,  which  is  seldom  mastered  by  years  of  experience, 
the  force  of  his  reasoning,  the  ingenuity  of  his  illustrations,  a 
manner  at  once  dignified  and  persuasive,  an  elocution  smooth 
and  unembarrassed,  confidence  in  his  own  powers,  and  a 
deep  sense  of  the  importance  of  his  subject,  all  these  con 
spired  to  quicken  his  energies  and  strengthen  his  efforts,  till 
he  found  his  way  to  the  hearts  of  his  hearers,  and  carried 
captive  their  understandings.  It  was  a  day  of  glory  and  aus 
picious  moment  to  the  young  orator,  long  remembered  and 
treasured  up  in  the  minds  of  the  people,  as  a  precursor  of  fu 
ture  success  and  eminence.* 


*  Judge  Benson  has  written  a  short  sketch  of  the  character  of 
Gouverneur  Morris,  from  which  the  following  passage  is  taken.  '  The 
subject,  which  more  than  any  other  occupied  the  Provincial  Congress 
in  1775,  was  a  paper  currency,  our  only  money  sinew  of  war.  Mr  Mor- 


40  LIFE    OF 

The  report  was  adopted  without  amendment  or  change., 
and  ordered  to  be  forwarded  to  the  delegates  of  the  colony 
in  the  Continental  Congress,  with  a  letter  drafted  hy  the  com 
mittee  of  correspondence.*  It  was  left  to  the  discretion  of 
the  delegates,  who  were  desired  to  introduce  such  parts  of  it 
to  the  notice  of  Congress,  as  they  should  think  advisable.  It 
should  moreover  be  kept  in  mind,  that  this  discussion  oc 
curred  some  weeks  before  the  subject  was  taken  up  by  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  it  is  but  fair  to  presume,  that 
the  hints  contained  in  the  New  York  report,  and  commu 
nicated  through  the  delegates  of  that  colony,  operated  as 
important  aids  in  arranging  the  plan,  which  was  afterwards 
adopted  by  the  representatives  of  the  nation,  and  which 
agreed  in  its  main  features  with  the  suggestions  of  the  report. 


ris  appeared  to  have  comprehended  it  throughout,  and  as  it  were  by 
intuition.  He  advanced  and  maintained  opinions  new  to  all.  There 
was  none  who  did  not  ultimately  perceive  and  acknowledge  them  to 
be  just.  They  have  since  become  familiar.'  Judge  Benson  was  at 
that  day  a  contemporary  with  Mr  Morris,  and  an  ardent  associate  in 
the  same  general  cause.  He  had  been  a  member  of  the  Convention 
then  lately  held  for  selecting  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress. 

*Soon   after   the  meeting  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  a  Committee"" 
of  Correspondence  was  appointed,  of  whom  Mr  Morris  was  chairman. 
It  was  their  duty  to  take  charge  of  letters  received  from  other  public 
bodies  and  individuals,  and  draft  replies,  as  well  as  to  write   letters 
originating  in  the  Congress. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  41 


CHAPTER  III. 

INDIAN  DISTURBANCES  ON  THE  FRONTIERS. — GUY  JOHNSON'S  LETTER 
AND  THE  REPLY  OF  THE  CONGRESS. — INTERCEPTED  CORRESPOND 
ENCE  OF  GENERAL  GAGE. — PREPARATIONS  FOR  MILITARY  DEFENCE. 

PROJECT    OF    THE    CONGRESS    FOR  A  CONCILIATION    WITH    ENGLAND. 

MR    MORRIS'S    MODIFICATION. BURKE's    CORRESPONDENCE  WITH    THE 

'L  ASSEMBLY  OF  NEW  YORK. — CEREMONY  ON  THE  OCCASION  OF  GENERAL 
WASHINGTON'S  PASSING  THROUGH  NEW  YORK  TO  TAKE  COMMAND 
OF  THE  ARMY. 

HARDLY  had  the  Provincial  Congress  convened,  when  in 
telligence  was  received  of  threatened  troubles  with  the  Indi 
ans  on  the  frontiers,  through  the  influence  of  Colonel  Guy 
Johnson,  superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs,  who  resided  in  Try- 
on  rcounty.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  the  mayor  and  corporation 
of  Albany,  which  was  forwarded  to  the  Congress  in  New 
York,  and  in  which  he  utters  both  complaints  and  threaten- 
ings.  t  As  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  country,'  he  ob 
serves,  '  are  objects  that  every  good  man  should  have  at 
heart,  I  think  it  highly  necessary  to  acquaint  you,  that  for  a 
few  days  I  have  been  put  to  the  great  trouble  and  expense  of 
fortifying  my  house,  and  keeping  a  large  body  of  men  for  the 
defence  of  my  person,  having  received  repeated  accounts  that 
either  the  New  Englanders,  or  some  persons  in  or  about  the 
city  of  Albany,  or  town  of  Schenectady,  are  coming  up  to 
seize  and  imprison  me,  on  a  ridiculous  and  malicious  report, 
that  I  intend  to  make  the  Indians  destroy  the  inhabitants,  or  to 
that  effect.'  And  then,  after  mentioning  the  absurdity  of  this 
report,  and  the  pains  he  had  taken  to  quiet  the  Indians,  and 
preserve  tranquillity  on  certain  occasions,  he  adds;  'In  dis 
charging  this  duty  I  likewise  essentially  served  the  public,  but 
should  I  neglect  myself,  and  be  tamely  made  prisoner,  it  is 
4*  ' 


42  LIFE    OF 

clear  to  all  who  know  anything  of  the  Indians,  that  they  will 
not  sit  still  and  see  their  council  fire  extinguished,  and  their 
superintendent  driven  from  his  duty,  but  will  come  upon  the 
frontiers  in  revenge  with  a  power  sufficient  to  commit  horrid 
devastations.'  He  closes  his  letter  by  requesting,  that  such 
measures  may  be  taken  by  the  proper  authorities  as  will  re 
move  suspicions,  and  leave  him  to  the  honest  exercise  of  his 
office,  without  the  necessity  of  keeping  armed  men  around 
him  for  his  protection. 

To  this  letter  the  Congress  replied  as  follows,  on  the  third 
of  June. 

:  At  a  time  when  the  American  subjects  on  this  extensive 
continent  are  almost  with  one  voice  and  united  effort  nobly 
exerting  themselves  in  the  glorious  cause  of  liberty,  and  en 
deavoring  to  reconcile  the  unnatural  and  unhappy  differences 
between  the  parent  state  and  these  colonies,  upon  permanent 
and  constitutional  principles,  we  cannot  help  lamenting  that 
we  have  received  disagreeable  accounts  from  your  quarter, 
that  there  are  individuals  officiously  interrupting  the  mode  and 
measures  conceived  necessary  to  bring  about  these  salutary 
purposes. 

(  On  the  one  hand,  you  may  depend  upon  it,  that  we  shall 
discourage  and  discountenance  every  attempt  against  your 
person  and  property,  and  shall  use  our  utmost  endeavors  to 
render  them  safe  and  secure ;  but  on  the  other  hand,  we  ex 
pect  you  will  not  counteract  any  of  the  measures  expedient  for 
the  common  weal  recommended  by  the  Continental  or  Provin 
cial  Congress,  or  by  the  committees  formed  or  to  be  formed. 
Should  you  take  so  unfriendly  a  part,  we  cannot  answer  for 
the  consequences  ;  on  the  contrary,  if  you  and  our  Indian 
brethren  do  not  interfere  in  this  controversy,  you  may  promise 
yourselves  all  the  protection  that  this  House  can  afford  you. 
The  dispute  is  become  so  serious  now,  that  we  cannot  silently 
permit  our  plans  to  be  frustrated  by  our  own  countrymen.' 

It  does  not  appear,  that  any  attempts  were  made  by  an 
armed  force  to  seize  or  molest  the  superintendent,  and  his 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  43 

fears,  mingled  perhaps  with  some  slight  chidings  of  conscience 
on  his  part,  that  he  had  been  over  zealous  in  what  he  called 
his  official  duty,  were  the  only  grounds  of  his  alarm.  The 
part  he  chose  to  take  with  the  Indians,  is  shown  in  a  letter 
from  the  Reverend  Samuel  Kirkland  to  the  committee  of 
Albany,  dated  at.  Cherry  Valley,  on  the  ninth  of  June.  Mr 
Kirkland  had  been  for  many  years  a  laborious  and  faithful 
missionary  among  the  Oneida  Indians,  understood  their  lan 
guage  and  character  perfectly,  and  was  greatly  beloved  by  them. 

'  I  am  much  embarrassed,'  says  he,  c  at  present.  You  have 
doubtless  heard  that  Colonel  Johnson  has  orders  from  govern 
ment  to  remove  the  dissenting  missionaries  from  the  Six  Na 
tions,  till  the  difficulties  between  Great  Britain  and  the  colo 
nies  are  settled  ;  in  consequence  of  which  he  has  forbidden  my 
return  to  my  people  at  Oneida.  He  has  since  given  encour 
agement,  that  I  may  revisit  them,  after  the  Congress  is  closed  ; 
but  to  be  plain,  I  have  no  dependance  at  all  on  his  promises 
of  this  kind.  He  appears  unreasonably  jealous  of  me,  and  has 
forbidden  my  speaking  a  word  to  the  Indians,  and  threatened 
me  with  confinement  if  I  transgress.  All  he  has  against  me  I 
suppose  to  be  a  suspicion,  that  I  have  interpreted  to  the 
Indians  the  doings  of  the  Continental  Congress, '  which  has 
undeceived  them,  and  too  much  opened  their  eyes  for  Colonel 
Johnson's  purposes.  I  confess  to  you,  gentlemen,  that  I 
have  been  guilty  of  this,  if  it  be  a  transgression.  The  Indians 
found  out  that  I  had  received  the  abstracts  of  said  Congress, 
and  insisted  upon  knowing  the  contents.  I.  could  not  deny 
them,  notwithstanding  my  cloth,  though  in  all  other  respects  I 
have  been  extremely  cautious  not  to  meddle  in  matters  of  a 
political  nature.  1  apprehend  that  my  interpreting  the  doings 
of  the  Congress  to  a  number  of  their  sachems  has  done  more 
real  good  to  the  cause  of  the  country,  or  the  cause  of  truth  and 
justice,  than  five  hundred  pounds  in  presents  would  have 
effected.' 

About  the  same  time  the  New  York  Congress  received 
a  letter  from  the  Provincial  Congress  of  South  Carolina, 


44  LIFE    OF 

signed  by  William  Henry  Drayton,  Arthur  Middleton,  Charles 
Coteswprth  Pinckney  and  others,  enclosing  a  curious  intercept 
ed  letter  from  General  Gage  to  Governor  Martin  of  North 
Carolina.  '  We  are  to  thank  you,'  say  the  above  gentlemen, 
(  for  your  intelligence  of  the  fifth  ultimo,  and  do  most  heartily 
congratulate  you  upon  that  proper  spirit,  which  now  appears 
in  your  colony.  The  apprehension  of  a  defection  in  you, 
which  we  are  happy  to  find  was  unjustly  formed,  occasioned 
in  us,  and  must  undoubtedly  have  given  to  all  America,  inex 
pressible  anxiety,  and  at  the  same  time  have  encouraged  the 
Ministry  to  proceed  in  their  measures,  as  a  proof  of  the  confi 
dence,  which  our  enemies  placed  in  you.'  The  intercepted  let 
ter  from  General  Gage  to  Governor  Martin  was  dated  at  Bos 
ton,  April  twelfth,  that  is,  six  days  before  the  affair  at  Lexing 
ton,  and  was  in  the  words  following. 
'Sir, 

'  Your  letter  of  the  16th  of  March  I  have  had  the  pleasure 
to  receive,  and  am  glad  to  hear  that  many  of  the  people 
in  your  province  are  beginning  to  find  they  have  been  misled, 
and  that  they  seem  inclined  to  disengage  themselves  from  the 
arbitrary  power  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and  of  their 
committees.  I  wish  I  could  say  as  much  for  the  people  of 
this  province,  who  are  more  cool  than  they  were,  but  their 
leaders,  by  their  arts  and  artifices,  still  keep  up  that  seditious 
and  licentious  spirit,  that  has  led  them  on  all  occasions  to  op 
pose  government,  and  even  to  acts  of  rebellion.  The  late  ac 
counts  from  England  have  embarrassed  their  councils  much. 
They  have  applied  to  the  New  England  governments,  and 
doubtless  will  to  those  at  the  southward,  to  assist  them,  but  I 
hope  the  madness  of  the  latter  is  wearing  off,  and  that  they 
will  get  no  encouragement  from  thence. 

'  This  province  has  some  time  been,  and  qow  is,  in  the  new 
fangled  legislature,  termed  a  Provincial  Congress,  who  seem 
to  have  taken  the  government  into  their  hands.  What  they 
intend  to  do  Icannot  pretend  to  say,  but  they  are  much  puz 
zled  how  to  act.  Fear  in  some,  and  a  want  of  inclination 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  45 

in  others,  will  be  a  great  bar  to  their  coming  to  extremities, 
though  their  leaders  use  every  measure  to  bring  them  into  the 
field.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &;c. 

<  THOMAS  GAGE.' 

There  is  not  probably  on  record  a  more  remarkable 
document  than  this  letter,  as  showing  to  what  degree  the 
British  rulers  in  this  country  were  ignorant  of  the  state  of 
opinion  among  the  people,  and  the  spirit  with  which  they 
were  animated.  From  such  sources  how  was  it  possible, 
that  the  nation  or  the  Ministry  in  England  should  be  cor 
rectly  informed,  or  have  any  just  conceptions  of  the  true  con 
dition  of  affairs  in  America?  By  this  letter  we  may  judge 
of  the  tenor  of  General  Gage's  despatches  to  his  government, 
upon  which  they  were  to  found  their  decisions  and  adopt 
their  measures.  Almost  while  he  was  writing,  '  that  fear  and 
want  of  inclination'  would  prevent  the  Americans  from  '  coming 
to  extremities,'  they  met  in  the  field  a  large  detachment  of  the 
British  army  at  Lexington  and  Concord,  and  two  months  af 
terwards  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  was  fought ;  and  the 
'  ne\v-fans;led  legislature,'  puzzled  as  they  were,  had  assem 
bled  and  organized  a  force  sufficient  to  shut  up  the  British 
commander  and  all  his  troops  within  the  lines  of  Boston.* 
In  addition  to  their  correspondence  with  other  colonies,  the 


*  In  the  public  offices  in  London  I  have  been  favored  with  the  pe 
rusal  of  all  the  original  despatches  of  General  Gage  to  the  government, 
while  he  had  command  of  the  British  forces  in  Boston,  and  it  is  per 
haps  enough  to  say.  that,  in  their  general  spirit  and  character,  they  ac 
cord  very  exactly  with  this  letter  to  the  Governor  of  North  Carolina. 
General  Gage  seems  to  have  deceived  himself  at  all  points,  and  to 
have  been  unaccountably  ignorant  of  the  state  of  public  feeling  and 
opinion  in  the  colonies,  and  of  the  progress  that  was  making  in  the 
preparations  for  union  and  resistance.  The  Ministry  depended  on  the 
information  communicated  by  him,  and  laid  their  plans  accordingly. 
After  knowing  the  nature  and  substance  of  his  communications, 
the  wonder  at  the  extraordinary  measures  pursued  during  the  first 
stages  of  the  contest  is  much  diminished. 


t* 

46  LIFE    OF 

Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  steadily  pursued  their  de 
liberations,  devising  such  means  of  defence  as  the  time  and 
circumstances  would  allow,  and  adhered  promptly  to  all  the 
recommendations  of  the  Continental  Congress.  Encourage 
ments  were  proposed  for  erecting  powder  mills,  a  boumy  of 
five  pounds  was  offered  for  every  hundred  pounds  of  powder 
manufactured  in  the  colony,  and  twenty  pounds  for  every  hun 
dred  muskets  over  and  above  the  regular  market  price  of  these 
articles.  Resolves  were  passed  for  fortifying  the  Highlands, 
and  the  positions  about  Kingsbridge,  and  committees  appoint 
ed  to  examine  the  grounds,  and  report  a  system  of  operations. 
Philip  Schuyler  and  Richard  Montgomery  were  unanimously 
nominated,  the  first  as  a  Major  General,  and  the  second  as 
a  Brigadier,  in  the  army  of  the  continent,  and  these  nomina 
tions  were  confirmed  by  the  national  Congress. 

The  want  of  money  was  severely  felt,  and  seemed  to  threat 
en  a  stop  to  every  movement.  This  afforded  an  opportunity  for 
the  members  to  strengthen  their  confidence  with  the  people, 
by  exhibiting  a  proof  of  patriotism,  commonly  the  last  that  will 
bear  a  severe  test.  The  Assembly  in  its  corporate  character 
had  a  dubious  credit,  which  could  untie  few  purse  strings,  and 
on  several  occasions  the  members  pledged  themselves,  in  their 
individual  names,  as  security  for  money  borrowed.  Loan 
offices,  or  rather  subscription  funds,  were  opened  by  the  coun 
ty  committees,  and  small  sums  were  raised  in  this  way  on 
the  credit  of  the  government,  but  they  were  rather  the  contri 
butions  of  sanguine  zeal,  than  the  aids  of  confident  expecta 
tion.  These  embarrassments  were  at  length  relieved,  by  the 
emission  of  the  continental  currency,  and  its  distribution  among 
the  colonies. 

A  subject,  which  occupied  more  than  any  other  the  atten 
tion  of  the  New  York  Congress,  and  which  seems  to  have 
been  considered  by  them  the  most  important  that  came  under 
their  notice,  was  a  plan  of  reconciliation  with  England.  No 
doubt  was  expressed,  none  was  probably  entertained,  that 
such  a  plan  must  at  last  be  fallen  upon,  which  would  meet  the 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  47 

views  of  both  parties,  and  they  thought  it  necessary  to  com 
pare  and  mature  their  sentiments  on  a  matter  of  such  vital  in 
terest,  that,  when  the  proper  time  should  arrive,  they  might 
be  ready  to  act  with  decision  and  promptness.  By  a  for 
mal  resolve,  however,  at  the  outset,  they  disavow  any  inten 
tion  to  interfere  with  the  General  Congress  in  this  respect, 
and  declare  their  only  purpose  to  be,  that  of  ascertaining  the 
united  sentiments  of  their  own  body,  and  communicating  them 
for  the  use  of  their  delegates. 

After  these  preliminaries,  a  committee  was  appointed  to 
draft  and  report  a  plan.  Of  this  committee  Mr  Morris  was  a 
member,  as  he  was  indeed  of  almost  every  committee  for  gen 
eral  and  weighty  objects.  When  the  report  came  before  the 
House,  it  was  examined  minutely,  and  debated  article  by  article, 
apparently  in  a  spirit  of  concession  and  harmony.  Mr  Mor 
ris  took  an  active  and  leading  part  in  the  debates,  and  some 
important  features  were  introduced  at  his  instance.  At  last, 
on  the  27th  of  June,  when  the  field  of  discussion  had  been 
traversed  in  every  direction,  numerous  amendments  proposed, 
some  adopted  and  others  rejected,  the  plan  assumed  its  final 
shape,  and  the  Congress  of  New  York  resolved,  that  they 
were  prepared  to  settle  all  differences  with  Great  Britain  on 
the  following  terms. 

el.  That  all  the  statutes  and  parts  of  statutes  of  the 
British  Parliament,  which  are  held  up  for  repeal  by  the  late 
Continental  Congress  in  their  Association,  dated  the  twentieth 
day  of  October,  1774,  and  all  the  statutes  of  the  British  Par 
liament,  passed  since  that  day,  restraining  the  trade  and  fishery 
of  the  colonies  on  this  continent,  ought  to  be  repealed. 

c  2.  That  from  the  necessity  of  the  case,  Britain  ought 
to  regulate  the  trade  of  the  whole  empire  for  the  general 
benefit  of  the  whole,  and  not  for  the  separate  interest  of 
any  particular  part,  and  that,  from  the  natural  right  of  proper 
ty,  the  powers  of  taxation  ought  to  be  confined  to  the  colo 
ny  legislatures  respectively. 

'  3.     Therefore,  that  the  moneys  raised  as  duties  on  the 


48  LIFE    OF 

regulations  of  trade  ought  to  be  paid  into  the  respective  colo 
ny  treasuries,  and  be  subject  to  the  disposal  of  their  deputies. 

'  4.  That  in  those  colonies,  whose  representatives  in  gen 
eral  assembly  are  now  chosen  for  a  greater  term  than  three 
years,  such  assemblies  ought  in  the  future  not  to  exceed  that 
term. 

'  5.  That  the  colonists  are  ready  and  willing  to  support 
the  civil  government  within  the  respective  colonies,  and  on 
proper  requisitions  to  assist  in  a  general  defence  of  the  empire, 
in  as  ample  a  manner  as  their  respective  abilities  will  admit. 

'  6.  That  if  objections  be  made,  that  a  resort  to  a  vari 
ety  of  colony  legislatures  for  general  aids  is  inconvenient, 
and  that  large  unappropriated  grants  to  the  crown  from  Amer 
ica  would  endanger  the  liberty  of  the  empire  ;  then, 

*  7.  The  colonies  are  willing  to  assent  to  a  continen 
tal  Congress,  deputed  from  the  several  colonies  to  meet 
with  a  president  appointed  by  the  crown,  for  the  purpose  of 
raising  and  apportioning  their  general  aids  upon  application 
made  by  the  crown,  according  to  the  advice  of  the  British  Par 
liament,  to  be  judged  of  by  the  said  Congress. 

'8.  And  as  the  free  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  conscience 
is  of  all  others  the  most  valuable  branch  of  human  liberty,  and 
the  indulgence  and  establishment  of  popery  all  along  the  inte 
rior  confines  of  the  old  Protestant  Colonies  tends  not  only  to 
obstruct  their  growth,  but  to  weaken  their  security,  that  neither 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  nor  any  other  earthly  legis 
lature  or  tribunal,  ought  or  can  interfere  or  interpose  in  any 
wise  howsoever  in  the  religious  and  ecclesiastical  concerns  of 
the  colonies. 

4  9.  That  the  colonies  respectively  are  entitled  to  a 
free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  within  themselves  res 
pectively,  in  all  cases  of  internal  polity  whatsoever,  subject 
only  to  the  negative  of  their  sovereign  in  such  manner  as  has 
been  heretofore  accustomed.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  49 

This  report  was  accompanied  with  a  resolution,  offered 
Mr  Morris,  which  provided  that  no  one  article  should  be  con 
sidered  so  essential  to  the  others,  as  to  exclude  the  idea  of 
accommodation  without  such  article,  and  that  no  part  of  the 
report  should  be  obligatory  on  the  representatives  in  the  Con 
tinental  Congress.  Hence  the  report  was  -reduced  to  a  mere 
expression  of  opinion,  which  he  avows  to  be  the  design  of  his 
resolution,  since  to  send  such  an  instrument  in  the  nature  of  in 
structions  would  embarrass  rather  than  aid  their  exertions  in 
that  body.  There  is  room  to  believe,  that  Mr  Morris  was  not 
well  satisfied  with  the  articles  themselves,  nor  with  the  project 
of  drawing  up  a  series  of  propositions,  in  the  nature  of  a  creed, 
on  this  subject  by  a  colonial  Assembly,  and  that  he  took  this 
method  of  neutralizing  any  ill  effects,  which  might  possibly 
grow  out  of  them,  if  left  in  their  original  meaning  and  pur 
pose. 

In  the  letter  to  their  delegates,  enclosing  the  above  report, 
the  Congress  write ;  '  We  must  now  repeat  to  you  the  com 
mon  and  just  observation,  that  contests  for  liberty,  fostered  in 
their  infancy  by  the  virtuous  and  wise,  become  sources  of 
power  to  wicked  and  designing  men.  Whence  it  follows,  that 
such  controversies,  as  we  are  now  engaged  in,  frequently  end 
in  the  -demolition  of  those  rights  and  privileges,  which  they 
were  instituted  to  defend.  We  pray  you,  therefore,  to  use 
every  effort  for  the  compromising  of  this  unnatural  quarrel 
between  the  parent  and  child,  and,  if  such  terms  as  you  may 
think  best  shall  not  be  complied  with,  earnestly  to  labor,  that 
at  least  some  terms  may  be  held  up,  whereby  a  treaty  shall  be 
set  on  foot  to  restore  peace  and  harmony  to  our  country,  and 
spare  the  further  effusion  of  human  blood.' 

The  representatives  in  reply,  after  acknowledging  the  re 
ceipt  of  this  letter,  with  the  enclosed  plan  of  accommodation, 
add ;  '  Deeply  sensible  of  the  calamities  of  a  civil  war,  we 
have  nothing  more  at  heart  than  to  be  instrumental  in  com 
promising  this  unnatural  quarrel  between  the  two  countries,  on 
the  solid  basis  of  mutual  justice  and  constitutional  liberty,  and 

VOL.    I.  5 


50  LIFE    OF 

the  most  strenuous  efforts  on  our  part  shall  be  exerted  with 
unremitting  ardor  to  accomplish  this  salutary  purpose.  We 
acknowledge,  with  the  utmost  gratitude,  the  deference  you  are 
pleased  to  pay  to  our  judgment,  and  your  delicacy  in  leaving 
us  unrestrained  in  a  point  of  all  others  the  most  essential  to 
yourselves  and  your  posterity,  to  the  continent  of  America,  and 
to  the  whole  British  Empire  ;  and  happy  shall  we  esteem  our 
selves,  if,  in  the  discharge  of  this  difficult  and  arduous  trust, 
we  shall  merit  your  approbation,  and  the  confidence  of  the 
country.' 

A  postscript  is  added  to  this  letter,  in  the  hand  writing  of 
Mr  Jay,  but  signed  by  all  the  delegates,  respecting  the  clause 
on  ecclesiastical  concerns.  •'  As  the  inhabitants  of  the  colo 
nies,5  say  they,  i  are  happily  united  in  a  political  creed,  we 
are  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  highly  imprudent  to  run  the 
risk  of  dividing  them  by  the  introduction  of  disputes  foreign, 
to  the  present  controversy,  especially  as  the  discussion  of  them 
can  be  attended  with  no  one  single  advantage.  They  are  points 
about  which  man  will  forever  differ,  and  therefore  should 
always,  and  at  least  in  times  like  these,  be  kept  out  of  sight. 
We  are  the  more  confirmed  in  these  sentiments  by  this  circum 
stance,  that  both  this  and  the  former  Congress  have  cautiously 
avoided  the  least  hint  on  subjects  of  this  kind,  all  the  mem 
bers  concurring  in  a  design  of  burying  all  disputes  on  ecclesi 
astical  points,  which  have  for  ages  had  no  other  tendency,  than 
that  of  banishing  peace^  and  charity  from  the  world.'  On 
these  considerations  the  delegates  state,  that  they  have  unani 
mously  agreed  to  be  silent  as  to  that  article. 

It  may  be  thought  strange,  that  any  one  should  be  alarmed 
at  the  idea  of  c  the  indulgence  and  the  establishment  of  pope 
ry,  all  along  the  interior  confines  of  the  old  Protestant  colo 
nies.'  But  this  alludes  to  a  bill,  which  had  been  recently 
passed  by  the  British  Parliament  for  the  government  of  Can 
ada,  commonly  called  the  '  Quebec  Bill,'  granting  extraor 
dinary  privileges  to  the  Catholic  clergy,  and  of  which  the 
obvious  policy  was  to  conciliate  the  Canadians  through  the 
influence  of  the  priests,  and  unite  them  against  the  other 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  51 

colonies.     The  bill  caused  much  excitement  in  England,  and 

O  ' 

its  enemies  affirmed,  that  it  made  the  Romish  church  predom 
inant  by  law  in  Canada,  and  allowed  no  more  than  a  toleration 
to  the  Protestant  faith.  To  the  people  of  New  York  the  bill 
seemed  fraught  with  special  danger,  on  account  of  their  prox 
imity  to  Canada,  and  the  long  line  of  frontiers  by  which  the 
two  provinces  were  joined.  We  hence  perceive  the  reason 
why  the  above  clause  was  introduced.* 

While  the  Congress  were  engaged  in  debating  the  scheme 
of  accommodation,  they  heard  that  General  Washington  was 
on  his  way  from  Philadelphia,  to  take  command  of  the  conti 
nental  army  at  Cambridge,  and  that  he  would  pass  through  New 
York.  A  committee  of  four  was  appointed,  of  whom  were 


*  In  the  archives  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  York,  among 
many  other  valuable  papers,  there  is  a  copy  in  manuscript  of  a  remark 
able  letter  from  Edmund  Burke,  on  the  Quebec  Bill,  written  to  the 
Assembly  of  New  York,  immediately  after  it  had  been  passed  by  Par 
liament.  Mr  Burke  was  then,  and  had  been  for  nearly  four  years 
previously,  agent  in  England  for  the  colony  of  New  York.  He 
opposed  the  bill  in  all  its  stages,  and  this  letter  contains  a  history  of  its 
progress,  and  of  his  efforts  to  prevent  its  passage. 

It  may  here  be  remarked,  that  Mr  Burke's  correspondence  with  the 
Assembly  of  New  York,  during  his  agency,  from  the  time  of  his 
appointment,  in  December,  1770,  till  the  dissolution  of  the  Assenibty,  in 
April  1775,  has  never  been  published.  Nor  indeed  is  any  part  of  it 
known  to  exist  in  the  United  States,  except  the  letter  mentioned  above. 
Could  the  whole  now  be  found  and  brought  before  the  public,  it  would 
doubtless  present  in  a  full  and  luminous  manner  the  views  of  this  able 
statesman,  on  all  the  important  topics  agitated  at  that  time  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  colonies,  and  prove  a  treasure  of  rare  worth  in 
the  historical  materials  of  the  county.  This  correspondence  has  been 
studiously  excluded  from  all  the  publications  of  his  writings  in  Eng 
land. 

Could  it  be  ascertained  what  became  of  the  papers  of  the  old  colo 
nial  Assembly,  after  its  career  was  terminated,  the  door  of  hope  might 
not  yet  be  closed  against  the  possibility  of  these  letters  being  discov 
ered,  but  this  is  a  subject  on  which  the  antiquaries  of  New  York  pro 
fess  to  be  enveloped  in  as  dark  a  mystery,  as  those  of  any  other  part  of 
the  globe.  It  should  still  be  kept  in  remembrance,  however,  especial 
ly  by  the  zealous  and  labor-loving  members  of  the  Historical  Society. 


52  LIFE    01 

General  Montgomery  and  Mr  Morris,  to  meet  the  commander 
in  chief  at  Newark,  and  recommend  to  him  the  place,  which 
they  should  deem  '  most  prudent'  for  crossing  the  Hudson. 

At  this  moment  the  Congress  was  beset  with  a  new  diffi 
culty.  Governor  Tryon  still  resided  quietly  in  New  York, 
and  was  considered,  even  by  these  representatives  of  the  peo 
ple,  as  the  legal  Governor,  although  they  took  care  not  to  obey 
his  authority,  nor  to  show  any  other  symptoms  of  allegiance, 
than  outward  respect,  and  a  vigilant  caution,  that  his  person 
should  not  be  molested.  It  so  happened,  that  at  the  very  time 
they  were  informed  of  General  Washington's  arrival  at  New 
ark,  by  a  letter  from  General  Schuyler,  they  also  heard  that 
Governor  Tryon  was  at  Paulus  Hook,  and  the  alarming  prob 
ability  was,  that  he  and  General  Washington  would  come 
together  at  that  place.  To  meet  so  ominous  a  crisis  required 
more  deliberation  and  forethought,  than  the  Assembly  had  at 
command.  But  no  time  was  to  be  lost,  and  they  resorted  to 
the  following  expedient.  c  Colonel  Jasper  was  called  in,  and 
requested  to  send  on  one  company  of  the  militia  to  Paulus 
Hook,  to  meet  the  Generals  ;  that  he  have  another  company 
at  the  side  of  the  ferry  for  the  same  purpose  ;  and  that  he 
have  the  residue  of  his  battalions  ready  to  receive  either  the 
Generals  or  Governor  Tryon,  whichever  shall  first  arrive,  and 
wait  on  both,  as  Avell  as  circumstances  will  allow.'  No  other 
embarrassment  seems  to  have  occurred ;  the  Governor  and 
the  General  spared  themselves  the  awkwardness  of  an  inter 
view  ;  and  on  the  next  day  Washington  met  the  Congress, 
according  to  a  previous  arrangement  with  Mr  Morris  and  Mi- 
Low,  when  addresses  of  congratulation  and  civility  were 
exchanged,  in  which  there  was  nothing  remarkable,  except  the 
pointed  hint  from  the  Congress  to  the  commander  in  chief, 
that,  '  when  the  contest  should  be  decided  by  an  accommoda 
tion  with  the  mother  county,  he  should  resign  the  important 
deposit  committed  to  his  hands.'  He  was  then  escorted  out 
of  the  city,  by  several  companies  of  the  militia  of  New  York, 
and  a  troop  of  light-horse,  which  had  accompanied  him  from 
Philadelphia. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  53 


CHAPTER  IV. 

TICONDEROGA. ETHAN    ALLEN STATE    OF    AFFAIRS    ON    LAKE    CHAMPLAIN. 

VISIT    OF    ALLEN    AND    WARNER    TO    THE     CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS     AND 

THE    CONGRESS    OF    NEW    YORK. AUTHORIZED    TO     RAISE    A    REGIMENT    OF 

GREEN  MOUNTAIN  BOYS. EMISSION  OF  MONEY  BY  NEW  YORK. GENER 
AL  WOOSTER  MARCHES  HIS  FORCES  TO  HAERLEM. COMMITTEE  OK 

SAFETY. ITS     ORGANIZATION     AND     POWERS. UNPOPULAR     MEASURE     OF 

ATTEMPTING    TO    SEIZE    THE    ARMS    OF     DISAFFECTED    PERSONS. AFFAIR 

WITH  THE  ARMED  SHIP  ASIA,  IN  THE  HARBOR  OF  NEW  YORK. CAP 
TAIN  SEARS. DESTRUCTION  OF  RIVINGTON's  PRINTING  PRESSES. EX 
CITEMENT  OCCASIONED  BY  THAT  ADVENTURE. 

THE  state  of  affairs  at  Ticonderoga  demanded  the  early  at 
tention  of  the  New  York  Congress.  That  fortress  had  been  ta 
ken  on  the  tenth  of  May,  by  a  small  bodv  of  forces  partly  from 
Connecticut,  partly  from  Massachusetts,  but  chiefly  from  the 
settlements  in  the  New  Hampshire  Grants,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Ethan  Allen.  It  is  true,  that  Arnold  had  set  off 
upon  the  same  adventure,  with  a  colonel's  commission  from 
the  Massachusetts  Committee  of  Safety,  then  sitting  at  Cam 
bridge,  but  he  overtook  the  party  on  its  march,  and  arrived 
only  in  time  to  quarrel  with  Allen,  by  setting  up  pretensions 
to  command  over  him,  in  virtue  of  the  new  commission,  which 
he  brought  in  his  pocket,  although  not  a  soldier  came  with 
him,  and  he  was  beyond  the  limits  of  the  power  from  which 
he  derived  his  military  rank.  Neither  Allen  nor  his  men  were 
disposed  to  acknowledge  his  authority,  and  he  went  on  with 
the  party  as  a  volunteer. 

Ticonderoga  being  within  the  bounds  of  New  York,  it 
devolved  on  the  authority  of  that  colony  to  take  it  in  custody, 
and,  in  compliance  with  a  recommendation  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  they  removed  the  cannon  and  stores  to  the  south  end 
of  Lake  George.  This  was  easily  effected,  but  they  had  no 
military  force  to  take  possession  of  the  fort,  not  a  man  as  yet 
5* 


54  LIFE    OF 

v 

having  been  raised  in  the  colony,  nor  any  arrangements  made 
for  that  object.  Arnold  and  Allen  took  possession  of  Crown 
Point  and  St  John's,  and  for  a  few  days  they  held  a  sort  of 
divided  reign  on  the  lake,  Arnold  as  commander  of  a  sloop 
and  a  schooner,  which  were  converted  into  armed  vessels,  and 
Allen  as  a  self-constituted  General  in  chief  of  the  land  forces. 
Arnold  soon  grew  dissatisfied,  and  returned  to  the  army  in 
Cambridge.  Allen  remained  at  Ticonderoga  till  the  middle  of 
June,  and  contrived  to  keep  together  a  small  force  there, 
consisting  of  volunteers  from  the  thinly  populated  regions  in 
that  neighborhood. 

The  following  extracts  of  a  characteristic  letter  from  Allen 
to  the  New  York  Congress  will  show  what  projects  he  enter 
tained,  and  will  probably  afford  some  indication  of  the  views 
of  the  people  generally  on  the  northern  frontiers. 

'  Crown  Point,  June  2d,  1775, 

£  Gentlemen, 

'  Before  this  time  you  have  undoubtedly  received  intelli 
gence,  not  only  of  the  taking  of  the  fortified  places  on  Lake 
Cham  plain,  and  also  the  armed  sloop  and  boats  therein,  and 
the  taking  possession  of  a  schooner,  which  is  the  property  o( 
IVlajor  Skene,  which  has  been  armed  and  manned,  and  of  the 
conversion  of  them,  with  a  large  train  of  artillery,  to  the  defence 
of  the  liberty  and  the  constitutional  rights  of  America.  You 
have  likewise  undoubtedly  been  informed,  that  the  expedition 
was  undertaken  at  the  special  encouragement  and  request  of  a 
number  of  respectable  gentlemen  in  the  colony  of  Connecticut. 
The  pork  forwarded  to  subsist  the  army  by  your  directions 
evinces  your  approbation  of  the  procedure ;  and  as  it  was  a 
private  expedition,  and  common  fame  reports  that  there  is  a 
number  of  overgrown  tories  in  the  province,  you  will  the  read 
ier  excuse  me  in  not  taking  your  advice  in  the  matter,  lest  the 
enterprise  might  have  been  prevented  by  their  treachery.  It 
is  here  reported,  that  some  of  them  have  been  converted,  and 
that  others  have  lost  their  influence. 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  55 

'  If  in  those  achievements  there  be  anything  honorary,  the 
subjects  of  your  government,  namely,  the  New  Hampshire  set 
tlers,  are  justly  entitled  to  a  large  share,  as  they  had  a  great 
majority  of  the  soldiery,  as  well  as  the  command,  in  making 
those  acquisitions ;  and  as  you  justify  and  approve  the  same,  I 
expect  you  already  have  or  soon  will  lay  before  the  grand 
Continental  Congress,  the  great  disadvantage  it  must  inevitably 
be  to  the  colonies  to  evacuate  Lake  Champlain,  and  give  up 
to  the  enemies  of  our  country  those  invaluable  acquisitions, 
the  key  either  of  Canada  or  of  our  own  country,  according  to 
which  party  holds  the  same  in  possession,  and  makes  a  proper 
improvement  of  it.  The  key  is  ours  as  yet,  and  provided 
the  colonies  would  suddenly  push  an  army  of  two  or  three 
thousand  men  into  Canada,  they  might  make  a  conquest  of  all 
that  would  oppose  them,  in  the  extensive  province  of  Quebec, 
unless  reinforcements  from  England  should  prevent  it.  Such 
a  division  would  weaken  General  Gage,  or  insure  us  Canada. 
I  would  lay  my  life  on  it,  that  with  fifteen  hundred  men  I 
could  take  Montreal.  Provided  I  could  be  thus  furnished,  and 
an  army  could  take  the  field,  it  would  be  no  insuparable  diffi 
culty  to  take  Quebec. 

4  This  object  should  be  pursued,  though  it  should  take  ten 
thousand  men,  for  England  cannot  spare  but  a  certain  num 
ber  of  her  troops  ;  nay,  she  has  but  a  small  number  that  are 
disciplined,  and  it  is  as  long  as  it  is  broad,  the  more  that  are 
sent  to  Quebec,  the  less  they  can  send  to  Boston,  or  any  other 
part  of  the  continent.  And  there  will  be  this  unspeakable  ad 
vantage,  in  directing  the  war  into  Canada,  that  instead  of  turn 
ing  the  Canadians  and  Indians  against  us,  as  is  wrongly  sug 
gested  by  many,  it  would  unavoidably  attach  and  connect 
them  to  our  interest.  Our  friends  in  Canada  can  never  help 
us,  until  we  first  help  them,  except  in  a  passive  or  inactive 
manner.  There  are  now  about  seven  hunded  regular  troops 
in  Canada. 

c  It  may  be  thought,  that  to  push  an  army  into  Canada  would 
be  too  premature  and  imprudent.  If  so,  I  propose  to  make  a 


56  LIFE    OP 

stand  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  which  the  French  fortified  by 
entrenchments  the  last  war,  and  greatly  fatigued  our  large  ar~ 
my  to  take  it.  It  is  about  fifteen  miles  on  this  side  of  St 
John's,  and  is  an  island  in  the  river,  on  which  a  small  artillery 
placed  would  command  it.  An  establishment  on  a  frontier, 
so  far  north,  would  not  only  better  secure  our  own  frontier,  but 
put  it  in  our  power  better  to  work  our  policy  with  Canadians 
and  Indians,  or,  if  need  be.  to  make  incursions  into  the  territory 
of  Canada,  the  same  as  they  could  into  our  country,  provided 
they  had  the  sovereignty  of  Lake  Charnplain,  and  had  erect 
ed  head  quarters  at  or  near  Skenesborough.  Our  only  hav 
ing  it  in  our  power,  thus  to  make  incursions  into  Canada,  might 
probably  be  the  very  reason,  why  it  would  be  unnecessary  so 
to  do,  even  if  the  Canadians  should  prove  more  refractory 
than  I  think  for. 

'  Lastly,  I  would  propose  to  you  to  raise  a  small  regiment 
of  rangers,  which  I  could  easily  do,  and  that  mostly  in  the 
counties  of  Albany  and  Charlotte,  provided  you  should  think 
it  expedient  to  grant  commissions,  and  thus  regulate  and  put 
them  under  pay.  Probably  you  may  think  this  an  imperti 
nent  proposal.  It  is  truly  the  first  favor  I  ever  asked  of  the 
government,  and,  if  granted,  I  shall  be  zealously  ambitious  to 
conduct  for  the  best  good  of  my  country,  and  the  honor  of  the 
government.  I  am,  Gentlemen,  &c. 

'  ETHAN  ALLEN.'* 


*  Two  days  after  this  letter  was  written,  Allen  sent  a  sort  of  pro 
clamation  into  Canada,  commencing,  *  To  our  worthy  and  respecta 
ble  Friends  and  Countrymen,  the  French  People  of  Canada,  greeting.' 
The  paper  was  signed,  '  Ethan  Allen  and  James  Easton,  at  present  the 
principal  Commanders  of  the  Army.'  Easton  was  from  Massachusetts, 
whence  he  had  led  forty-six  men,  who  assisted  at  the  capture  of  Ti- 
conderoga. 

Their  proclamation  was  intended  to  be  of  a  conciliatory  nature  to  the 
Canadians,  advising  them  to  keep  out  of  the  quarrel.  '  You  are  very 
sensible,'  say  they,  '  that  war  has  already  commenced  between  Eng- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  57 

The  temper  and  sentiments  of  this  letter  were  in  direct  oppo 
sition  to  the  views  of  the  persons,  to  whom  it  was  addressed. 
They  had  several  days  before  passed  strong  resolves,  disapprov 
ing  and  disavowing  any  hostile  intentions  against  Canada, 
and,  with  a  warmth  not  usual  in  deliberative  bodies,  had 
'  declared  to  the  world,  that  they  considered  every  such  step 
as  infamous,  and  highly  inimical  to  all  the  American  colonies,* 
and  they  appointed  a  committee,  of  whom  Gouverneur  Mor-/ 
ris  was  chairman,  to  draw  up  a  letter  to  be  sent  to  the  Canadi 
ans,  assuring  them  that  no  hostile  designs  were  entertained 
against  their  persons,  liberty,  or  property. 

The  Continental  Congress,  also,  made  a  similar  declaration, 
and  ordered  it  to  be  transmitted  to  Canada.  It  may  be  im 
agined,  therefore,  that  Ethan  Allen's  letter  met  with  no  wel 
come  reception.  And  yet,  within  two  months  and  a  half  after 
it  was  written,  a  formidable  expedition  was  ordered  into  Can 
ada,  under  the  command  of  the  brave  and  ill-fated  Mont 
gomery,  and  on  grounds  precisely  similar  to  those  stated  by 
Allen.  His  advice,  as  events  turned  out,  although  looked  up 
on  at  the  time  as  wild  and  visionary,  was  the  best  that  could 
be  followed.  Had  such  forces,  as  could  easily  have  been  gath 
ered  from  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts,  been  marched  into 
Canada  immediately  after  the  reduction  of  the  posts  on  Lake 
Champlain,  they  would  have  made  an  easy  conquest  of  the 


land  and  the  colonies.  To  fight  the  King's  troops  has  become  a 
necessary  and  incumbent  duty.  The  colonies  cannot  avoid  it. 
But  pray,  is  it  necessary  that  the  Canadians  and  the  inhabitants  of 
the  English  colonies  should  butcher  one  another  ?  God  forbid.  There 
are  no  controversies  subsisting  between  you  and  them.  Nay,  let  old 
England  and  the  colonies  fight  it  out,  and  you  Canadians  stand  by, 
and  see  what  an  arm  of  flesh  can  do.'  They  complain,  also,  that  a 
reconnoitering  party  of  four  men  had  been  attacked,  by  about  thirty 
Canadians  '  and  fired  upon  and  pursued,  till  the  reconnoitering  party 
was  obliged  to  return  the  fire.'  This  proclamation  was  sent  by  a  trusty 
messenger  to  Montreal,  with  directions  to  have  it  circulated  as  widely 
possible. 


58  LIFE    OF 

whole  province,  and  saved  the  country  from  the  disastrous  is 
sues  of  the  campaign  under  Montgomery  and  Arnold,  in  which 
courage  and  suffering,  almost  without  parallel,  served  only  to 
aggravate  the  calamities  of  defeat  and  death.  But  the  spirit 
of  the  nation  was  not  yet  ripe  for  such  a  step ;  the  lingering 
hope  of  a  speedy  accommodation  dwelt  in  the  minds  of  many  ; 
doubts,  as  to  the  result  of  a  serious  contest,  quickened  the  (ears 
and  subdued  the  resolution  of  others ;  and  all  were  satisfied, 
that  a  show  of  strong  measures,  without  unanimity  and  firmness, 
would  be  premature,  futile,  or  perhaps  dangerous  in  its  effects. 
The  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  produced  a  change  in  this  respect, 
nor  till  after  that  event  can  the  nation  be  said  to  have  confided 
in  itself,  imbibed  a  thorough  distrust  of  English  counsels,  and 
a  wavering  faith  in  the  terror  of  an  English  army. 

As  no  troops  were  raised  in  New  York,  till  some  time  after 
the  capture  of  Ticonderoga,  the  Congress  requested  the  gov 
ernment  of  Connecticut  to  send  forces  to  that  place.  In  this 
colony  the  governor  and  legislature  had,  from  the  beginning, 
acted  in  concert  with  Massachusetts.  Soldiers  had  been 
levied,  military  arrangements  formed,  and  means  provided  for 
defraying  the  expense.  This  request  of  New  York,  there 
fore,  was  immediately  complied  with,  and  on  the  thirtieth  of 
May,  Governor  Trumbull  ordered  one  thousand  men  to  march 
to  Lake  Champlain,  under  Colonel  Hinman  ;  who  arrived  at 
Ticonderoga  about  the  middle  of  June,  and  remained  in  com 
mand,  till  he  was  superseded  by  General  Schuyler,  a  month 
afterwards.  Soldiers  only  were  furnished  by  Connecticut, 
provisions  and  other  supplies  by  New  York. 

Ethan  Allen,  on  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Hinman,  found  him 
self  without  command  or  employment.  In  company  with 
Seth  Warner,  an  officer  and  associate  in  arms,  he  made  a 
visit  to  the  Continental  Congress  in  Philadelphia,  for  the 
double  purpose  of  procuring  pay  for  the  soldiers,  who  had 
been  acting  under  him,  and  authority  for  raising  a  body  of 
men,  on  the  plan  of  the  regiment  of  rangers  proposed  in  his 
letter  to  the  New  York  Congress.  Allen  and  Warner  were 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  59 

introduced  at  the  bar  of  the  Continental  Congress,  where  they 
gave  Information  of  what  had  been  done,  in  taking  and  main 
taining  the  posts  on  Lake  Champaign.  Payment  of  their 
demand  was  then  ordered,  and  a  resolution  passed,  recom 
mending  to  the  Congress  of  New  York,  on  consulting  with 
General  Schuyler,  '  to  employ  in  the  army  about  to  be  raised 
those  called  Green  Mountain  Boys,  under  such  officers  as  the 
said  Green  Mountain  Boys  should  choose.'  With  this  recom 
mendation,  Allen  and  Warner  presented  themselves  to  the 
New  York  Congress.  A  motion  to  admit  them  to  an  audi 
ence  was  debated,  which  met  with  a  good  deal  of  opposition, 
but  was  at  length  carried  by  a  small  majority. 

For  many  years  Allen  had  acted  a  bold  and  forward  part 
in  the  controversy,  which  had  been  carried  on  between  New 
York,  and  the  people  settled  in  the  New  Hampshire  Grants, 
concerning  the  title  to  those  lands,  and  the  right  of  sovereignty 
over  the  possessors.  His  zeal,  energy,  and  talent  had  made 
him  a  leader  in  that  affair,  and  the  inhabitants  were  chiefly 
guided  by  his  counsels.  He  wrote  their  addresses,  protests, 
and  appeals,  which  were  alike  remarkable  for  shrewdness, 
strong  sense,  vigor  of  thought,  and  a  defiance  of  all  the  known 
rules  of  syntax  and  orthography.  But  anomolies  in  grammar, 
and  errors  of  taste,  did  not  diminish  the  effects  of  his  unculti 
vated  and  nervous  eloquence  on  the  minds  of  the  people  for 
whom  he  wrote.  He  thus  acquired  an  influence  and  notorie 
ty,  which  had  operated  much  to  his  disadvantage  in  the  esti 
mation  of  the  New  Yorkers.  The  'Congress  prevailed  on 
themselves  to  overcome  this  impression,  so  far  as  to  sanction 
his  project  of  raising  a  regiment  of  soldiers,  and  authorized 
the  enlisting  of  five  hundred  men,  who  were  to  choose  their 
own  officers. 

Allen  and  Warner  returned  home  together,  but  a  quarrel 
arose  between  them,  which  caused  dissensions  among  the 
people,  and  retarded  the  enlisting  of  the  regiment.  In  the 
end,  Allen  either  withdrew,  or  was  passed  over  by  the  people, 
and  the  choice  of  a  chief  in  command  fell  on  Warner,  with 


60  LIFE    OF 

the  rank  of  Lieutenant  Colonel.*  In  literary  attainments 
Warner  was  considerably  below  Allen,  but  be  possessed 
strong  native  powers,  courage,  coolness,  and  other  qualifica 
tions  for  command  in  a  subordinate  sphere.  He  and  his 
mountaineers  rendered  good  service  during  the  war,  particu 
larly  in  the  battles  of  Hubbardton  and  Bennington. 

Meantime  the  Congress  had  made  considerable  progress  in 
raising  and  organizing  a  battalion,  consisting  of  four  regiments, 
for  the  continental  service,  greatly  embarrassed,  however,  for 
the  want  of  money,  clothing,  arms,  ammunition,  and  other 
materials  for  equipping  an  army  and  preparing  it  for  the  field. 
While  General  Schuyler  was  pressing  for  reinforcements  at 
Ticonderoga,  the  New  York  Committee  of  Safety,  then  sitting 
in  the  recess  of  the  Congress,  replied  to  him  as  if  in  despair. 
'  Our  troops  can  be  of  no  service  to  you  ;  they  have  no  arms, 
clothes,  blankets,  or  ammunition,  the  officers  no  commissions, 
our  treasury  no  money,  and  ourselves  in  debt.'  But  things 
mended  daily,  and  before  the  first  of  October  the  troops  were 
nearly  all  ready,  and  sent  to  the  northward. 

It  was  found  impossible  to  procure  money  from  the  Conti 
nental  Congress,  in  such  quantities  as  were  necessary,  and  on 
the  second  of  September,  an  emission  of  one  hundred  and 
twelve  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  was  resolved  upon,  which 
was  promised  to  be  redeemed  within  the  two  years  following, 
by  taxes  to  be  levied  for  the  purpose.  New  regulations  for 
the  militia  were  also  instituted,  in  the  forming  of  which  Mr 
Morris  had  taken  a  principal  part. 

As  early  as  the  middle  of  June  a  rumor  was  spread,  that  a 
regiment  of  British  troops  from  Ireland  would  soon  be  landed 


*  The  election  was  not  made  by  the  soldiers  of  the  regiment,  but 
by  the  committees  of  the  several  townships  in  the  New  Hampshire 
Grants,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Green  Mountains,  assembled  at  Dorset 
July  twenty-seventh,  1775.  Samuel  Safford  was  at  the  same  time 
chosen  Major.  All  the  officers  were  commissioned  by  the  New  York 
Congress, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  61 

in  New  York,  and  the  Congress  applied  to  General  Wooster, 
then  commanding  the  Connecticut  forces  at  Green wich,  to 
march  into  New  York  as  a  security  against  an  apprehended 
invasion.  The  government  of  Connecticut  acceded  to  this 
requisition,  and  General  Wooster  took  up  his  quarters  near 
Haerlem,  within  five  miles  of  the  city,  where  he  and  his  army 
remained  for  several  weeks.  At  the  request  of  the  Congress, 
General  Wooster  went  over,  also,  with  a  detachment  of  his  men 
to  the  eastern  part  of  Long  Island,  to  protect  the  inhabitants 
against  the  incursions  of  the  enemy,  who  came  there  to  take 
off  cattle  and  other  prov  sions  for  the  British  army  in  Boston. 
A  more  efficient  system  ibr  regulating  the  commerce  of  New 
York,  was  likewise  adopted,  and  from  that  time  a  rigid  in 
spection  of  the  entrances  and  clearances  of  vessels  was  kept 
up,  and  the  navigation  of  the  colony  was  subjected  to  the  con 
trol  of  the  new  government.  Mr  Morris  was  on  a  committee  "-i 
appointed  to  draw  up  regulations  for  this  purpose. 

The  New  York  Congress  continued  in  session,  except  a  re 
cess  of  a  few  days  in  July,  till  the  2d  of  September,  when 
they  adjourned  for  a  month,  entrusting  the  management  of  af 
fairs  in  the  mean  time  to  a  Committee  of  Safety,  delegated  from 
their  own  number.  This  expedient  was  always  adopted  at 
an  adjournment,  so  that  a  responsible  body  representing  the 
people  was  at  all  times  in  session.  The  powers  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Safety  were  prescribed  by  the  Congress  before  they 
.separated,  and  the  mode  of  its  organization.  These  varied  at 
different  times,  but  the  general  principles  were  the  same. 
Three  members  from  New  York,  having  together  two  votes, 
and  one  member  from  each  of  the  other  counties,  hav 
ing  each  one  vote,  constituted  this  provisional  government, 
called  a  Committee  of  Safety.  But  no  members  were  re 
stricted  from  attending  the  Committee  and  voting,  the  rule  be 
ing  constantly  observed,  that  however  many  members  might  be 
present,  the  sum  of  their  votes  should  be  reckoned  no  higher 
than  the  proportion  assigned  to  the  county,  which  they  repre 
sented.  It  frequently  happened,  after  an  adjournment,  that  a 

VOL.    J.  6 


62  LIFE    OF 

quorum  of  the  Congress  could  not  be  convened  for  several 
days,  ami  in  such  cases  the  members  present  would  assemble, 
and  act  as  a  Committee  of  Safety.  Sometimes  during  the  reg 
ular  sitting  of  Congress  the  attendance  would  be  so  thin,  that 
they  could  not  act  in  that  capacity,  and  they  would  resolve 
themselves  into  a  committee  for  the  day,  or  till  the  House 
should  become  full  enough  to  permit  them  to  go  back  again 
into  the  more  dignified  form  of  a  congress.  In  this  way  no 
time  was  lost,  and  the  public  business  was  never  neglected. 

The  Committee  of  Safety  were  empowered  to  carry  into  ef 
fect  the  previous  resolves  of  the  Congress,  to  open  and  answer 
letters,  to  take  measures  for  executing  the  orders  and  recom 
mendations  of  the  Continental  Congress,  to  superintend  the 
military  affairs  of  the  colony,  to  comply  with  the  requisitions 
of  the  generals  of  the  continental  armyj  to  appropriate  money 
for  the  public  service,  and  to  summon  a  meeting  of  the  Con 
gress,  at  such  lime  and  place  as  they  should  think  necessary. 
Armed  with  these  powers,  they  contrived  to  keep  the  wheels 
of  government  in  motion,  and  for  the  most  part  to  satisfy  the 
people. 

This  Committee,  however,  which  was  appointed  on  the 
2d  of  September,  resorted  to  one  measure,  \hat  proved  un 
popular,  and  caused  a  good  deal  of  excitement.  Many  of  the 
soldiers,  enlisted  into  the  continental  service  in  New  York, 
were  without  arms,  and  all  efforts  to  purchase  them  in  a  suffi 
cient  number  had  failed.  To  remedy  this  defect,  the  commit 
tee  issued  an  order,  'that  all  such  arms,  as  are  fit  for  the  use 
of  the  troops  raised  in  this  colony,  which  shall  be  found  in  the 
hands  or  custody  of  any  person,  who  has  not  signed  the  gene 
ral  Association,  shall  be  impressed  for  the  use  of  the  said 
troops.'  To  carry  this  order  into  effect,  persons  were  sent 
out  with  instructions  to  seize  and  collect  arms,  to  have  them 
appraised,  and  to  give  a  certificate  of  their  value  to  their  own 
ers,  who  were  to  be  paid  for  them  out  of  the  treasury  of  the 
colony,  if  they  should  not  be  returned  before  the  unhappy  con 
troversy  with  Great  Britain  was  brought  to  a  close.  The  per- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  63 

sons  thus  disarmed  were,  moreover,  exempt  from  militia  duty. 
The  reception,  which  this  order  met  with  among  the  people, 
nay  be  imagined  by  an  extract  from  a  letter  to  the  Committee, 
dated  Jamaica,  Long  Island,  September  25th. 

'I  have  endeavored  in  the  towns  of  Jamaica  and  Hampstead  to 
carry  the  resolutions  of  the  Congress  into  execution,  but  with 
out  the  assistance  of  the  battalion,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  do  it 
to  any  good  purpose.  The  people  conceal  all  their  arms,  that 
are  of  any  value.  Many  declare  that  they  know  nothing  about 
the  Congress,  nor  do  they  care  anything  for  the  orders  of  the 
Congress,  and  say  that  they  would  sooner  lose  their  lives  than 
give  up  their  arms,  and  that  they  would  blow  any  man's  brains 
out,  who  should  attempt  to  take  them  away.  We  find  that 
there  is  a  number  of  arms,  that  belong  to  the  county,  in  the 
hands  of  the  people.  Some  persons  are  so  hardy  and  daring, 
as  to  go  into  the  houses  of  those  that  are  friendly,  and  take 
away  by  force  those  county  arms,  which  our  friends  have 
received  from  the  clerk  of  the  county.  We  are  told,  that  the 
people  have  been  pollecting  together  in  sundry  places  armed, 
and  firing  their  muskets  by  way  of  bravado.' 

The  Committee  reasoned  but  imperfectly  from  the  facts  of 
history,  and  the  principles  of  human  nature,  when  they  suppos 
ed  that  people,  with  arms  in  their  hands,  would  be  tempted  to 
resign  them,  by  such  motives  as  were  held  out.  They  must 
either  be  treated  as  friends  or  enemies.  If  friends,  their  safety 
and  interest  required  that  the  soldiers,  who  were  to  protect  their 
property,  and  defend  their  rights,  should  be  armed,  and  the 
call  of  patriotism  would  be  the  loudest  that  could  be  made  to 
them.  While  deaf  to  this  call,  they  would  made  to  listen 
to  the  orders  of  a  committee,  or  the  resolves  of  a  con 
gress.  If  enemies,  the  sense  of  present  danger,  operating  on 
the  first  law  of  nature,  would  prompt  them  to  keep  within  their 
power  their  only  sure  means  of  defence.  In  either  case,  the 
idea  of  taking  away  their  arms,  by  a  compulsory  impressment, 
had  little  to  recommend  it,  either  in  policy  or  prudence.  In 
deed,  the  project  was  soon  abandoned,  for  when  the  Congress 


64  LIFE    OF 

assembled  again,  the  subject  came  before  them,  and  a  resolu 
tion  was  passed  disapproving  the  measure. 

Another  event  of  some  magnitude  occurred,  during  the  ad 
journment  of  the  Congress.  The  Mayor  of  New  York  attend 
ed  at  the  door  of  the  Committee,  and,  being  admitted,  gave 
information  tnat  Governor  Tryon  had  sent  for  him  the  day  be 
fore,  and  told  him,  that  he  had  just  received  a  letter  from  Lord 
Dartmouuj,  notifying  him  that  orders  had  been  given  to  the 
commanders  of  the  King's  ships  in  America,  that,  in  case  any 
more  troops  were  raised,  or  fortifications  erected,  or  the  King's 
stores  taken,  they  must  consider  such  places  as  in  a  state  of 
rebellion.  This  intelligence  caused  alarm,  for  his  Majesty's 
ship  of  war  Asia  lay  in  the  harbor,  and  had  already  been  an 
object  of  terror  to  the  inhabitants,  from  an  apprehension,  that 
the  town  would  be  set  on  fire  by  it.  A  serious  affray  had  re 
cently  happened,  between  the  commander  of  that  ship,  and  a 
body  of  men  sent  by  the  Provincial  Congress  to  withdraw  the 
cannon  at  the  battery.  While  engaged  in  this  act  the  man-of- 
war  fired  upon  them,  and  three  persons  were  wounded.  The 
Captain  vindicated  his  conduct  on  the  ground,  that  it  was  his 
duty  to  protect  the  property  of  the  King  ;  but  the  inhabitants 
affirmed,  that  the  guns  at  the  battery  belonged  to  the  province, 
and  not -to  the  King.  The  people  were  angry  at  what  they 
deemed  a  wanton  outrage,  and  seized  two  of  the  Asia's  boats, 
which  came  ashore  at  different  times,  and  destroyed  them. 
One  of  them  the  Congress  ordered  to  be  rebuilt  and  restored, 
but,  before  it  could  be  finished,  it  was  secretly  sawed  in  pieces 
by  persons  unknown. 

But  notwithstanding  the  exasperated  state  of  public  feel 
ing,  the  Congress  still  allowed  provisions  to  be  carried  to  the 
Asia,  which  increased  the  irritation,  and  caused  hard  things  to 
be  said  against  them,  for  it  was  not  easily  discovered,  by  what 
rules  of  equity  or  policy  those  persons  should  be  punished, 
who  were  detected  in  supplying  the  enemy's  ships  in  Boston 
and  other  places,  and  at  the  same  time  the  government  it 
self  should  openly  abet  this  practice  in  New  York.  General 


GOUVEHNEUR    MORRIS.  65 

Washington,  and  all  the  patriots  out  of  New  York,  were  in 
dignant  at  this  singular  inconsistency,  to  call  it  by  no  worse 
name.  It  arose  in  part  from  timidity,  but  as  much,  perhaps, 
with  some  of  the  principal  citizens,  from  the  belief,  that  the 
cause  would  in  the  end  suffer  less  by  keeping  in  good  humor 
with  the  ships  of  war  in  the  harbor,  than  by  running  the  haz 
ard  of  having  the  town  burned  down,  the  lives  of  the  inhabit 
ants  endangered,  and  their  property  destroyed.  This  is  the 
only  shadow  of  excuse,  that  can  be  conceived,  for  the  pusilla 
nimity  of  the  Congress  in  tolerating  such  a  procedure,  and- 
acting  in  contradiction  to  themselves.  * 

Captain  Sears,  who  had  been  so  conspicuous  for  his  zeal 
and  activity,  and  who   was  a  member  of  the   Provincial  Con- 


*The  affair  of  the  Asia  with  the  people  at  the  battery  happened  on 
the  twenty-third  of  August.  The  Congress,  on  the  twenty-seventh,  after 
censuring  the  conduct  of  Captain  Vandeput,  commander  of  the  Asia, 
proceeded  to  resolve,  that  nobody  should  supply  the  King's  ships  with 
provisions,  except  Abiaham  Lott,  but  that  he  should  be  allowed  'to  sup 
ply  all  necessaries,  as  well  fresh  as  salt,  for  the  use  of  the  said  ships.' 
And  yet,  three  days  afterwards,  in  a  set  of  resolutions  inflicting  penal 
ties  on  certain  deceptions  of  people,  it  is  declared,  that  'if  any  per 
sons  or  persons  shall  be  found  guilty,  before  the  Committee  of  any  city 
or  county,  of  attempting  to  furnish  the  ministerial  army  or  navy  with 
provisions,  or  other  necessaries,  contrary  to  the  resolutions  of  the  Con 
tinental  or  of  this  Congress,  such  person  or  persons  shall  be  punished 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Committee.  «fcc.'  Hence,  what  was  a  crime 
everywhere  else,  was  an  allowable  act  in  the  harbor  of  New  York. 

Gordon  says,  that 'many  of  the  New  York  Provincial  Congress,  if 
not  the  majority,  were  adjudged  real  tories  ;  some,  so  deemed,  might  be 
only  timid  whigs.'  Vol.  ii.  p.  175.  This  is  too  sweeping  a  charge. 
If  there  were  any  'real  tories1  in  the  Congress,  the  number  was  ex 
ceedingly  small.  It  may  indeed  be  doubted  if  there  were  any  such, 
(except  a  very  few,  who  seem  to  have  withdrawn  early,  when  they 
saw  what  course  the  Congress  would  take)  but  of  'timid  whigs'  there 
were  not  a  few.  It  was  not  a  time  for  men  to  conceal  their  sen 
timents,  and  the  committees,  who  were  acting  boldly  and  ardently 
on  the  side  of  liberty,  would,  never  have  chosen  a  professed  tory,  or 
even  a  man  of  suspicious  principles,  to  represent  their  interests. 

6* 


66  LIFE    OF 

gress,  not  finding  the  temperament  of  public  feeling  in  New 
York  to  rise  fast  enough  for  the  warmth  of  his  own,  had  re 
tired  into  Connecticut,  and  joined  himself  to  the  more  san 
guine  partizans  of  freedom  in  that  colony.  About  this  time, 
Rivington,  the  publisher  of  a  newspaper  in  New  York,  ven 
tured  to  make  his  journal  the  vehicle  of  sentiments  extremely 
offensive  to  the  liberal  party,  and  this  without  receiving  any 
check,  or  drawing  down  any  rebukes,  from  the  Congress,  or 
any  other  constituted  authority.  Such  a  tame  submission  to 
the  impudence  and  insult  of  a  printer,  was  more  than  Sears 
and  his  Connecticut  associates  could  brook.  On  the  twenty- 
third  of  November,  a  company  of  light-horse  from  Connecticut, 
seventy-five  in  number,  armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets, 
with  Captain  Sears  at  their  head,  marched  into  New  York  at 
noonday,  proceeded  to  Rivington's  house,  broke  his  presses, 
and  seized  and  carried  off  in  triumph  the  guilty  types,  which 
had  been  the  passive  instruments  of  the  printer's  insolence,  nor 
stopped  with  them  till  safely  deposited  within  the  Connecticut 
borders,  where  they  were  melted  into  bullets.  In  returning 
through  Westchester  county,  these  men  seized  also  upon  the 
clergyman  of  the  parish,  and  one  of  the  justices  of  the  peace, 
suspected  of  tory  principles,  and  made  them  the  unwilling 
companions  of  their  journey,  during  the  rest  of  their  retreat. 
This  effort  of  the  Connecticut  knight-errants  gave  deep  um 
brage  to  the  New  York  Congress,  who  fancied  it  to  be  not 
only  a  trampling  upon  their  authority,  but  a  reproach  to  their 
vigilance.  They  addressed  a  letter  of  solemn  remonstrance  to 
the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  and  wrote  to  their  delegates  in 
Philadelphia,  requesting  that  the  affair  might  be  brought  before 
the  Continental  Congress.  They  complain  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull  of  Connecticut,  c  that  they  cannot  but  consider  such  in-, 
trusions,  as  an  invasion  of  their  essential  rights  as  a  distinct  co 
lony/  and  add, '  that  common  justice  obliges  them  to  request, 
that  all  the  types  should  be  returned  to  the  chairman  of  the 
General  Committee  of  the  city  and  county  of  New  York/ 
They  add  again,  '  we  beg  you  will  not  consider  this  requisition, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  67 

as  an  attempt  to  justify  the  man,  from  whom  the  types  were 
taken  ;  we  are  fully  sensible  of  his  demerits,  but  earnestly 
wish  that  the  g;lory  of  the  present  contest  may  not  be  sullied. 
by  an  attempt  to  restrain  the  freedom  of  the  press.'* 

Governor  Trumbull  wrote  in  reply,  e  that  the  proper  resort 
for  a  private  injury  must  be  to  the  courts  of  law,  which  are 
the  only  jurisdictions  that  can  take  notice  of  violences  of  this 
kind.'  If  it  is  to  be  viewed  in  a  public  light  at  all,  the  Govern 
or  continued,  '  the  head  and  leader  of  the  whole  transaction 
was  a  respectable  member  of  your  city  and  Congress,  whom 
we  consider  as  the  proper  person  to  whom  the  whole  transac 
tion  is  imputable,  and  who  belongs,  and  is  amenable  to,  your 
jurisdiction  alone,  and  therefore  the  affair  cannot  be  considered 
as  an  intrusion  of  our  people  into  your  province,  but  as  a  vio 
lence  or  disorder  happening  among  yourselves.'  Thus  the 
two  colonies  were  at  issue,  but  as  Rivington  went  off  to  Eng- 


*  And  yet  it  would  seem,  that  the  Congress  itself  had  not  been 
wholly  guiltless  of  this  offence  in  the  case  of  Rivington.  Some 
month?  before,  he  had  been  in  custody  by  their  order,  as  may  be  con 
firmed  by  an  extract  from  their  records,  dated  June  7th,  1775.  in  these 
words. 

'  Whereas  James  Rivington  of  this  city,  printer,  has  signed  the  gene 
ral  Association,  and  lately  published  a  handbill  declaring  his  intention 
rigidly  to  adhere  to  the  said  Association,  and  also  asked  the  pardon  of 
the  public,  who  have  been  offended  by  his  ill  judged  publication;  resol 
ved,  therefore,  that  the  said  James  Rivington  be  permitted  to  return  to 
his  house  and  family,  and  that  this  Congress  do  recommend  to  the  in 
habitants  of  this  colony,  not  to  molest  him  in  his  person  or  property.' 

After  the  destruction  of  his  presses  and  types,  Rivington  went  to 
England,  but  returned,  when  the  British  had  established  themselves 
in  New  York,  and  commenced  his  paper  anew,  under  the  title  of 
{ Rivington's  Royal  Gazette,'  which  he  continued  to  the  end  of  the 
war,  having  obtained  the  appointment  of  King's  printer.  He  remain 
ed  in  New  York  after  the  war,  and  endeavored  to  keep  up  his  pa 
per,  changing  the  title  to  iRivington>s  New  York  Gazette.'  Such 
was  the  popular  odium  against  him,  for  the  part  he  had  taken,  that 
his  paper  met  with  little  support,  and  it  soon  came  to  an  end. 


68  LIFE    OF 

land,  and  more  important  matters  pressed  upon  the  notice  of 
the  public,  nothing  more  seems  to  have  been  done  in  the 
affair. 

The  delegates  in  the  Continental  Congress  say  in  reply,  'We 
highly  applaud  the  spirited,  and  at  the  same  time,  respectful 
manner,  in  which  you  have  supported  the  dignity  and  indepen 
dency  of  our  colony,  and  demanded  reparation  on  the  sub 
ject  of  the  Connecticut  inroad.  An  interposition  so  rash,  of 
ficious,  and  violent,  gave  us  great  anxiety,  as  it  was  not  only  a 
high  insult  to  your  authority,  but  had  a  direct  tendency  to 
confirm  that  fatal  spirit  of  jealousy,  and  distrust  of  our  eastern 
brethren,  which  has  done  so  much  injury  to  our  cause,  and 
which  every  wise  and  virtuous  patriot  should  study  to  sup 
press.'  They  forbore,  however,  to  bring  the  subject  before 
Congress,  as  their  constituents  had  desired,  not  doubting  that 
justice  would  be  rendered  by  Connecticut,  and  means  be  used 
to  prevent  similar  encroachments  in  future.* 


*  In  a  letter  from  Mr  Jay  to  the  President  of  the  Provincial  Con 
gress,  dated  Philadelphia,  November  26th,  three  days  after  the  occur 
rence  took  place,  the  writer  says,— '  The  New  England  exploit  is  much 
talked  of,  and  conjectures  are  numerous,  as  to  the  part  I  he  Convention 
will  take  relative  to  it.  Some  consider  it  as  an  ill  compliment  to  the 
government  of  the  province,  and  prophesy  that  you  have  too  much 
Christian  meekness  to  take  any  notice  of  it.  For  my  own  part,  I  do  not 
approve  of  the  feat,  and  think  it  neither  argues  much  wisdom,  nor 
much  bravery.  At  any  rate,  if  it  was  to  have  been  done,  I  wish  our 
own  people,  and  not  strangers,  had  taken  the  liberty  of  doing  it. 

'  I  confess  I  am  not  a  little  jealous  of  the  honor  of  the  province,  and 
I  am  persuaded,  that  its  reputation  cannot  he  maintained  without  some 
little  spirit  being  mingled  with  its  prudence.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  69 


CHAPTER  V. 

ADMINISTRATION     OF     JUSTICE. — DELEGATES      TO      THE      CONTINENTAL 

CONGRESS. — PAY     OF     MEMBERS     IN     THAT     BODY. APPREHENSIONS 

OF  AN  ATTACK  ON  NEW  YORK.  —GENERAL  CHARLES  LEE  TAKES  COM 
MAND  THERE. — PREPARATIONS  FOR  DEFENCE. GENERAL  LEE*S 

CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  WASHINGTON. POWER  OF  ARRESTING  TO 
RIES. — LORD  STIRLING  TAKES  COMMAND  IN  NEW  YORK — WASHING 
TON'S  ARRIVAL  THERE. 

MUCH  inconvenience  was  felt  in  some  parts  of  the  colony,  for 
the  want  of  courts  of  justice,  and  the  regular  modes  of  process 
for  the  recovery  of  debts,  and  the  punishment  of  civil  misde 
meanors.  The  Colonial  Congress  did  not  meddle  in  these 
matters.  Disorders  of  course  increased,  as  the  authority  of 
the  old  government  declined,  till  a  new  system  for  the  admin 
istration  of  justice  was  established,  under  the  first  constitution 
of  the  State.  In  the  mean  time,  the  old  forms  were  allowed  to 
be  practised,  where  the  officers  chose  to  exercise  their  author 
ity,  and  the  people  to  obey.  The  laws  in  all  civil  concerns 
remained  in  force  as  heretofore,  but,  as  many  of  the  judges  and 
other  civil  officers  were  royalists,  and  thereby  odious  to  the 
inhabitants  generally,  they  either  forbore  to  execute  the  duties 
of  their  office,  or,  when  they  made  the  attempt,  it  was  to  little 
purpose.  Some  of  the  counties  endeavored  to  remedy  the 
inconvenience  by  local  and  temporary  regulations,  but  these 
were  not  approved  by  the  Congress.  The  only  effectual 
remedy  was  the  moderation  of  the  people,  and  their  acquies 
cence  in  a  state  of  things,  which  time  and  events  only  could 
improve. 

On  the  fourth  of  October  the  Congress  met  according  to 
adjournment,  but  kept  together  only  two  days,  when  they 


70  LIFE    OF 

separated,  or  dissolved,  with  the  design  of  completing  the  elec 
tions  for  a  new  Congress.  The  Committee  of  Safety  contin 
ued  its  sittings  as  usual,  and  on  the  fourteenth  of  November,  the 
day  appointed  for  a  reunion  of  the  Congress,  several  members 
appeared,  but  not  enough  to  form  a  quorum  for  business.  In 
some  counties  there  had  been  no  elections,  and  in  others  there 
was  a  delay,  which  betrayed  an  indifference,  that  threatened  to 
be  fatal  in  its  results.  In  this  dilemma,  the  members  of  the 
Congress,  then  assembled,  wrote  a  circular  to  the  committees 
of  the  counties,  where  no  elections  had  yet  been  held,  requesting 
them  to  elect  their  delegates  as  speedily  as  possible,  and  send 
them  forward.  '  The  evil  consequences,'  say  they,  '  that  will 
attend  the  not  having  a  Provincial  Congress  to  determine  on 
the  measures,  necessary  to  be  adopted  and  carried  into  exeou- 
tion  at  this  unhappy  crisis,  are  more  easily  conceived  than 
expressed  ;  and,  rest  assured,  gentlemen,  that  the  neighboring 
colonies  will  not  remain  inactive  spectators,  if  you  show  a  dis 
position  to  depart  from  the  continental  union.  You  must 
suppose  confusion  and  disorder,  with  numberless  other  evils, 
will  attend  the  want  of  a  Congress  for  the  government  of  a 
colony,  until  a  reconciliation  with  the  mother  country  can  be 
obtained.  We  beg  you  will  consider  this  matter  with  that 
seriousness,  which  the  peace,  good  order,  and  liberties  of  your 
country  require.'  This  appeal  was  listened  to,  and,  on  the 
sixth  of  December  the  Congress  commenced  its  proceedings, 
being  the  second  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York. 

This  Congress  was  constructed  on  principles  in  some  re 
spects  different  from  the  former.  Each  county  sent  as  many 
delegates  as  it  pleased,  and  prescribed  the  number,  that  should 
make  a  quorum  to  vote.  For  instance,  New  York  sent  twen 
ty-one  delegates,  and  decided  that  seven  should  make  a  quo 
rum,  and  when  less  than  seven  were  present,  no  vote  could  be 
given  for  that  county.  The  Congress  settled  their  own  rule 
of  voting  as  heretofore,  determining  the  number  and  ratio  of 
votes  for  each  county.  No  county  had  more  than  four  votes, 
nor  less  than  two.  Tryon  county  chose  two  members,  but 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  71 

authorized  one  to  represent  the  county,  or  to  constitute  a  quo 
rum  for  voting,  so  that  when  one  of  the  members  only  was 
present,  he  had  two  votes,  although  from  New  York  if  there 
were  not  more  than  six  present,  they  could  have  no  vote. 
Members  were  allowed  to  sit  in  Congress,  and  to  speak,  and 
act  on  committees,  even  when  there  was  not  a  sufficient  repre 
sentation  from  the  county,  to  which  they  belonged,  to  form  a 
quorum  for  voting.  A  majority  of  the  counties  made  a  quo 
rum  for  business.  This  Congress  wras  chosen  for  six  months, 
from  the  tenth  of  November. 

A  question  of  some  delicacy  came  up,  respecting  the  dele 
gation  to  the  Continental  Congress,  with  which  the  Provincial 
Congress  found  themselves  a  little  perplexed.  Twelve  del 
egates  had  been  chosen,  by  the  Convention  in  April,  to  rep 
resent  the  colony  of  New  York,  of  whom  five  were  necessary 
to  make  a  valid  representation.  On  the  16th  of  October  the 
delegates  wrote  to  the  New  York  Congress,  stating  that  their 
number  was  reduced  to  five,  so  that  in  case  of  the  sickness,  or 
necessary  absence  of  any  one  of  them,  the  colony  must  remain 
unrepresented.  To  prevent  such  an  accident,  they  suggested 
the  expediency,  of  delegating  the  power  to  three,  instead  of 
five.  After  deliberating  upon  the  matter,  the  Congress  deter 
mined,  that  they  had  no  right  to  make  such  a  change,  however 
much  they  might  lament  the  untoward  circumstance,  that  re 
quired  it.  '  When  we  consider,'  they  say,  '  that  twelve  were 
originally  designated,  of  whom  five  were  to  be  a  quorum,  we 
necessarily  suppose,  that  the  last  number  was  particularly 
pointed  out,  with  a  general  view  to  the  several  members,  and 
in  the  confidence  that  every  five  of  them  would  be  amply  suffi 
cient  for  that  beneficial  purpose.  We  cannot  pretend,  there 
fore,  to  lessen  that  number,  unless  indeed  upon  the  most  co 
gent  necessity,  and  perhaps  not  then.' 

This  is  another  example  of  the  extreme  caution,  with  which 
the  representatives  of  the  people  exercised  their  power,  in  all 
the  gradations  of  the  elective  offices.  And  it  may  here  be 
repeated,  that  the  particularity  with  which  elections  were  con- 


72  LIFE    OF 

ducted,  from  the  smallest  assemblages  upward,  and  the  special 
care  which  all  men  in  office  took  not  to  go  beyond  the  instruc 
tions,  or  the  will,  of  their  constituents,  are  the  features  most 
strongly  marked  in  the  machinery  of  government,  which  was 
then  beginning  its  movements. 

The  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress  had  been  chosen 
for  an  unlimited  time,  or  at  least  no  term  of  duration  was  spe 
cified  in  their  credentials.  Of  this  omission  they  reminded 
the  new  Provincial  Congress,  and  desired  that  no  delicacy  in 
regard  to  them  might  operate  either  to  prevent,  or  influence, 
another  appointment,  as  soon  as  it  should  be  deemed  proper.* 

The  two  counties  of  Queen's  and  Richmond  refused  to  send 
representatives  to  the  Provincial  Congress.  The  freeholders 
and  inhabitants  of  those  counties  were  called  together,  for  the 
purpose  of  expressing  their  sense  of  this  subject  by  a  vote  in 


*  The  following  letter  from  the  New  York  delegates,  dated  Novem 
ber  3d,  1775,  is  somewhat  curious,  as  showing  the  pay  of  the  members 
from  the  different  colonies,  while  attending  the  Continental  Congress. 

'  We  have  been  informed  that  the  compensation  for  our  expenses 
and  loss  of  time  is  under  your  consideration,  and  as  we  presume  an 
account  of  the  provision  made  by  the  other  colonies,  for  their  respec 
tive  delegates,  would  be  agreeable  to  you,  we  take  the  liberty  of  sub 
joining  it. 

'  Georgia, — £100  sterling  to  each  delegate  per  month. 

'  South  Carolina, — £300  to  each  for  the  last  Congress. 

'  North  Carolina,— £500  currency  to  each  per  year. 

'  Virginia, — a  half  Johannes  per  day  to  each. 

*  Maryland, — 40  shillings  to  each  per  day  Proclamation  money. 

'  Pennsylvania, —20  shillings  to  each  per  day,  besides  the  allow 
ance  to  such  of  the  members  as  come  from  the  counties. 

'Connecticut, — 3  dollars  to  each  per  day  for  loss  of  time,  besides  al] 
expenses,  allowing  each  delegate  a  servant  and  two  horses. 

'  Rhode  Island, — exactly  the  same  as  Maryland. 

'Massachusetts, — all  expense  as  above,  and  2  dollars  to  each  per  day. 

'  New  Hampshire, — all  expense  as  above,  and  half  a  guinea  per 
day  to  each.' 

It  was  decided  to  allow  the  New  York  delegates  each  4  dollars  pei 
day. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  73 

the  usual  mode,  and  in'  each  county  a  majority  of  the  polls 
were  against  an  election  of  deputies,  alleging  as  a  reason,  that 
they  had  been  disappointed  in  the  hopes  they  entertained  of 
the  former  Congress,  and  in  their  confident  belief,  that  a  plan 
of  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain  would  before  that  time 
have  been  effected.  But  the  truth  was,  the  inhabitants  of 
these  two  counties  had  been  tampered  with,  by  the  British 
men-of-war  in  the  harbor  of  New  York.  They  had  been  sup 
plied  with  arms  and  ammunition  from  the  Asia,  and  after  Gov 
ernor  Tryon  retired  on  board  an  armed  ship,  driven  there,  as 
he  pretended,  by  the  fear  that  his  person  was  not.  safe  on  shore, 
he  had  an  easy  access  through  his  influence,  and  by  his  local 
situation,  to  the  people  in  those  counties. 

The  Congress  undertook  to  pass  a  censure  upon  the  disaf 
fected  persons,  who  thus  openly  contemned  their  authority, 
and  resolved  that  they  had  violated  the  general  Association, 
that  they  should  be  put  out  of  the  protection  of  the  Congress, 
that  the  names  of  the  delinquents  should  be  reported  and  pub 
lished,  and  that  all  commercial  intercourse  between  them  and 
the  other  inhabitants  should  be  cut  off.  This  was  a  kind  of 
brutumfulmen,  which  could  do  no  harm  to  one  party,  and  of 
course  no  good  to  the  other.  These  persons  neither  expected 
nor  desired  any  protection  from  the  Congress,  nor  cared  who 
knew  their  names;  a  commercial  intercourse  they  wanted  not, 
and  the  general  Association  they  despised.  The  true  secret 
of  these  imbecile  proceedings  is  contained  in  the  letter  of  the 
Congress  to  their  delegates  at  Philadelphia,  in  which  they  say, 
that  they  have  gone  as  far  as  a  { prudent  regard'  to  the  circum 
stances  of  the  city  would  permi 

The  terrific  apparition  of  a  burning  town  haunted  them  day 
and  night.  They  nourished  the  vipers  in  their  bosom,  and 
lived  in  a  perpetual  apprehension  of  their  bite.  '  The  power 
which  the  King's  ships  have  of  destroying  the  property  of  the 
city,' — this  was  the  pivot  upon  which  the  wheel  of  their  poli 
cy  turned,  the  star  of  ill  omen,  that  never  ceased  to  linger 
with  portentous  aspect  in  their  vision,  the  axiom  on  which 

VOL.    I.  1 


74  LIFE  or 

were  founded  all  their  deliberations,  resolves,  and  acts.  Nor 
did  it  ever  occur  to  them,  that  such  a  deed  would  be  the  great 
est  folly  the  British  could  commit,  that  the  wanton  burning  of 
the  town  would  kindle  a  flame  of  indignant  feeling  throughout 
the  nation,  which  could  not  be  quenched,  and  that  it  was  not 
their  purpose  to  multiply  and  exasperate  enemies,  but  to  pre 
serve  and  conciliate  friends.  We  are  now  arrived  _at  a  peri 
od,  in  which  this  feeble  and  fallacious  policy  of  the  New  York 
Congress  will  be  seen  in  still  bolder  relief. 

In  the  month  ^>f  December,  it  was  discovered  by  certain  in 
dications  in  the  British  army  at  Boston,  that  preparations 
were  making  for  fitting  out  a  fleet,  and  sending  off  a  detach 
ment  of  soldiers,  from  that  place.  Their  destination  could  on 
ly  be  conjectured,  but  as  at  that  season  it  must  necessarily  be 
to  the  southward,  it  was  supposed  the  most  likely  point  was 
New  York.  As  soon  as  General  Washington  was  satisfied, 
that  the  embarkation  would  speedily  take  place,  he  resolved 
to  despatch  general  Charles  Lee  10  New  York,  with  orders  to 
take  command  of  such  forces  as  he  could  collect  in  Connecticut, 
and  in  that  city,  and  prepare  for  such  a  defence  as  he  should 
be  able  to  make,  against  any  hostile  attempts  of  the  enemy. 
Captain  Sears,  who  had  now  found  his  way  to  Washing 
ton's  camp,  was  sent  forward  to  explain  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull  the  nature  of  the  enterprise,  and  collect  volunteers  in  Con 
necticut.  General  Lee  left  Cambridge  on  the  llth  of  Janu 
ary,  with  instructions  from  the  commander  in  chief  to  repair  to 
New  York  with  such  forces  as  he  could  rally  on  the  way,  and, 
when  there,  to  call  on  the  commander  of  the  New  Jersey  troops 
for  his  aid,  to  put  the  city  in  the  best  posture  of  defence,  which 
the  season  and  circumstances  would  admit,  to  disarm  per 
sons  on  Long  Island  and  elsewhere,  known  to  be  disaffected 
to  the  views  of  Congress,  and  to  look  into  the  condition  of 
the  fortifications  on  the  North  River.  On  the  16th  of  Janu 
ary,  General  Lee  wrote  to  General  Washington  from  New- 
Haven. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  75 

c  Dear  General, 

*  We  have  been  so  baffled  by  the  weather,  that  we  only  ar 
rived  here  last  night.  I  believe  we  shall  find  no  difficulties  in 
procuring  a  sufficient  body  of  volunteers  for  the  New  York 
expedition.  The  unhappy  accounts  from  Canada  seem  to  an 
imate  these  people,  rather  than  depress  them.  We  have 
now  occasion  for  exertion  and  decision.  I  am  apprehensive 
that  the  Congress  must  be  inspired  by  you.  They  have  just 
given  a  strong,  and,  I  think,  unfortunate  instance  of  indecision. 
Colonel  Waterberry  had  raised  a  regiment.  The  regiment 
was  equipped  and  ready  for  embarcation.  They  were  to  have 
landed  in  Oyster  Bay,  and  to  have  attacked  the  tories  on  Long 
Island.  Lord  Stirling  was  to  have  attacked  them  on  the 
other  side, — all  this  by  order  of  Congress  ;  when  suddenly  Col 
onel  Waterberry  received  an  order  to  disband  his  regiment,  and 
the  tories  are  to  remain  unmolested,  till  they  are  joined  by  the 
King's  assassins.  Governor  Trumbull,  like  a  man  of  sense  and 
spirit,  has  ordered  this  regiment  to  be  reassembled.  I  believe 
it  will  be  ready  on  Sunday,  the  day  on  which  I  shall  march 
from  this  town. 

'  I  shall  send  immediately  an  express  to  the  Congress,  in 
forming  them  of  my  situation,  and  at  the  same  time  conjuring 
them,  not  to  suffer  the  accursed  provincial  Congress  of  New 
York  to  defeat  measures,  so  absolutely  necessary  to  our  sal 
vation.  The  affairs  of  Canada  I  suppose  will  very  soon,  if  not 
instantly,  require  a  very  considerable  force  from  this  province. 
Neither  will  the  circumstances  of  New  York  admit  of  its  be 
ing  too  much  stripped  of  men,  for  which  reason  I  should  think 
it  advisable,  immediately,  to  raise  some  additional  regiments  in 
Massachusetts  Bay.  Adieu,  dear  General ;  God  prosper  you, 
and  the  arms  of  virtue.  Yours  most  affectionately, 

'  CHARLES  LEE.' 

The  intelligence  of  General  Lee's  destination  reached  New 
York,  about  the  time  of  his  arrival  in  New  Haven,  and  it  cre 
ated  a  panic  scarcely  less  agitating,  than  would  have  been 
produced  by  a  discharge  of  fire  rockets  and  hot  shot  from  the 


76  LIFE    OF 

Asia  itself.  Several  families  instantly  began  to  remove  theii 
effects  from  the  city.  As  soon  as  the  Committee  of  Safety 
came  together,  they  resolved,  that,  in  consequence  of  the  alarm 
into  which  the  inhabitants  were  thrown  by  the  confident  re 
ports  of  the  approach  of  General  Lee,  with  a  considerable 
body  of  troops,  they  were  of  opinion  e  that  it  might  occasion 
great  difficulties  and  inconveniences  to  the  residents  of  the 
city,  should  any  body  of  forces  arrive  for  active  service,  and  it 
would  tend  to  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  inhabitants,  for 
the  Committee  to  obtain  some  information  on  the  subject.' 
A  letter  was  in  consequence  immediately  written  to  General 
Lee,  dated  in  Committee  of  Safety,  January  21st,  1776, 
from  which  the  following  are  extracts. 

'  The  inhabitants  of  this  city  are  much  alarmed  at  various 
confident  advices  of  your  destination,  with  a  considerable  body 
of  forces  for  active  service  here.  Confident,  however,  as 
those  advices  may  appear  to  people  without  doors,  we  cannot 
readily  credit  them,  as  we  conceive  it  most  probable,  that 
were  you  preparing  to  execute  any  plan  of  that  kind,  it 
would  be  preceded  by  some  intimations  to  us  on  the  sub 
ject  of  Continental  Congress.  General  Washington,  or  your 
self.  We  therefore  should  not  have  troubled  you  with  this 
application,  had  it  not  been  to  procure  such  information  from 
you,  as  may  enable  us  in  a  prudent  use  of  it  to  allay  the 
-fears  of  our  inhabitants,  who,  at  this  inclement  season  of  the 
year,  will  continue,  as  they  have  already  begun,  to  remove 
their  women  and  children,  and  which,  if  continued,  may  oc 
casion  hundreds  to  perish  for  want  of  shelter.' 

The  Committee  then  proceed  to  state,  that  a  want  of  pow 
der  is  an  inseparable  bar  to  their  making  any  active  defence, 
that  they  have  sent  to  foreign  ports  several  adventures  for 
purchasing  powder,  but  without  success,  and  that  they  are 
daily  pushing  similar  adventures  to  the  West  Indies. 

'The  ships  of  war  give  no  interruption  to  our  vessels,  de 
spatched  on  these  adventures,  a  favor  we  cannot  expect,should 
hostilities  begin,  and  even  should  we  be  fortunate  enough  to 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  77 

oblige  the  ships  of  war  to  quit  this  port,  by  expending  the  lit 
tle  powder  we  have,  an  event  which  our  most  sanguine  hopes 
cannot  promise  us,  the  attention  of  our  enemies  will  effectual 
ly  prevent  our  expected  importation.  For  these  reasons  we 
conceive,  that  a  just  regard  to  the  public  cause  and  our 
duty  require  us  to  take  a  prudent  care  of  this  city,  and  dic 
tate  the  impropriety  of  provoking  hostilities  at  present,  and 
the  necessity  of  saving  appearances  with  the  ships  of  war,  till 
at  least  the  month  of  March. 

'  We,  therefore,  ardently  wish  to  remain  in  peace  for  a  litile 
time,  and  doubt  not  we  have  assigned  sufficient  reasons 
for  avoiding  at  present  a  dilemma,  in  which  the  present  en 
trance  of  a  large  body  of  troops  into  this  city  will  almost 
certainly  involve  us.  Should  you  have  such  an  entrance  in 
design,  we  beg  at  least  that  the  troops  may  halt  on  the  west 
ern  confines  of  Connecticut,  till  we  shall  have  been  honored 
by  you,  with  such  an  explanation  on  this  important  subject,  as 
you  conceive  your  duty  may  permit  you  to  enter  into  with  us, 
the  grounds  of  which  you  will  easily  see  ought  to  be  kept  an 
entire  secret.' 

To  this  epistle,  signed  by  Peter  V.  B.  Livingston,  chair 
man  of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  General  Lee  replied  in 
another,  dated  at  Stamford,  January  twenty-third,  in  which  he 
expressed  himself  in  the  following  manner. 

'  With  respect,  Sir,  to  the  alarms  of  the  inhabitants,  on  the 
suspicions  that  my  business  was  to  commence  active  hostili 
ties  against  the  men-of-war  in  your  harbor,  I  can  assure  you. 
that  they  may  be  perfectly  easy.  Such  never  was  the,  inten 
tion  of  the  General,  as  I  hope  you  will  believe,  that  I  nev 
er  entertained  a  thought  of  transgressing  the  letter  of  my  in 
structions.  The  motive  of  the  General  for  detaching  me  was, 
solely  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  taking  post  in  your  city,  or 
lodging  themselves  in  Long  Island,  which  we  have  the  greatest 
reason  to  think,  Sir,  is  their  design.  Some  subordinate  pur 
poses  were  likewise  to  be  executed,  which  are  much  more 
proper  to  communicate  by  word  of  mouth,  than  by  writing; 
7* 


78  LIFE    OF 

but  I  give  you  my  word,  that  no  active  service  is  proposed,  as 
you  seem  to  apprehend. 

*  If  the  ships  of  war  are  quiet,  I  shall  be  quiet,  but  I  de 
clare  solemnly,  that  if  they  make  a  pretext  of  my  presence  to 
fire  on  the  town,  the  first  house  set  in  flames  by  their  guns 
shall  be  the  funeral  pile  of  some  of  their  best  friends.  But  I 
believe,  Sir,  the  inhabitants  may  rest  in  security  on  this  sub 
ject.  I  am  convinced,  and  every  member  who  considers  a 
moment  must  be  convinced,  that  the  destruction  of  the  sea 
port  towns  would,  if  possible,  be  a  severer  stroke  to  the  Min 
istry  and  their  instruments,  than  to  the  inhabitants  themselves. 
The  seaport  towns  are  the  only  holds  they  have  In  America  ; 
they  are  considered  as  the  pledges  of  servitude  ;  the  menacing 
of  destruction  to  them  may  indeed  be  of  admirable  use,  but 
the  real  destruction  of  them  must  extinguish  all  hopes  of  suc 
cess. 

(  In  compliance,  Sir,  with  your  request,  I  shall  only  carry 
with  me  into  town  a  force  just  strong  enough  to  secure  it 
against  any  designs  of  the  enemy,  until  it  shall  please  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  to  take  measures  for  its  permanent  security. 
The  main  body  I  shall  leave  on  the  western  frontiers  of  Con 
necticut,  according  to  your  directions.  I  hope,  Sir,  and  per 
suade  myself,  that  the  Committee  and  inhabitants  can  have  no 
objection  to  this  plan.  If  Mr  Try  on,  and  the  captains  of  the 
ships  of  war,  are  to  prescribe  what  numbers  are,  and  what 
numbers  are  not,  to  enter  the  town,  they  are  absolute  dictators 
to  all  intents  and  purposes.  The  condition  is  too  humiliat 
ing  for  freemen  to  put  up  with.' 

At  the  same  time  General  Lee  wrote  to  General  Washing 
ton  in  the  following  terms. 

'It  was  unnecessary  sooner  to  trouble  you  with  my  scrawl, 
as  I  could  give  you  no  information  the  least  interesting.  I 
find  the  people  through  this  province  more  alert,  and  more 
zealous,  than  my  most  sanguine  expectations.  I  believe  I  might 
have  collected  ten  thousand  volunteers.  I  take  only  foul- 
companies  with  me,  and  Waterberry's  regiment,  which  is  so 


*       GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  79 

happily  situated  on  the  frontier.  Ward's  regiment  I  have  order 
ed  to  remain  at  their  respective  homes,  until  they  hear  further. 
These  Connecticutians  are,  if  possible,  more  eager  to  go  out 
of  their  country,  than  they  are  to  return  home,  wh^n  they  have 
been  out  for  any  considerable  time. 

'  Enclosed  I  send  you  my  letter  to  the  General  Congress, 
and  that  of  the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  to  me,  with 
my  answer.  I  hope  it  will  have  your  approbation.  The 
whigs,  I  mean  the  £tout  ones,  are,  it  is  said,  very  desirous 
that  a  body  of  troops  should  march  and  be  stationed  in  their 
city  ;  the  timid  ones  are  averse,  merely  from  the  spirit  of  pro 
crastination,  which  is  the  characteristic  of  timidity.  The  let 
ter  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  you  will  observe,  breathes  the 
very  essence  of  this  spirit, — it  is  wofully  hysterical.  I  con 
clude  I  shall  receive  the  orders  of  the  General  Congress,  before, 
or  immediately  on,  my  arrival;  otherwise  I  should  not  venture 
to  march  into  the  province,  as,  by  their  late  resolve,  every 
detachment  of  the  continental  troops  is  to  be  under  the  direc 
tion  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  in  which  they  are,  a  resolve,  I 
must  say,  with  submission  to  their  wisdom,  fraught  with  diffi 
culties  and  evil.  It  is  impossible,  having  two  sovereigns,  that 
any  business  should  be  carried  on.' 

As  soon  as  General  Lee's  letter  to  the  Continental  Congress 
enclosing  a  copy  of  the  letter  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  to 
him,  reached  Philadelphia,  the  New  York  delegates  proposed 
that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  proceed  to  New  York, 
and  confer  with  General  Lee,  as  to  the  immediate  objects 
of  his  enterprise,  and  the  mode  of  prosecuting  it  in  a  man 
ner  acceptable  to  the  inhabitants.  This  committee  con 
sisted  of  Messrs  Harrison,  Lynch,  and  Allen,  and  they  arrived 
in  New  York  on  the  30th  of  January,  two  or  three  days  be 
fore  General  Lee,  who  was  detained  on  the  road  by  indispo 
sition.  Meantime  he  sent  forward  seven  hundred  troops,  un 
der  the  command  of  Colonel  Waterberry.  A  part  of  them 
arrived  in  town  the  clay  after  the  committee  of  the  Continental 
Congress. 

The  New  York  Committee  of  Safety  here  found  themselves 


80  LIFE    OF 

involved  in  a  new  difficulty,  for  they  got  into  a  debate  aboti* 
the  disposition,  which  should  be  made  of  the   troops  on  their 
arrival.     Some  were  for  having  them  stopped  in  their  march, 
till  a  conference  could  be  had  with  the  committee  of  Congress, 
but  this  was  carried  in  the  negative;  and  finally  it  was    decid 
ed,  that  the  troops  should  be  received,  and  lodged   in   the  city 
barracks,  on  condition  that  they  were  to  be  under  the  direction 
of  the  Committee  of  Safety,  till  General  Lee  should  arrive,  and 
the  matter  should  be  finally  arranged  by  a  conference  between 
him  and  the  two  committees.    To  this  proposal  the  committee 
of  tne    Continental    Congress    replied,  that    they  could    not 
undertake    to  put  these    troops  under   the    direction    of  the 
Provincial  Committee,   or  Congress,  having  no   such    power 
lodged  in  their  hands  by  the  Continental  Congress.     In  the 
mean  time  Colonel  Waterberry  put  an  end  to  one  part  of  the 
difficulty,  for  he  informed  them,  that  the  troops  were  hourly 
expected,  and  that  he   should   on   their  arrival   march  them 
immediately    into    the    barracks,   declaring    that    he    had    no 
authority  to  give  up  the  control  of  the  troops  to  the  Committee, 
without  orders  from  General  Lee.    It  was  at  last  agreed,  that, 
by   the    credentials   of  the  committee   from   the   Continental 
Congress  all   the  troops  in   New  York   were   properly  in  the 
charge  of  the  gentlemen  of  that  committee,  till  General  Lee's 
arrival.    This  event  occurred  on  the  fourth  of  February,  when 
he  wrote  again  to  General  Washington  as  follows. 

1 1  arrived  here  yesterday,  but  not  without  some  difficulty. 
My  disorder  increased,  rather  than  diminished,  so  that  I  was 
under  the  necessity  of  being  carried  in  a  litter  a  considerable 
part  of  the  way.  I  consider  it  as  a  piece  of  the  greatest  good 
fortune  that  the  Congress  have  detached  a  committee  to  this 
place,  otherwise  I  should  have  made  a  most  ridiculous  figure, 
besides  bringing  on  myself  the  enmity  of  ths  whole  province. 
My  hands  were  effectually  tied  up,  from  taking  any  steps  ne 
cessary  for  the  public  service,  by  the  late  resolve  of  the  Con 
gress,  putting  every  detachment  of  the  continental  troops  un 
der  the  command  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  where  such  de 
tachment  is. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  81 

£  I  should  apprize  you,  that  General  Clinton  arrived  almost 
at  the  same  instant  with  myself.  He  has  brought  no  troops 
with  him,  and  pledges  his  honor  that  none  are  coming.  He 
says  hevis  merely  on  a  visit  to  his  friend  Tryon.  If  it  is  real 
ly  so,  it  is  the  most  whimsical  piece  of  civility  I  ever  heard  of. 
He  informs  us,  that  his  intention  is  for  North  Carolina,  where 
he  expects  five  regiments  from  England ;  that  he  only  brought 
two  regiments  of  light  infantry  from  Boston.  This  is  certain 
ly  a  droll  way  of  proceeding.  To  communicate  his  full  plan 
to  the  enemy  is  too  novel  to  be  credited. 

c  The  Congress  committee,  a  certain  number  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety,  and  your  humble  servant,  have  had  two  conferences. 
The  result  will  agreeably  surprise  you.  It  is,  in  the  first  place, 
agreed,  and  justly,  that  to  fortify  the  town  against  shipping  is  im 
practicable;  but  we  are  to  fortify  lodgements,  in  some  command 
ing  part  of  the  city,  for  two  thousand  men.  We  are  to  erect  en 
closed  batteries  on  both  sides  of  the  water  near  Hell  Gate,  which 
will  answer  the  double  purpose  of  securing  the  town  against  pi 
racies  through  the  Sound,  and  secure  our  communication  with 
Long  Island,  now  become  a  more  capital  point  than  ever,  as 
it  is  determined  to  form  a  strong  fortified  camp  of  three  thou 
sand  men  in  that  Island,  immediately  opposite  to  New  York. 
The  pass  in  the  Highlands  is  to  be  made  as  respectable  as  pos 
sible,  and  guarded  by  a  battalion.  In  short,  I  think  the  plan 
judicious  and  complete.  The  two  brass  pieces,  and  other  ar 
ticles,  will  be  sent  down  as  you  request.  You  have  heard  of 
the  fate  of  the  cannon  near  Kingsbridge.' 

After  his  arrival  in  New  York,  General  Lee  lost  no  time  in 
entering  upon  measures  to  put  the  city  in  a  state  of  defence,  both 
by  a  suitable  arrangement  of  the  troops,  and  by  selecting  posi 
tions  for  fortified  posts.  The  committee  of  the  Continental 
Congress  retimed  to  Philadelphia,  but  he  had  frequent  con 
ferences  with  persons,  delegated  from  the  New  York  Congress, 
who  manifested  less  reluctance  than  formerly  at  the  idea  of  as 
suming  a  defensive  attitude,  especially  as  the  arrival  of  Clinton 
on  an  uncertain  expedition  made  it  more  likely  that  an  attack 
from  the  enemy  was  to  be  apprehended.  Considering  the  differ- 


82  LIFE    OF 

I 

ent  temperaments  of  the  General,  and  the  members  of  the  Con- 
gerss,  they  went  on  together  with  as  much  harmony  as  could  be 
expected.  They  agreed,  and  acted  in  unison,  on  all  essential 
points,  or  at  least  so  far,  that  he  was  able  to  execute  his  plans, 
without  any  embarrassing  opposition.  They  were  totally  at  va 
riance,  however,  as  to  one  subject,  and  that  was  the  supplying 
of  the  ships  in  the  harbor  with  provisions,  which  the  Congress 
persisted  in  doing,  and  with  which  the  General  forbore  to  in 
terfere,  since  it  did  not  obstruct  nor  retard  his  schemes  for 
defensive  preparations. 

'  The  Governor,  and  the  captain  of  the  man-of-war,'  said  he," 
in  a  letter  to  General  Washington,  *  had  threatened  perdition 
to  the  town,  if  the  cannon  were  removed  from  the  batteries 
and  wharves,  but  I  ever  considered  their  threats  as  idle  me 
naces,  and  even  persuaded  the  town  to  be  of  the  same  way 
of  thinking.  We  accordingly  conveyed  them  to  a  place  of 
safety,  in  the  middle  of  the  day,  and  no  cannonade  ensued.* 
Captain  Parker  publishes  a  pleasant  reason  for  his  past  con 
duct.  He  says,  that  it  was  manifestly  my  intention,  and  that 
of  the  New  England  men  under  my  command,  to  bring  down 
destruction  on  this  town,  so  hated  for  their -loyal  principles,  but 
that  he  was  determined  not  to  indulge  us,  and  so  remained 
quiet  out  of  spite.  The  people  here  laugh  at  his  nonsense, 
and  begin  to  despise  the  menaces,  which  formerly  used  to  throw 
them  into  convulsions.  To  do  them  justice,  the  whole  show 
a  wonderful  alacrity,  and  in  removing  the  cannon,  men  and 
boys  of  all  ages  worked  with  the  greatest  zeal  and  pleasure. 
1  really  believe  that  the  generality  are  as  well  affected  as  any 
on  the  continent. 


*This  was  done  without  the  consent,  or  previous  knowledge  of  the 
Committee  of  Safety,  wlio,  although  they  did  not  interpose  to  prevent 
the  act,  were  not  well  pleased  with  it,  both  because  they  looked  upon 
it  as  an  assumption  of  authority  by  the  General,  and  because  it  renew 
ed  their  apprehensions  of  the  burning  of  the  town.  It  had  the  good 
effect  to  elicit  from  them  an  order,  to  have  the  public  records  of  the 
colony  removed  from  the  city,  to  a  place  of  greater  safety. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  83 

'The  Provincial  Congress  have  ordered  in  fifteen  hundred 
minute  men.  A  number,  equal  to  two  battalions,  is  coming 
from  Pennsylvania  and  the  Jerseys.  Lord  Stirling's  regi 
ment  is  already  here,  but  not  complete.  When  the  major 
part,  or  a  sufficient  number  arrive,  we  shall  begin  our  works. 
My  intention  is  to  pull  down  that  part  of  the  fort  on  the  town 
side,  to  prevent  its  being  converted  into  a  citadel  for  the  ene 
my,  and  to  erect  a  battery  on  a  traverse  in  the  street,  to  pre 
vent  a  lodgement  in  it.  A  redoubt  and  battery,  at  the  '-ass  of 
Hell  Gate,  will  prevent  their  ships  and  tenders  passing  and  re- 
passing  to  and  from  the  Sound. 

1  We  have  fixed  on  a  spot  in  Long  Island  for  a  retrenched 
camp,  which  I  hope  will  render  it  impossible  for  them  to  get 
footing  on  that  important  Island.  As  this  camp  can  always  be 
reinforced,  it  is  our  intention  to  make  it  so  capacious  as  to  con- 
tain  four  thousand  men.  The  batteries  on  the  pass  of  Hud 
son's  River  will  be  secured,  as  soon  as  possible.  Some  of  the 
heavy  cannon  from  hence  must  be  sent  up  for  the  purpose. 
It  is  really  a  fine  train  we  are  in  possession  of.  You  shall 
have  a  return  of  the  guns,  as  well  as  stores,  by  the  post. 
Captain  Smith  is  an  excellent,  intelligent,  active  officer,  and  I 
take  the  liberty  of  recommending  him  to  your  protection. 
Captain  Badlam,  of  the  artillery,  is  likewise  a  man  of  great 
merit  in  his  way. 

c  You  must  pardon  me,  dear  General,  for  a  liberty  I  have 
taken.  You  know  that  Sears  was  to  collect  our  volunteers  in 
Connecticut,  but  he  thought  he  could  not  succeed,  unless  he 
had  some  nominal  office  and  rank.  I  accordingly  most  impru 
dently,  by  the  virtue  of  the  power  deputed  by  you  to  me, 
(which  power  you  never  deputed)  appointed  him  Adjutant 
General,  with  the  rank  of  Lieutenant,  for  the  expedition.  It 
can  have  no  bad  consequences  ;  the  man  was  much  tickled, 
and  it  added  spurs  to  his  hat.  He  is  a  creature  of  much  spirit 
and  public  virtue.'* 


*  General   Lee   seems  to  have    had  but  little  reverence  for  titles, 
which  he  said  were  well  enough  *  to  gratify  the  adulterated  pride  of 


84  LIFE    OF 

Again  General  Lee  writes  to  Washington,  on  the  29th  of  Feb 
ruary. 

'  The  Congress  have  as  yet  not  taken  the  least  step  for  the 
security  of  this  place.  The  instant  I  leave  it,  I  conclude  the 
Provincial  Congress,  and  inhabitants  in  general,  will  relapse 
into  their  former  hysterics.  The  men-of-war,  and  Mr  Tryon, 
will  return  to  their  old  stations  at  the  wharves,  and  the  first  regi 
ments,  which  arrive  from  England,  will  take  quiet  possession  of 
the  town  and  Long  Island.  I  have  written  letters,  till  I  am  tired, 
on  the  subject  to  the  Congress,  but  have  received  no  answer. 
The  committee  of  three,  who  were  here  to  confer  with  me, 
agreed  it  was  necessary  that  five  thousand  men  should  be  in  the 
place.  They  left  us,  and  no  notice  has  been  taken  of  the  affair 
since.  Great  and  extensive  works  were  resolved  upon,  and 
we  have  scarcely  sufficient  numbers  to  mark  out  the  ground. 


the  Magnifici  in  pompous  aristocracies ;  but,  in  a  great,  free,  manly, 
equal  commonwealth,  it  is  quite  abominable.'  The  following  is  an 
extract  of  a  letter  from  him  to  Patrick  Henry,  then  Governor  of 
Virginia. 

*  For  my  own  part,  I  would  as  lief  they  would  put  ratsbane  in  my 
mouth,  as  the  Excellency,  with  which  lam  daily  crammed.  How 
much  more  true  dignity  was  there  in  the  simplicity  of  address  among 
the  Romans!  Marcus  Tullius  Cicero,  Decimo  Bruto  Imperatori, 
or  Caio  Marcello  Consuli,  than  to  ';  His  Excellency  Major  General 
Noodle,"  or  to  the  "  Honorable  John  Doodle."  My  objections  are  per 
haps  trivial  and  whimsical ;  but,  for  rny  soul,  I  cannot  help  starting 
them.  If,  therefore,  I  should  sometimes  address  a  letter  to  you,  without 
the  Excellency  tacked,  you  must  not  esteem  it  a  mark  of  personal  or 
official  disrespect,  but  the  reverse.'  See  Memoirs  of  Charles  Lee,  p.  323. 

Although  there  was  no  fixed  code,  established  by  any  formal  conven 
tion,  for  graduating  those  badges  of  distinction  during  the  Revolution, 
yet  custom  and  common  consent  gave  currency  to  a  sort  of  rule,  which 
was  generally  followed.  The  President  of  Congress,  Ministers  and 
public  Agents  abroad,  Presidents  of  Conventions,  Governors  of  States, 
the  Commander  in  Chief,  and  Major  Generals  on  separate  commands, 
were  honored  with  the  prefix  of  Excellency ;  whereas,  members  of 
Congress,  and  other  public  bodies,  and  Brigadier  Generals  in  the  army, 
must  forsooth  be  contented  with  Honorable.  But  they  were  all  enti- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  85 

much  less  to  throw  up  the  works.     In  short,  1  know  not  what 
to  make  of  this  apathy  on  so  important  a  subject. 

*  I  shall  now  give  you  a  detail  of  what  we  have  been  doing, 
and  in  what  circumstances  we  are.  Our  force,  including  the 
minute  men,  amounts  to  about  seventeen  hundred  men. 
Ward's  regiment,  which  is  the  strongest,  I  have  stationed  on 
Long  Island.  They  are  employed  in  making  fascines,  and 
preparing  other  materials  for  constructing  three  redoubts,  one 
of  which  will  in  a  great  measure,  in  correspondence  with  a  bat 
tery,  which.  I  have  sunk  opposite  to  it  in  the  city,  secure  the 
entrance  of  the  East  River.  Waterberry's  and  Stirling's  regi 
ments  are  quartered  in  the  city;  the  former  in  the  upper  bar 
racks,  the  latter  in  the  lower.  Two  hundred  minute  men  are 
likewise  lodged  in  the  town.  Drake's  regiment  of  minute  men, 
and  one  more  company,  (in  all  about  two  hundred,)  are  station 
ed  at  Horn's  Hook,  which  commands  the  pass  of  Hell  Gate. 
They  are  employed  in  throwing  up  a  redoubt,  to  contain  three 
hundred  men. 


tied  to  another  appendage,  the  ancient  and  knightly  epithet  of  Esquire, 
which,  like  the  tail  of  a  kite,  was  never  to  be  omitted,  whatever  else  might 
go  before.  Thus  we  have,  His  Excellency  John  Hancock  Esquire ;  His 
Excellency  Benjamin  Franklin  Esquire ;  His  Excellency  Jonathan 
Trumbull  Esquire  ;  but  when  we  come  to  plain  members  of  Congress, 
it  is  no  more  than  The  Honorable  Roger  Sherman  Esquire,  and  for  a 
brigadier  general;  The  Honorable  Richard  Montgomery  Esquire. 

Commonly,  also,  a  Major  General,  when  he  was  not  on  a  separate 
command,  had  no  higher  title  than  Honorable.  In  such  case,  the  final 
epithet  was  usually  omitted,  and  the  military  ono  inserted,  as  The  Hon 
orable  Major  General  Lee.  It  was  only  the  unskilled  that  wrote,  The 
Honorable  Major  General  Lee  Esquire,  yet  it  would  not  be  easy  to  telJ, 
why  Sancho's  title  should  be  eliminated  in  this  case,  more  than  in 
the  other. 

In  writing  letters,  the  uninitiated  sometimes  made  ludicrous  mistakes, 
and  interlarded,  Worship,  Worshipful,  and  the  like,  out  of  all  time  and 
measure,  and  were  guilty  of  strange  transpositions  and  misplacings 
of  the  recognized  titles.  Letters  to  Washington  frequently  began, 
'  Illustrious  Sir ;'  and  petitions  were  prefaced  with  a  string  of  lofty 
and  sonorous  epithets. 

VOL.   i.          8 


86  LIFE    OF 

'  As  to  the  town,  having  few  hands,  and  the  necessary  duty 
being  hard,  I  have  been  able  to  effect  little.  I  have,  indeed, 
thrown  down  the  side  of  the  fort  next  the  town,  to  prevent  its 
being  converted  into  a  citadel  for  the  use  of  the  enemy.  It 
was  absolutely  impossible  to  be  moulded  into  anything,  which 
could  annoy  their  ships.  I  have  likewise  thrown  a  traverse, 
or  barrier,  across  the  Broad  Way,  two  hundred  yards  in  the  rear 
of  the  fort,  with  four  pieces  of  cannon,  to  prevent  the  enemy 
lodging  themselves  in  the  remains  of  the  fort,  and  repairing  it. 
It  is  likewise  my  intention  to  barricade  all  the  streets  leading 
into  the  Broad  Way,  both  on  the  right  and  left,  to  secure  us 
against  being  taken  in  reverse.  Batteries  are  to  be  erected 
on  the  eminence  behind  Trinity  Church,  to  keep  their  ships 
at  so  great  a  distance,  as  not  to  injure  the  town.  As  we  are 
surrounded  by  navigable  waters,  I  consider  enclosed  .works  as 
rather  dangerous.  It  was,  therefore,  my  intention  to  throw  up 
a  large  number  of  large  fleches,  or  redans.,  at  certain  distances, 
one  behind  another,  so  as  to  render  it  a  disputable  field  of 
battle  against  any  force.  Kingsbridge  being  a  most  impor 
tant  pass,  without  the  command  of  which  we  could  have  no 
communication  with  Connecticut,  I  had  resolved  to  make  it  as 
strong  as  possible. 

'  Such  were  my  schemes,  but  as  the  Congress  have  not  fur 
nished  the  force,  which  I  was  taught  to  expect  from  Philadel 
phia,  we  have  not  had  it  in  our  power  to  effect  more  than  ,1 
have  related.  Governor  Tryon,  and  the  Asia,  still  continue  be 
twixt  Staten  and  Bedlow's  Islands.  It  has  pleased  his  Excel 
lency,  in  violation  of  the  compact  he  had  made,  to  seize  sev 
eral  vessels  from  Jersey,  laden  with  flour.  It  has,  in  return, 
pleased  my  excellency  to  stop  all  provisions  from  the  city,  and 
cut  off  all  intercourse  with  him ;  a  measure,  which  has 
thrown  the  mayor,  council,  and  tories  into  agonies.  The 
propensity,  or  rather  rage,  for  paying  court  to  this  great  man, 
is  inconceivable.  They  cannot  be  weaned  from  him/ 

From  the  tenor  of  General  Lee's  letters,  it  is  obvious,  that 
his  energy  and  warmth  outstripped  the  cautious  prudence  of 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  87 

the  Provincial  Congress.  He  conformed  himself  to  their 
movements,  with  exemplary  self  command,  for  a  time,  but  when 
the  conviction  was  forced  upon  him,  that  they  would  do  noth 
ing,  it  was  hard  for  him,  with  the  spirit  of  a  soldier,  to  tread  the 
line  of  demarkation,  and  not  be  tempted  to  overstep  the  pre 
scribed  bounds  of  his  authority.  This  was  particularly  the 
case  in  seizing  lories,  a  duty  which  was  committed  by  the 
Continental  Congress  to  the  civil  authority  of  each  colony, 
and  pertained  in  no  manner  to  the  continental  military  service. 
Of  this  fact  General  Lee  became  convinced,  but  not  till  he  had 
exercised  the  power  in  some  instances.  And  yet  he  was 
borne  out  by  the  advice,  if  not  by  the  orders,  of  Washington, 
who,  on  the  subject  of  disarming  the  tories,  said,  '  you  can 
seize  upon  the  persons  of  the  principals  ;.  they  must  be  so  no 
toriously  known,  that  there  will  be  little  danger  of  your  com 
mitting  mistakes.'  General  Lee  acted  strictly  within  this  ad 
vice.  In  fact,  the  resolutions  of  Congress  on  -this  head  are 
somewhat  ambiguous.*  They  recommend  to  the  Colonial 
Assemblies  to  disarm  and  seize  the  more  dangerous  tories,  and 
authorize  them  to  call  to  their  aid,  in  effecting  this  object,  the 
continental  troops  stationed  in  or  near  any  colony,  where  this 
service  was  to  be  done,  but  there  is  no  clause  requiring  the 
continental  officers  to  abstain  from  the  same  acts.  The  nature 
of  the  case,  therefore,  would  lead  a  commander  of  continental 
troops  to  infer,  that,  when  he  knew  a  flagrant  offender,  it  was 
his  duty  to  apprehend  him,  without  waiting  for  an  order  from 
the  provincial  authority.  It  was  the  intent  of  the  resolutions, 
however,  to  give  this  power  wholly  to  the  respective  colonies, 
and  justly  enough,  since  it  was  extended  over  all  the  citizens, 
any  one  of  whom  was  subject  to  be  taken  up  on  suspicion, 
tried,  and  imprisoned.  The  most  that  a  continental  officer  could 
with  propriety  do,  in  such  a  case,  was  to  secure  a  suspected 
person,  and  deliver  him  over  to  the  civil  jurisdiction  of  the 
colony. 

*  See  Journals  of  the  Old  Congress,  for  March  2d,  1776. 


88  LIFE    OF 

On  the  6th  of  March,  a  committee  of  the  New  York  Con 
gress  wailed  on  General  Lee,  with  a  list  of  regulations  for 
supplying  the  armed  ships  with  provisions,  which  they  wished 
him  to  examine  and  approve.  They  reported,  '  that  General 
Lee  was  pleased  to  give  for  answer,  that  he  was  to  resign  the 
command  here  to  Lord  Stirling  to  night,  but  that  if  he  were  to 
continue,  he  would  not  consent  to  supply  them  with  any  pro 
visions,  as  they  were  at  open  war  with  us ;  that  he  hoped  Lord 
Stirling  would  he  of  the  same  opinion ;  that  his  instructions 
from  the  Continental  Congress  were,  to  use  every  means  in  his 
power  for  the  defence  of  the  city.'  This  was  the  last  public 
intercourse  between  General  Lee  and  the  Congress.  The 
regulations  were  approved  by  Lord  Stirling,  and  no  change  in 
regard  to  the  ships  occurred. 

Lord  Stirling  continued  in  command  at  New  York,  till  Gen 
eral  Washington's  arrival,  at  the  head  of  the  American  army 
from  Boston,  which  was  about  the  first  of  April.  Satisfied 
that  more  efficient  measures  were  necessary,  and  resolved  to 
carry  them  into  effect,  he  wrote  in  strong  terms  to  the  Con 
gress,  and  at  last  induced  them  to  embrace  his  views,  and  fol 
low  his  counsels. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PROCEEDINGS  FOR  ORGANIZING  A  NEW  GOVERNMENT  IN  NEW  YORK. 
— MR  MORRIS'S  VIEWS  OF  THE  SUBJECT. — MR  JAY'S  RESOLUTIONS. — 
MR  MORRIS'S  SPEECH  IN  FAVOR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. —  HIS  MISSION 
TO  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS. DECLARATION  OF  INDEPEND 
ENCE  ADOPTED  IN  NEW  YORK. — COMMITTEE  APPOINTED  TO  DRAFT 
A  CONSTITUTION. 

IN  the  month  of  April  a  new  election  took  place  for  another 
Congress,  and  a  quorum  was  formed  on  the   8th  of  May. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  89 

The  last  Congress,  as  mentioned  above,  was  elected  only  for 
six  months ;  the  present  was  for  a  year.  The  powers  and  in 
structions  of  the  two  were  the  same.  It  may  be  worthy  of  re 
mark,  that  several  of  the  delegates  to  the  Continental  Congress 
were  likewise  members  of  this  Congress,  as  Jay,  Philip  Liv 
ingston,  Duane,  Alsop.  It  moreover  appears,  that  the  Provin 
cial  Assembly  had  paramount  claims  on  their  attendance,  for 
when  Mr  Livingston  returned  to  the  Continental  Congress,  on 
the  26th  of  June,  he  asked  a  formal  permission  of  the  House, 
which  was  granted,  on  the  ground  that  it  was  necessary  to 
make  up  a  sufficient  number  of  New  York  delegates,  to  form 
the  quorum  of  that  colony  in  the  Continental  Congress.  Hence 
his  name  was  affixed  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  but 
not  those  of  the  others,  who  were  detained  in  the  Provincial 
Congress.  Alsop  likewise  returned,  but,  as  we  shall  see  here 
after,  he  had  other  reasons  (or  not  signing  the  declaration. 

Gouverneur  Morris  was  a  member  of  this  new  Congress, 
but  whether  of  the  last  short  one  [  am  not  certain,  for  I  do  not 
find  his  name  on  the  journals  during  that  space.  If  he  was 
chosen,  he  probably  did  not  attend,  but  he  now  comes  forward, 
prepared  to  take  a  prominent  lead  in  all  the  great  measures  for 
freedom  and  active  defence.* 

In  addition  to  military  preparations,  and  schemes  for  defeat 
ing  the  machinations  and  securing  the  persons  of  tories,  which 
had  thus  far  been  the  chief  business  of  the  Provincial  Assem 
blies  of  New  York,  this  Congress  had  in  prospect  two  of  the 


*  Shortly  after  the  death  of  Montgomery,  and  the  disastrous  occur 
rences  at  Quebec,  a  number  of  gentlemen  in  New  York  formed  a 
plan  for  raising  a  battalion  of  fifteen  hundred  men  for  nine  months, 
and  made  the  proposition  to  the  Provincial  Congress,  exacting  as  a 
condition,  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  appoint  their  own  officers. 
The  proposal  was  refused  on  these  terms,  the  Congress  insisting  that 
all  officers  should  be  appointed  by  that  body.  To  this,  the  gentle 
men,  who  set  the  project  on  foot,  would  not  agree,  and  it  was  aban 
doned.  Gouverneur  Morris  was  to  have  been  a  Lieutenant  Colonel 
of  these  forces. 


90  LIFE    OF 

most  important  subjects  that  could  come  under  the  cognizance 
of  any  deliberative  body, — the  assuming  of  independence,  and 
the  formation  of  a  new  plan  of  government.  The  Continental 
Congress  resolved,  on  the  J  5th  of  May,  that  it  should  be  rec 
ommended  to  the  assemblies  and  conventions  of  the  colonies, 
in  which  no  regular  government  had  been  established,  to  adopt 
such  forms  as  should  best  suit  their  condition,  and  lead  to  the 
happiness  of  their  constituents.  This  was  virtually  a  recom 
mendation  to  declare  independence  ;  for  there  can  be  no  high 
er  act  of  sovereignty  or  self  control  in  a  people,  than  to  set  up 
for  themselves  a  new  and  separate  scheme  of  government. 
When  the  subject  came  before  the  New  York  Congress,  a 
week  afterwards,  it  was  evidently  regarded  in  this  light,  and 
the  debates  took  a  turn  corresponding  with  the  same  view. 

Up  to  this  period,  very  few  persons  in  New  York  had 
thought  seriously  of  independence.  We  have  seen  the  Con 
gress,  a  year  ago,  endeavoring  to  patch  up  a  plan  of  reconcilia 
tion,  and  since  that  time  extremely  tender  in  taking  any  steps, 
which  should  implicate  them  in  the  charge  of  obstinate  disloy 
alty  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain.*  In  this  respect,  nearly  all 
the  other  colonies,  nay  doubtless  every  other  one,  were  in 
advance  of  New  York.  It  is  not  easy  to  trace  the  growth  of 
the  spirit  of  independence  from  its  first  germination,  through  its 
gradual  progress,  and  to  decide  when  and  where  il  came  earli 
est  to  maturity,  and  took  the  strongest  hold  on  the  public 
mind.  When  the  war  began,  it  is  probable  that  circumstan 
ces,  emanating  from  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  British 


*In  regard  to  those,  who  at  this  time  espoused  the  doctrine  of  re 
conciliation,  the  author  of  'Common  Sense'  said,  probably  with  equal 
justice  and  discrimination,  that  they  consisted  of  the  following  descrip 
tion  of  persons,  viz.  '  Interested  men,  who  are  not  to  be  trusted  ;  weak 
men,  who  cannot  see ;  prejudiced  men,  who  will  not  see ;  and  a  certain 
set  of  moderate  men,  who  think  better  of  the  Kuropean  world  than  it 
deserves;  and  this  last  class,  by  an  ill-judged  deliberation,  will  be  the 
cause  of  more  calamities  to  this  continent,  than  all  the  other  three.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  91 

government,  had  raised  this  spirit  to  a  higher  tone  in  Massa 
chusetts,  than  any  where  else,  but  the  electric  chain  of  sympa 
thy  soon  conducted  it  to  all  the  members  of  the  general  body, 
which  were  assimilated  by  common  interests,  and  exposed  to 
common  dangers,  encroachment,  and  suffering.*  Recently, 
however,  much  had  been  said  and  written  on  the  subject, 
The  popular  voice  was  becoming  audible  in  various  quarters, 
and  after  the  wide  circulation  and  unparallelled  success  of  the 
tract  entitled  Common  Sense,  in  the  winter  and  spring  of  1776, 
the  public  mind  rapidly  converged  to  appoint  favorable  alike 
to  unanimity  of  sentiments  and  concerted  action. 

At  this  crisis  the  third  New  York  Congress  assembled,  and, 
among  their  earliest  proceedings,  was  the  consideration  of  the 
resolution  of  the  Continental  Congress,  recommending  the  or 
ganization  of  a  new  form  of  government.  Gouverneur  Morris 
put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  debates  on  this  question,  and 
opened  the  business  by  a  long  argument  in  support  of  the 
measure,  showing  by  a  series  of  facts  and  reasonings,  that  it 
was  necessary,  and  that  the  proper  time  had  arrived.  This  argu 
ment  embraced  a  wide  compass,  sketching  a  historical  outline 


*  In  like  manner,  it  would  be  difficult  to  tell,  who,  among  the  eminent 
individuals  of  the  time,  were  the  first  to  defend  openly  a  separation  and 
absolute  independence  of  the  American  colonies.  Franklin  claims  the 
distinction  of  being  among  the  earliest  and  most  conspicuous.  Mr 
Quincy,  while  wilh  him  in  England,  speaks  of  him  in  the  following 
manner,  as  early  as  November,  1774,  in  writing  to  a  friend.  '  Dr 
Franklin  is  an  American  in  heart  and  soul.  His  ideas  are  not  contracted 
within  the  narrow  limits  of  exemption  from  taxes,  but  are  extended  upon 
the  broad  scale  of  TOTAL  EMANCIPATION.  He  is  explicit  and  bold  upon 
the  subject.1  Again,  he  '  explicitly  and  in  so  many  words  said,  that  New 
England  only  could  hold  out.  for  ages  against  this  country,  and,  if  they 
were  firm  and  united,  in  seven  years  would  conquer  them.'  See 
Memoir  ofJosiah  Quincy,  Jr.  pp.  250,  341. 

This  is  the  more  remarkable,  as  Dr  Franklin  had  then  lived  several 
years  in  England,  and  of  course  out  of  the  sphere  of  sympathy  and  ex 
citement,  which,  by  reaction  and  attrition,  had  warmed  the  feelings  and 
elevated  the  sentiments  of  his  countrymen  at  home. 


92  LIFE    OF 

of  the  differences  between  England  and  the  colonies,  the  grad 
ual  encroachments  of  the  former,  and  the  injuries  and  oppres 
sions  to  which  the  latter  had  submitted,  till  their  patience  was 
exhausted,  and  submission  had  become  an  outrage  upon  their 
dignity  as  a  free  people,  a  crime  against  justice,  and  a  mocke 
ry  of  liberty.  In  short,  we  hear  no  more  of  reconciliation. 

It  was  Mr  Morris's  opinion,  however,  that  the  present  Con 
gress  had  not  power  to  enter  upon  the  plan  of  a  new  govern 
ment,  as  such  a  thing  was  not  contemplated  by  their  constitu 
ents,  when  they  were  chosen.  At  the  close  of  his  speech  he 
made  a  motion,  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  draw 
up  a  notice  to  the  people,  recommending  a  new  election  of 
persons,  expressly  authorized  to  assemble  and  form  a  new  gov 
ernment.  This  motion  was  opposed  by  Mr  Scott,  on  the 
ground  that  it  was  doubtful  whether  the  Congress  had  not  the 
power  desired,  and  he  thought  it  was  enough  to  appoint  a 
committee  to  report  as  to  that  point.  These  preliminary  dif 
ficulties  were  at  length  got  over,  by  an  amendment  of  Mr  Mor 
ris's  motion,  proposed  by  Mr  Sands,  that  a  committee  should 
be  appointed  to  take  into  consideration  the  resolutions  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  to  report  thereon  with  all  conve 
nient  speed.  Mr  Morris  held  to  hisoriginal  proposition,  and 
opposed  the  amendment  in  a  speech,  but  it  was  carried  in  the 
affirmative. 

On  the  twenty-seventh  of  May  the  committee  reported  in 
substance  as  follows.  That  the  right  of  framing  or  new  mod 
elling  civil  government  belongs  to  the  people  ;  that  the  present 
form  of  Congress  and  committees  originated  in  the  free  choice 
of  the  inhabitants,  and  depends  on  them  ;  that  this  form  was  in 
stituted  while  the  old  government  subsisted,  and  was  necessari 
ly  defective ;  that,  by  the  voluntary  abdication  of  the  late  Gov 
ernor  Tryon,  the  dissolution  of  the  old  Assembly,  and  the  un 
warrantable  hostilities  committed  by  the  British  fleets  and  ar 
mies,  the  old  form  of  government  is  ipso  facto  dissolved,  where 
by  it  is  become  necessary,  that  the  people  of  this  colony  should 
institute  a  new  and  regular  form  of  internal  government,  in  ex- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  93 

elusion  of  foreign  and  external  power ;  that  doubts  have  arisen 
as  to  the  authority  of  this  Congress  to  form  such  a  govern 
ment,  which  doubts  can  of  right  be  removed  by  the  people 
only  ;  that  the  Congress  ought  to  continue  in  the  exercise  of 
such  powers,  as  are  clearly  delegated  to  them,  and  in  the  mean 
time  give  the  people  an  opportunity  to  remove  the  above 
doubts,  either  by  declaring  their  respective  representatives  in 
Congress  to  be  invested  with  the  necessary  powers  for  estab 
lishing  a  new  government,  or  else  to  elect  another  body  for 
the  purpose ;  and  that  an  order  should  be  issued,  by  the  Con 
gress,  to  the  committees  of  the  several  counties,  for  calling 
the  people  together  to  express  their  sentiments  on  the  subject, 
by  the  usual  mode  of  elections. 

This  report,  by  taking  a  middle  ground  between  the  princi 
ples  of  the  two  motions,  and  compassing  the  objects  of  both, 
was  approved  and  accepted. 

But  before  there  was  time  to  gain  the  sense  of  the  people 
on  this  affair,  a  new  topic  of  discussion  came  before  the  House. 
By  a  letter,  dated  June  8th,  the  New  York  representatives  in 
the  Continental  Congress  wrote  as  follows  to  the  Provincial 
Congress. 

1  Your  delegates  have  expected,  that  the  question  of  inde 
pendence  will  very  shortly  be  agitated  in  Congress.  Some  of 
us  consider  ourselves  as  bound  by  our  instructions  not  to  vote 
on  that  question,  and  all  wish  to  have  your  sentiments  thereon. 
The  matter  will  admit  no  delay.  We  have,  therefore,  sent  an 
express,  who  will  wait  your  orders.' 

This  letter,  the  journals  state,  was  read  with  closed  doors. 
AJetter  from  the  President  of  the  Virginia  Convention  had, 
also,  been  very  recently  received,  enclosing  the  resolves  of 
that  body,  on  the  22d  of  May,  instructing  the  Virginia  dele 
gates  in  the  Continental  Congress  to  bring  forward  and  sustain 
a  proposition  for  independence.  The  New  York  delegates 
were  still  acting  under  their  original  instructions,  which  had 
not  been  changed,  and  which  empowered  them  only  to  consent 
and  determine  on  such  measures,  as  should  be  f  effectual  for 


94  LIFE    OF 

the  re-establishment  and  preservation  of  American  rights  and 
privileges,'  and  the  '  restoration  of  harmony '  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  colonies.  With  such  powers,  it  was  clear 
they  could  take  no  efficient  part  in  the  deliberations  for  inde 
pendence.  Hence  their  letter  demanding  further  advice. 

The  subject  was  now  brought  fairly  before'the  House,  and 
in  a  manner  that  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  act.  At  this 
juncture,  Mr  Jay  presented  a  resolution,  which  was  unanimously 
agreed  to,  and  which  paved  the  way  to  the  happy  results  that 
followed.  The  purport  of  it  was,  that,  as  the  people  of  the 
colony  had  not  authorized  their  representatives  to  declare  the 
colony  independent  of  Great  Britain,  and  yet,  as  recent  events 
required  some  determination  on  this,  as  well  as  many  other 
important  points,  it  was  necessary  for  the  powers  of  the 
representatives  to  be  enlarged,  and  it  jwas  therefore  resolv 
ed,  that  it  should  be  earnestly  recommended  to  the  free 
holders  and  other  electors,  not  only  to  invest  the  deputies  with 
the  authority  heretofore  required,  for  instituting  a  new  form  of 
government,  but  also  '  with  full  power  to  deliberate  and  deter 
mine  on  every  question  whatever,  that  may  concern  or  effect 
the  interest  of  this  colony,  and  to  conclude  upon,  ordain,  and 
execute  every  act  and  measure,  which  to  them  shall  appear 
conducive  to  the  happiness,  security,  and  welfare  of  this  colo 
ny,  and  that  they  hold  and^  exercise  the  said  powers,  until  the 
second  Tuesday  in  May  next,  or  until  a  regular  form  of  govern 
ment  shall  be  established,' — and,  moreover,  'to  instruct  or  other 
wise  to  inform  the  said  deputies  of  their  sentiments,  relative  to 
the  great  question  of  independency,  and  such  other  points  as 
they  may  think  proper.'  The  latitude  and  comprehensive 
ness  of  this  resolve  were  calculated,  as  soon  as  it  should  come 
in  a  proper  manner  before  the  people,  to  put  an  end  to  all 
further  doubts,  as  to  the  objects  and  extent  of  powers  in  the 
Congress. 

There  are  still  existing  the  fragments  of  a  speech,  made  by 
Mr  Morris,  in  the  course  of  the  debates  on  the  proposition  for 
adopting  a  new  plan  of  government,  which  he  wrote  out  after 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  95 

it  was  delivered.  Its  precise  date  I  am  unable  to  determine. 
The  first  half  is  missing,  but  a  few  extracts  from  the  remainder 
will  give  some  idea  of  his  opinions,  on  the  subjects  discussed, 
as  well  as  of  his  manner  of  writing  at  that  time.  He  was  now 
twenty-four  years  old. 

In  the  exordium,  and  first  half  of  his  speech,  the  orator  seems 
to  have  delineated  to  his  audience  the  origin  of  the  political 
difficulties,  which  the  nation  then  labored  under,  and  to  have 
come  to  the  conclusion,  that  old  forms  and  old  connexions 
were  inevitably  dissolved,  and  could  no  longer  subsist ;  that  the 
years  of  childhood  and  vassalage  were  passed  ;  and  that  the  time 
had  come,  when  America  was  imperiously  called  on  to  assume 
the  claims,  and  maintain  the  dignity,  of  manhood  and  self  confi 
dence.  In  despatching  these  preliminaries,' he  touches  on  the 
hackneyed  theme  of  reconciliation,  the  phantom,  which  had  so 
long  played  its  illusions  in  the  fancy  of  his  associates  in  the 
New  York  Congress. 

'  Undoubtedly,  Sir,'  said  he,  '  you  will  find  some  state  car 
penter,  ready  to  frame  this  disjointed  government,  and  warrant 
his  work.  And  if  there  should  be  some  flaws,  considering  the 
protection  you  receive  from  Britain,  you  ought  to  put  up  with 
them.  I  know  he  will  tell  you  so.  Protection,  Sir,  is  a  very 
good  thing,  yet  a  man  may  .pay  too  much  for  diamonds. 
There  is  a  common  story  of  a  certain  juggler,  who  would  un 
dertake  to  cut  off  a  man's  head,  and  clap  it  on  again  so  neatly, 
as  to  cure  him  without  a  scar.  Much  such  a  sort  of  juggling 
business  is  this  protection  we  are  to  receive.  Great  Britain 
will  not  fail  to  bring  us  into  a  war  with  some  of  her  neighbors, 
and  then  protect  us  as  a  lawyer  defends  a  suit ;  the  client 
paying  for  it.  This  is  quite  in  form,  but  a  wise  man  would 
rather,  I  think,  get  rid  of  the  suit  and  the  lawyer  together. 
Again,  how7  are  we  to  be  protected  ?  If  a  descent  is  made 
upon  our  coasts,  and  the  British  navy  and  army  are  three 
thousand  miles  off,  we  cannot  receive  very  great  benefit  from 
them  on  that  occasion.  If,  to  obviate  this  inconvenience,  we 
have  an  army  and  navy  constantly  among  us,  who  can  say 


96  LIFE    OF 

that  we  shall  not  need  a  little  protection  against  them  ?  We 
may  indeed  put  a  clause  in  the  agreement,  that  Britain  shall 
not  use  them  to  enslave  us ;  and  then  all  will  be  safe,  for  we 
cannot  suppose  they  will  break  their  promise. 

6  Thus  I  find,  Sir,  that  with  the  help  of  a  little  paper  and 
ink,  we  may  draw  out  a  long  treaty,  filled  with  cautious  items, 
and  wise  et  ceteras.  Then  the  whole  affair  is  settled.  Amer 
ica  is  quite  independent  of  Great  Britain,  except  that  they 
have  the  same  King  ;  for  although  the  British  Parliament  is 
allowed  to  possess,  under  the  name  of  supremacy,  an  immense 
train  of  legislative  powers,  there  are  contained  in  fire  agree 
ment  strict  inhibitions  from  using  any  one  of  them.  Thus  it 
is  settled,  I  say,  for  seven  years.  Not  a  day  further.  The 
very  next  Parliament,  not  being  bound  by  the  acts  of  the 
former,  the  whole  is  in  law  as  to  them  a  nullity.  Our  ac 
knowledgment  of  supremacy  binds  us  as  subjects,  and  our 
most  exquisite  restrictions,  being  contrary  to  the  very  nature 
of  civil  society,  are  merely  void.  Remember,  too,  that  no 
faith  is  to  be  kept  with  rebels. 

'  In  this  case,  or  in  any  other  case,  if  we  fancy  ourselves 
hardly  dealt  with,  1  maintain  there  is  no  redress  but  by  arms. 
For  it  never  yet  was  known,  that,  when  men  assume  power, 
they  will  part  with  it  again  unless  by  compulsion.  Now  the 
bond  of  continental  union  once  broken,  a  vast  load  of  debt  ac 
cumulated,  many  lives  lost,  and  nothing  got,  I  wonder  wheth 
er  the  people  of  this  country  would  again  choose  to  put  them 
selves  into  the  hands  of  a  Congress,  even  if  a  general  attack 
were  made  upon  their  liberties.  But  undoubtedly  the  whole 
continent  would  not  run  to  arms  immediately,  upon  an  attempt 
against  one  of  the  colonies,  and  thus,  one  after  another,  we 
should  infallibly  be  subjugated  to  that  power,  which  we  know 
would  destroy  even  the  shadow  of  liberty  among  us.'  * 


*  The  idea  of  a  combined  union  of  movement  in  the  colonies,  and 
of  its  necessity  in  accomplishing  a  desired  end,  is  beautifully  expressed 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

Having  thus  closed  the  first  part  of  his  discourse,  he  pro 
ceeded  to  the  subject  of  independence,  showing  first  what  it  is, 
and  next,  that  in  all  its  essential  characteristics  it  then  existed  in 
reality,  though  not  in  name,  even  in  the  colony  of  New  York. 

'  These,  and  ten  thousand  other  reasons,  Sir,  all  serve  to* 
convince  me,  that,  to  make  a  solid  and  lasting  peace,  with  lib 
erty  :and  security,  is  utterly  impracticable.  t~My  argument^ 
therefore,  stands  thus.  [As  a  connexion  with  Great  Britain 
cannot  again  exist,  without  enslaving  America,  an  indepen 
dence  is  absolutely  necessary.  i  I  cannot  balance  between  the 
two.  We  run  a  hazard  in  one  path,  I  confess,  but  then  we 
are  infallibly  ruined  if  we  pursue  the  other. 

1  Let  us,  however,  act  fairly.  Let  us  candidly  examine  this 
Independence.  Let  us  look  back,  for  much  of  the  journey  is 
past  ;  and  forward,  for  much  is  yet  to  come.  Many  objects 
are  hideous,  only  from  the  distance  at  which  they  are  viewed. 
Strict  scrutiny  may  sometimes  give  us  the  demonstration  of 
sense,  that  things  frightful  at  the  first  appearance,  are  never 
theless  of  great  utility.  It  is  the  perfection  of  man  to  be  guid 
ed  by  reason.  And  above  all  men,  those,  who  are  entrusted 
with  public  concerns,  should  as  much  as  possible  divest  them 
selves  of  every  prejudice  and  passion.  Without  passion  or 
.prejudice,  therefore,  let  us  coolly  go  round  this  subject  and  ex 
amine  it  on  every  side. 


by  John  Dickinson,  in  a  letter  to  Josiah  Quincy,  dated  June  20th,  1774. 
*  Doubt  not  that  everything  bears  a  most  favorable  aspect.  Nothing 
can  throw  us  into  a  pernicious  confusion,  but  one  colony's  breaking  t.'ie 
line  of  opposition,  by  advancing  too  hastily  before  the  rest.  The  one 
which  dares  to  betray  ;the  common  cause  by  rushing  forward,  contrary 
to  the  maxims  of  discipline  established  by  common  sense,  and  the  ex 
perience  of  ages,  will  inevitably  and  utterly  perish.' — Memoir  ofJosiah 
Quincy,  Jr.  p.  169.  It  is  possible  this  was  meant  as  a  gentle  hint  to  Mr 
Quincy,  and  his  friends  in  Massachusetts,  who,  if  they  had  not  broken 
the  line,  were  at  least  in  the  van  of  the  column,  and  pressing  forward 
with  an  eagerness  not  exactly  relished,  by  many  of  their  more  prudent 
compatriots  at  that  time. 

VOL.    I.  9 


93  LIFE    OF 

4  Here  it  will  be  necessary  to  determine  in  what  it  consists, 
which  will  naturally  open  our  attention  to  what  further  steps 
are  necessary  to  the  completion  of  it.  '"Sir,  1  believe  no  such 
thing  as  perfect  independence  ever  yet  existed  in  any  State. 
The  wants  and  weaknesses  of  cities,  kingdoms,  and  empires, 
like  the  wants  and  weaknesses  of  the  miserable  people  who' 
inhabit  them,  form  mutual  connexions,  relations,  and  depen 
dencies,  necessarily  adapted  to  various  purposes.  Indepen 
dence  then,  applied  to  communities,  can  mean  nothing  more  than 
the  powers  which  separate  societies  exercise  among  them 
selves.  These  relate  to  the  society,  compared  either  with  its 
component  parts,  or  with  other  societies.  As  to  the  first,  it 
comprehends  legislation,  and  distributive  justice.  The  second 
consists  in  coining  money,  raising  armies,  regulating  com 
merce,  peace,  war,  and  treaties.  These,  Sir,  I  take  to  be  the 
grand  lineaments  and  characteristics,  which  mark  out  indepen 
dence.  Go  farther,  and  you  will  degenerate  into  quibbling 
logicians.  To  them  and  dictionary  makers  let  us  leave  all 
nicer  distinctions ;  and  see  how  far  America  may,  or  may  not, 
be  termed  an  independent  State. 

c  First,  as  to  legislation.  I  do  candidly  confess,  that  I  meet 
with  no  laws,  which  you  have  passed  in  the  usual  style  of  be  it 
enacted  ;  but  your  cogent  recommendations,  with  the  penalties 
of  disobedience  affixed,  are  far  from  unfrequent.  Secondly, 
as  to  distributive  justice.  At  the  first  view,  indeed,  it  seems 
not  to  have  been  your  object,  because  writs  run  and  judges  sit  as 
they  were  wont  to  do,  and  the  King  of  England  is  (by  fiction 
of  law)  present  at  every  court  on  the  continent.  Sir,  when 
this  system  was  first  organized,  we  found  a  very  good  code  of 
civil  laws  in  being.  The  wisdom  of  ages  has  been  collected 
for  their  perfection,  and  we  must  have  been  losers  by  a 
change.  But  if  you  should  think  proper  to  shut  up  the  shop 
of  justice,  not  wantonly,  but  from  evident  necessity,  will  any 
man  pretend  to  deny,  that  the  law  would  from  that  single  breath 
become  a  dead  letter  ?  And  if  any  other  government  should 
take  a  step  of  this  kind,  without  evident  necessity,  the  subjects 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  99 

of  that  government  would  revolt  at  least  as  readily,  as  tha  in 
habitants  of  this  country.  We  do  not  find,  that  there  was  any 
immediate  and  personal  act  of  the  prince  necessary  for  the  ex 
ercise  of  the  law,  .unless  perhaps  the  affixing  a  piece  of  \v:ix 
now  and  then  to  a  piece  of  paper  or  parchment.  And  I  be 
lieve  we  may  find  men  in  this  country,  quite  as  well  skilled  in 
that  manufacture,  as  any  English  workmen.  If  not,  I  am  con 
fident  we  may  import  as  many  workmen  as  we  please.  But, 
Sir,  what  snys  the  law  to  the  present  resistance  ?  We  have 
lawyers  enough  among  us,  to  tell  what  the  law  books  say. 
Many  hard  names  are  there  stored  up  for  such  occasions,  of 
which  I  believe  the  very  gentlest  and  smoothest  kind  are  ri 
otously  and  routously.  Yet  from  the  general  silence  of  judges 
and  juries,  I  cannot  but  think  that  the  people  consider  this 
House  as  the  sovereign  pywcr,  a  resistance  of  whose  com 
mands  is  that  resistance,  which  all  these  hard  words  are  lev 
elled  at.  Let  us  consider  the  matter  a  little  further.  Pray, 
if  we  had  found  the  people  of  this  country  without  any  law 
whatever,  or  (what  amounts  to  the  same  thing,)  if  his  Majesty 
should  send  a  frigate  to  bring  over  his  governors,  counsellors, 
judges,  great  seal,  and  the  like,  in  such  case  should  we  hesitate 
a  moment  to  provide  proper  laws  and  proper  tribunals  ?  Did 
we,  in  such  instances  as  the  law  was  deficient  in,  did  we  there 
hesitate  ?  Or  rather,  have  we  not  a  strict  tribunal  for  the  laws 
of  Congress  in  every  committee  ?  To  affirm  then,  that  the 
distribution  of  justice  is  not  in  the  hands  of  this  House,  argues 
great  want  of  attention,  and  ignorance  of  our  public  proceedings. 
To  make  short  of  this  part  of  my  argument,  I  take  Massachu 
setts  Bay  as  an  instance  in  point,  which  renders  further  rea 
soning  unnecessary. 

'  We  find,  therefore,  the  characteristic  marks  and  insignia  ofy- 
independence  in  this  society,  considered  in  itself,  and  com 
pared  with  other  societies.  The  enumeration  is  conviction. 
Coining  money,  raising  armies,  regulating  commerce,  peace, 
war,  all  these  things  you  are  not  only  adepts  in,  but  masters  of. 
Treaties  alone  remain,  and  even  those  you  have  dabbled  at. 


100  LIFE    OF 

Georgia  you  put  under  the  ban  of  the  empire,  and  received 
her  upon  repentance  as  a  member  of  the  flock.  Canada  you 
are  now  treating  with  France  and  Spain  you  ought  to  treat 
with,  and  the  rest  is  but  a  name.  I  believe,  Sir,  the  Romans 
were  as  much  governed,  or  rather  oppressed,  by  their  empe 
rors,  as  ever  any  people  were  by  their  king.  But  emperor 
was  more  agreeable  to  their  ears,  than  king.  Some,  nay  ma-^ 
ny  persons  in  America,  dislike  the  word  independence.  For 
my  own  part,  I  see  no  reason  why  Congress  is  not  full  as  good 
a  word  as  States- General,  or  Parliament,  and  it  is  a  mighty 
easy  matter  to  please  people,  when  a  single  sound  will  effect 
it. 

'  From  these  remarks  on  the  nature  of  Independence,  and  on 
the  fact  that  it  already  exists  in  everything  but  in  name,  the 
speaker  turns  to  a  consideration  of  the  advantages  of  a  sepa 
ration  from  England,  or  of  sliding  into  what  he  calls  the  (  un 
avoidable  situation'  of  an  independent  government.  These 
advantages  he  ranks  under  three  heads,  peace,  liberty,  security^ 

'  Whether  a  State  shall  enjoy  peace  or  suffer  war,  depends" 
upon  two  great  leading  circumstances  ;  the  probability  of  at 
tack,  and  the  means  of  defence.  As  to  the  probability  of  at 
tack,  we  must  consider  by  whom  it  is  to  be  made,  in  what 
manner,  and  for  what  purpose.  It  is  quite  a  hackneyed  top 
ic,  boldly  insisted  on,  though  very  lightly  assumed,  that  the 
instant  an  American  independence  is  declared,  we  shall  have 
all  the  powers  of  Europe  on  our  backs,  as  by  a  general  con 
sent,  to  share  out  this  country  amongst  them. 

i  Experience,  Sir,  has  taught  those  powers,  and  will  teach 
them  more  clearly  every  day,  that  an  American  war  is  tedious, 
expensive,  uncertain,  and  ruinous.  Three  thousand  miles  of 
a  boisterous  ocean  are  to  be  passed  over,  and  the  vengeful 
tempests,  which  whirl  along  our  coasts,  are  daily  to  be  encoun 
tered  in  such  expeditions.  At  least  three  months'  expense 
must  be  incurred,  before  one  gun  can  be  fired  against  an  Amer 
ican  village  ;  and  three  months  more,  before  each  shattered  ar 
mament  can  find  an  asylum  for  repose.  A  hardy,  brave  peo- 


MOKKiS.  101 

pie,  or  else  a  destructive  climate,  must  be  subdued,  while  the 
troops,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  find  at  every  step  that  desertion 
and  happiness  are  synonymous  terms.  Grant,  that  with  a 
wasteful  dissipation  of  blood  and  treasure,  some  little  portion 
of  this  vast  country  may  be  conquered.  Fortresses  remain  to 
be  built,  magazines  provided,  and  garrisons  established,  for  the 
defence  of  a  broad  desolation,  not  worth  one  shilling  to  the 
possessors.  Or  should  it  better  please  a  maritime  power,  (and 
we  have  none  but  these  to  fear)  should  it  please  them  to  carry 
on  a  naval  war,  pray  where  is  the  American  property,  which 
will  pay  the  expenses  of  a  European  armament  ? 

^Nations  do  not  make  war  without  some  view.  Should  [ 
they  be  able  to  conquer  America,  it  would  cost  them  more  to 
maintain  such  conquest,  than  the  fee  simple  of  the  country  is 
worth.  They  could  gain  nothing  but  our  commerce,  and  that 
they  may  have  without  striking  a  blew.  Thus,  Sir,  it  appears 
to  my  poor  discernment  an  incontrovertible  truth,  that  no 
nation  whatever  would  incline  to  attack  us.  Fer  after  all,  this 
consideration  must  arise  amongst  them,  that  the  surest  conse 
quence  of  the  most  splendid  votaries  would  be  a  bloody  war 
with  each  other  about  sharing  the  spoils. 

'  But  I  cannot  think  it  will  ever  come  to  this.  For  when  I 
turn  my  eyes  to  the  means  of  defence,  I  find  them  amply 
sufficient.  We  have  all  heard,  that  in  the  last  war  America 
was  conquered  in  Germany.  I  hold  the  converse  of  this  pro 
position  to  be  true,  namely,  that  in,  and  by  America,  his 
Majesty's  German  dominions  were  secured.  The  last,  and 
every  other  war  for  more  than  a  century,  have  been  determin 
ed  more  by  the  wealth,  than  the  arms  of  contending  nations  : 
and  the  great  source  of  that  wealth  is  in  the  western  world. 
It  rises  here,  flourishes  in  Europe,  and  is  buried  in  India.  [ 
The  situation  of  this  continent  formerly  did,  and  still  does  eTnT" 
able  us  in  a  very  great  degree  to  check  that  flood  of  property, 
which  thus  glides  along  to  the  eastward.  The  rapacity  of  ad 
venturers  will  greedily  seize  the  opportunity  of  becoming  rich, 
by  pressing  upon  the  merchandize  of  other  people.  And  large 
9* 


102  LIFE  ur 

convoys  for  merchant  ships  are  equally  expensive  and  ineffi 
cacious.  I  appeal  to  experience.  As  to  the  project  of  shut 
ting  up  all  the  creeks  and  harbors  along  this  extensive  coast, 
this  is  calculated  only  for  the  meridian  of  St  James's,  and  be 
comes  daily  an  object  of  ridicule,  even  to  our  women  and  chil 
dren.  I  know  the  objection,  that  as  we  ourselves  are  a 
trading  people,  we  may  suffer  equal  loss  with  our  foes.  Al 
though  I  cannot  admit  this  in  its  fullest  latitude,  yet  it  has 
some  weight.  But  it  leads  to  a  very  obvious  consequence, 
that  is  to  say,  an*  American  navy.  Gentlemen  may  either 
start  or  smile  at  this  idea,  as  it  chances  to  raise  their  contempt 
or  admiration.  Let  us  consider  it.  Would  a  fleet  consist-  j 
ing  of  ten  sixty,  ten  fifty,  and  ten  forty  gun  ships,  with  ten  j 
sloops  of  twenty,  and  thirty  often  guns,  would  such  a  fleet,  Sir, 
make  a  respectable  figure  in  the  defence  of  our  coasts  ?  Some 
persons  will  say,  yes,  but  where  are  you  to  get  them  ?  Why, 
Sir,  the  materials  are  amongst  us,  and  five  millions  dollars  will  fit 
them  all  out  for  a  six  months'  voyage.  I  shall  be  told,  that  is 
very  pretty  scheming,  and  asked  perhaps  how  the  expense  of 
this  fleet  is  to  be  maintained.  I  would  not  lay  heavy  imposts 
upon  trade.  I  am  sure  five  per  cent,  upon  all  commodities 
imported  into  this  continent,  would  be  a  very  trivial  tax,  and  , 
there  certainly  are  not  less  than  twenty  millions  of  dollars  in 
value,  annually  imported.  This  would  yield  one  million,  and' 
that  is  sufficient  to  keep  your  navy  afloat.  And  with  such  a 
navy  it  would  be  still  more  inconvenient  to  attack  this  country. 
See  what  effects  have  followed  from  fitting  out  a  few  little  in 
significant  vessels,  under  the  name  of  privateers.  The  last 
mode  of  defence  consists  in  having  a  respectable  army.  I  do 
not  mean  an  armed  banditti,  to  become  our  masters.  The 
officers  of  your  standing  army  should  be  regularly  paid,  and 
the  profession  by  that  means  cultivated.  But  the  soldiers 
should  never  be  enlisted,  except  when  actual  service  required 
it ;  and,  lest  we  should  then  be  at  a  loss  for  good  ones,  it 
should  be  provided  by  wholesome  militia  laws,  that  every  man 
in  the  country  should  know  the  duties  of  a  soldier. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS,  103 

4  Thus,  Sir,  by  means  of  tha,t  great  gulpli  which  rolls  its| 
waves  between  Europe  and  America,  by  the  situation  of  these 
colonies,  always  adapted  to  hinder  or  interrupt  all  communica 
tion  between  the  two,  by  the  productions  of  our  soil,  which 
the  Almighty  has  filled  with  every  necessary  to  make  us  a 
great  maritime  people,  by  the  extent  of  our  coasts  and  those 
immense  rivers,  which  serve  at  once  to  open  a  communication 
with  our  interior  country,  and  teach  us  the  arts  of  navigation, 
by  those  vast  fisheries,  which,  affording  an  inexhaustible  mine 
of  wealth  and  a  cradle  of  industry,  breed  hardy  mariners,  inur 
ed  to  danger  and  fatigue,  finally  by  the  unconquerable  spirit 
of  freemen,  deeply  interested  in  the  preservation  of  a  govern 
ment,  which  secures  to  them  the  blessings  of  liberty,  and  exalts 
the  dignity  of  mankind  ;  by  all  these,  I  expect  a  full  and  last 
ing  defence  against  any  and  every  part  of  the  earth  ;  while 
the  great  advantages  to  be  derived  from  a  friendly  intercourse 
with  this  country  almost  render  the  means  of  defence  unne 
cessary,  from  the  great  improbability  of  being  attacked.  So 
far  peace  seems  to  smile  upon  our  future  independence. 
But  that  this  fair  goddess  will  equally  crown  our  union  with  „. 
Great  Britain,  my  fondest  hopes  cannot  lead  me  even  to  sup-  x 
pose.  Every  war,  in  which  she  is  engaged,  must  necessarily 
involve  us  in  its  detestable  consequences  ;  whilst  weak  and 
unarmed,  we  have  no  shield  of  defence,  unless  such  as  she 
may  please  (for  her  own  sake)  to  afford,  or  else  the  pity  of  her  * 
enemies,  and  the  insignificance  of  slaves,  beneath  the  attention 
of  a  generous  foe. 

e  Let  us  next  turn  our  attention  to  a  question  of  infinitely  I 
greater  importance,  namely,  the  liberty  of  this  country.  I 
speak  here  only  of  political  liberty,  and  this  may,  I  believe, 
be  secured  by  the  simplest  contrivance  imaginable.  If  Ame 
rica  is  divided  into  small  districts,  and  the  election  of  members 
into  Congress  annual,  and  every  member  incapacitated  from 
serving  more  than  one  year  out  of  three,  I  cannot  conceive  the 
least  temptation  to  an  abuse  of  power,  in  the  legislative  and 
executive  parts  of  government.  And  as  long  as  those  foun- 


104  LIFE    OF 

tains  are  pure,  the  streams  of  justice  will  flow  clear  and  whole 
some.  But  shall  we  pretend  to  say,  that  we  have  political  lib 
erty,  while  subject  to  the  legislative  control  of  Great  Britain  ? 
Even  freed  from  that,  will  not  the  silent  efforts  of  influence 
undermine  any  constitution  we  can  possibly  devise  ?  And  of 
what  importance  is  it  to  the  subject,  whether  a  love  of  pow 
er  or  a  love  of  money,  whether  avarice  or  ambition,  are  the 
causes  of  his  unhappiness  ?  If  I  were  to  choose  a  master, 
it  should  be  a  single  tyrant,  because  I  had  infinitely  rather  be 
torn  by  a  lion,  than  eaten  by  vermin. 

4  The  last  consideration,  Sir,  is  security,  and  so  long  as  the 
system  of  laws  by  which  we  are  now  governed  shall  prevail, 
it  is  amply  provided  for  in  every   separate   colony.      There 
may  indeed  arise  an  objection,  because  some  gentlemen  sup 
pose,   that  the  different  colonies   will  carry  on  a  sort  of  land 
piracy  against  each  other.     But  how  this  can  possibly  happen, 
when  the  idea  of  separate   colonies  no  longer  exists,  I  cannot 
for  my  soul  comprehend.     That  something  very  like  this  has 
already  been  done,  I  shall  not  deny,  but  the  reason  is    as  evi 
dent  as   the  fact.     We   never  yet  had   a   government  in  this 
country,  of  sufficient  energy  to  restrain   the   lawless  and   indi 
gent.     Whenever  a  form  of  government  is  established,  which 
deserves  the  name,  these  insurrections  must  cease.     But  who 
is  the  man  so  hardy  as  to  affirm,  that  they  will  not  grow  with 
our  growth,  while  on   every   occasion  we  must  resort  to   an 
English  judicature   to  terminate   differences,  which  the   max 
ims  of  policy  will  teach  them  to  leave  undetermined  ?     By  de 
grees  we  are  getting  beyond  the   utmost  pale  of  English   gov 
ernment.     Settlements   are  forming  to    the    westward  of  us, 
whose   inhabitants  acknowledge  no   authority  but  their  own, 
and  of  consequence  no  umpire  but  the  sword.     The   King  of 
England  will  make  no  new  grants,   the  settlers  will  ask  none. 
We  occupy  but  a  small  strip  of  land  along  the  sea  coasts,  and^, 
in  less  than  fifty  years  those  western   settlements  will  endeav-Xv- 
or  to  carve  out  for  themselves  a  passage   to  the  ocean.     Are 
we  then  to  build  a  huge  wall  against  them  ?     Are  we  to  solicit 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  105 

assistance  from  Britain  ?  Vain  thought !  Britain,  already 
sinking  under  a  vast  load  of  debt,  and  hastening  to  ruin  by  the 
loss  of  freedom,  without  which  even  the  interest  of  that  debt 
cannot  be  %  paid,  Britain  will  have  enemies  enough  of  her 
own.  If  we  seize  the>  present  opportunity,  we  shall  have 
no  such  causes  of  apprehension.  Those  settlements,  sensible 
of  their  present  weakness  and  our  power,  will  all  be  made  un 
der  the  authority  of  that  body,  which  is  the  legislature  of  the 
continent.  They  will  constantly  look  up  to  it  for  laws  and 
protection,' 

He  hints  at  several  other  advantages  of  independence,  be 
sides  the  three  broad  and  extensive  ones  already  enumeraed, 
particularly  a  flourishing  commerce,  augmentation  of  wealth, 
increase  of  population,  and  diffusion  of  knowledge,  which 
would  '  cause  all  nations  to  resort  hither  as  an  asylum  from 
oppression  ; '  and  adds, 

c  Nothing  more  remains  but  to  say  a  word  on  the  inconve 
niences,  to  which  an  independent  form  of  government  would 
subject  us.  And  what  are  they  ?  A  war  with  Great  Britain. 
And  in  that  very  war  are  we  already  engaged.  Perhaps  some 
gentlemen  may  be  apprehensive  of  losing  a  little  conse 
quence,  and  importance,  by  living  in  a  country  where  all  are 
on  an  equal  footing.  Virtue  in  such  a  country  will  always  be 
esteemed,  and  that  alone  should  be  respected  in  any  country. 
If  these  gentlemen  would  reflect,  that  free  republican  states 
are  always  most  thickly  inhabited,  perhaps  they  may  be  of 
opinion  with  me,  that  the  indulgence  of  a  few"  in  luxurious 
ease,  to  the  prejudice  of  their  fellow  creatures,  is  at  best  not 
laudable ;  but  when  it  tends  to  thin  the  ranks  of  mankind,  and 
to  encourage  a  general  profligacy  of  manners',  it  is  then  crim 
inal  in  the  highest  degree. 

4 1  do  not  scruple  to  affirm,  that  all  dangers  to  be  appre 
hended  from  an  independency,  may  well  be  obviated  by  this 
Assembly.  If  we  so  regulate  our  own  power,  as  to  give  per 
fect  freedom  in  our  Constitution,  there  is  but  little  danger  of 
intestine  broils.  For  mankind,  however  chargeable  with  levi- 


106  LIFE    OF 

ty  on  other  accounts,  are  by  no  means  prone  to  change  their 
form  of  government,  so  long  as  it  is  merely  tolerable.  And 
this  leads  me,  Sir,  to  consider  the  last  objection  to  indepen 
dence,  which  I  shall  take  on  me  to  mention.  It  is,  the  re 
luctance  which  many  Americans  feel  for  this  measure. 

'  The  reluctance,  Sir,  is  laudable  for  the  greater  part.  It 
is  a  pratriotic  emotion.  In  some  cases,  religion  has  a  share 
in  the  sentiment.  It  is  said,  what  check  have  we  upon  the 
members  of  Congress  ?  If  they  abuse  their  power  and  estab 
lish  an  oligarchy,  where  are  the  means  of  redress  ?  How 
shall  we  know,  that  they  will  return  willinglj  into  the  ranks 
of  citizens,  after  so  great  elevation  ?  Is  there  not  great  rea 
son  to  fear,  that  the  American  army  may  choose  a  different 
kind  of  government,  from  the  rest  of  the  people  ?  And,  say 
they,  although  Providence  has  kindly  interfered  so  far  for  our 
preservation,  how  dare  we  expect  his  future  assistance,  when 
canceling  the  oaths  of  our  allegiance,  or  staining  the  cause 
with  perjury  ? 

'  To  most  of  these  questions  we  may  make  a  satisfactory  an 
swer,  without  seeming  to  know  that  they  were  ever  asked. 
As  to  danger  arising  from  the  love  of  power  among  ourselves, 
I  cannot  believe  there  is  any.  Nor  do  I  think  it  quite  proper 
for  us  all  to  abandon  the  Senate  House,  and  leave  the  busi 
ness  to  entire  new  men,  while  the  country  continues  in  its  pre 
sent  dangerous  situation.  But  the  instant  we  ere  determined 
to  cut  off  the  small  connexion,  which  remains  with  Great  Brit 
ain,  we  ought  by  our  conduct  to  convince  our  countrymen,  that 
u  fondness  for  power  does  not  possess  the  smallest  corner 
of  our  hearts.  And  we  should  from  this  moment  take  care, 
that  the  gift  of  all  commissions  be  reserved  to  this  House. 
This  will  cure  the  inquietudes  of  the  patriotic  breast. 

{  Now  let  me  earnestly  ask,  why  should  we  hesitate  ?  Have 
you  the  least  hope  in  treaty  ?  Will  you  even  think  of  it,  be 
fore  certain  acts  of  Parliament  are  repealed  ?  Have  you 
heard  of  any  such  repeal  ?  Will  you  trust  these  commission 
ers?  Is  there  any  act  of  parliament  passed  to  ratify  what 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  107 

they  shall  do  ?  No,  they  come  from  the  King.  We  have  no 
business  with  the  King.  We  did  not  quarrel  with  the  King. 
He  has  officiously  made  himself  a  party  in  the  dispute  against 
us.  And  now  he  pretends  to  be  the  umpire.  Trust  croco 
diles,  trust  the  hungry  wolf  in  your  flock,  or  a  rattlesnak  nei 
your  bosom,  you  may  yet  be  something  wise.  But  trust  the 
King,  his  Ministers,  his  Commissioners,  it  is  madness  in  the 
extreme  !  Remember,  I  conjure  you  to  remember !  *  You 
have  no  legal  check  upon  that  legislature.  They  are  not  fl 
bound  in  interest,  duty,  or  affection  to  watch  over  your  preserW 
vation,  as  over  that  of  their  constituents ;  and  those  constitu 
ents  are  daily  betrayed.  What  can  you  expect  ?  You  are 
not  quite  mad.  Why  will  you  trust  them  ?  Why  force  your 
selves  to  make  a  daily  resort  to  arms  ?  Shall  we  never  again 
see  peace  !  Is  this  miserable  country  to  be  plunged  in  an 
endless  war?  Must  each  revolving  year  come  heavy  laden 
with  those  dismal  scenes,  which  we  have  already  witnessed  ? 
If  so,  farewell  liberty,  farewell  virtue,  farewell  happiness  !' 

Immediately  after  making  this  speech,  Mr  Morris  was  sent  J 
on  a  special  mission  to  the  Continental  Congress  at  Philadel 
phia.  For  some  reason  not  explained,  the  New  England 
troops  during  the  last  campaign  had  been  receiving  higher 
wages,  than  those  of  New  York  and  the  other  middle  colonies. 
This  discrimination  of  course  created  uneasiness,  and  produc 
ed v  an  early  remonstrance  from  the  New  York  Congress,  / 
which  seems  not  to  have  met  with  due  attention.  At  all 
events,  the  evil  was  not  corrected,  and  when  levies  of  militia  in 
the  middle  and  eastern  colonies  were  requested  by  the  conti 
nental  Congress  for  the  defences  of  New  York,  and  to  strength 
en  the  army,  and  this  without  any  new  provisions  for  regulat 
ing  the  amount  of  payment,  the  New  York  Congress  thought 
it  necessary  to  come  to  an  immediate  and  explicit  under 
standing  on  the  subject. 

Accordingly  a  letter  was  written  to  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  setting  forth  the  grounds  of  complaint,  and  referring  to 
Mr  Morris  as  their  authorized  agent  to  make  further  explana- 


108  LIFE    OF 


j  and  to  unite  in  devising  any  proper  means  of  redress. 
The  letter  states,  that  a  due  regard  to  the  honor  of  the  colony 
would  no  longer  permit  a  silent  acquiescence  in  so  odious  a 
discrimination,  which,  if  not  resisted,  might  lead  posterity  to 
suppose,  that  it  was  founded  on  some  just  principles  ;  for  al 
though  the  merit  o,f  the  eastern  forces  was  readily  conceded, 
yet  no  one  could  pretend,  that  it  was  higher  than  that  of  the 
troops  in  the  other  colonies,  or  that  justice  did  not  demand 
them  all  to  be  put  on  the  same  footing.  i  And  it  would  nei 
ther  be  wise  nor  honest,'  continues  the  letter,  c  to  conceal  from 
the  Congress  the  discontents,  that  have  arisen  from  the  con 
tinuance  of  this  invidious  distinction  ;  they  are  too  great  and 
too  general  not  to  injure  the  service,  and  therefore  merit  the 
notice  and  attention  of  those,  who  alone  can  remove  them.' 
The  evil  was  further  increased  by  the  custom,  which  had  be 
come  common  with  the  inhabitants  of  New  York,  of  leaving 
that  colony  and  joining  the  New  England  regiments,  because 
they  received  higher  pay. 

""Armed  with  this  letter,  and  with  private  instructions,  Mr  Morris 
!  appeared  in  Philadelphia,  and  laid  the  matter  before  the  Conti- 
j  nental  Congress.  In  so  plain  a  case,  to  be  swre,  it  could  hard 
ly  require  much  force  of  reasoning,  or  of  eloquence,  to  convince 
the  members  of  that  assembly  of  the  justice  and  necessity  of 
his  demands.  The  business  was  soon  settled  in  accordance 
with  his  wishes,  and  a  vote  was  passed,  making  the  pay  of  all 
the  troops  in  the  middle  and  eastern  colonies  equal.  This  was 
done  by  raising  the  former  to  a  level  with  the  latter.  The  con 
verse  mode  of  reducing  the  higher  to  the  lower,  though  belter 
suited  to  the  financial  condition  of  the  country,  would  probably 
have  been  a  dangerous  experiment.  Having  effected  the  pur 
pose  of  his  mission,  Mr  Morris  returned,  and  after  a  week's 
absence  resumed  his  post  in  the  New  York  Congress. 

The  crisis  of  affairs  was  now  becoming  too  critical  and  dan 
gerous,  to  allow  the  New  York  Congress  to  deliberate  or  act 
upon  any  other  concerns,  than  such  as  pertained  to  the  imme 
diate  defence  of  the  Colonv.  Sir  William  Howe  arrived  at 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  109 

Sandy  Hook  on  the  25th  of  June,  and  three  days  afterwards  he 
was  joined  by  the  whole  British  fleet  and  forces  from  Halifax. 
An  immediate  attack  was  expected.  The  Congress  at  once 
invested  General  Washington  with  a  kind  of  dictatorial  power 
over  the  military  strength  of  the  colony,  authorizing  him  to  call 
out  such  portions  of  the  militia,  as  he  should  think  proper  for 
defence,  and  march  them  at  his  discretion  to  any  place  within 
the  limits  of  the  colony,  and  also  to  apprehend  disaffected  per 
sons,  whom  he  thought  dangerous  to  the  security  of  the  colony, 
and  the  liberties  of  America.  Having  entrusted  this  power  to 
the  commander  in  chief,  the  Congress  had  little  to  do  but  to 
second  his  views,  and  aid  in  executing  his  orders.  Indeed, 
they  retired  from  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  30th  of  June, 
and  assembled  at  the  White  Plains  three  days  afterwards.  A 
few  members  only  met  at  that  time,  nor  was  there  a  full  num 
ber  for  business,  till  the  8th  of  July,  the  day  appointed  for  the 
opening  of  the  new  Congress,  to  whom  the  people  by  a  recent 
election  had  granted  the  powers  of  forming  a  plan  of  govern 
ment,  and  deciding  on  the  subject  of  independence. 

In  the  mean  time,  a  letter  was  received  from  the  New  York 
delegates  in  the  Continental  Congress,  enclosing  a  draft  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  which  had  been  reported  on  the 
28th  of  June.  This  came  to  hand  three  days  after  its  date,  and, 
together  with  the  draft,  was  leferred  to  a  committee,  of  whom 
Mr  Jay  was  chairman.  Another  letter  was  also  received, 
bearing  date  the  second  of  July,  in  which  the  delegates  stated 
the  great  embarrassments  under  which  they  labored,  for  want  of 
instructions.  The  subject  of  independence  had  been  agitated 
in  Congress  the  day  before,  and  was  to  be  again  brought  for 
ward  on  that  day,  and  the  proposition  would  certainly  be 
adopted,  as  every  other  colony  except  New  York  had  either 
sent  their  delegates  positive  instructions  to  that  effect,  or  left 
them  free  to  act  according  to  their  own  judgment.  As  for 
themselves,  their  hands  were  tied,  and  they  could  neither 
vote  one  way  nor  the  other. 

What   then  should  be  done,   after  the  resolution  was  final- 

VOL.    I.  10 


110  LIFE    OF 

Iy  adopted  ?  They  had  no  authority  from  their  constituents 
to  take  part  in  an  independent  government,  and  yet  the  condi 
tion  of  things  was  so  peculiar  in  New  York,  while  threatened 
by  an  overwhelming  military  invasion,  that  their  votes  in  the 
Congress  might  be  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  interests  of 
the  colony,  which  they  represented.  Under  these  circumstan 
ces,  what  should  they  do  ?  Should  they  retire  from  the  Con 
gress,  or  remain  there  ?  And  when  there,  should  they  vote  or 
not?  'Our  situation,'  say  they,  '  is  singular  and  delicate,  no 
other  colony  being  similarly  situated,  with  whom  we  can  con 
sult.  We  wait  then  for  your  earliest  advice  and  instructions, 
whether  we  are  to  consider  our  colony  bound  by  the  vote  of  the 
majority  in  favor  of  independency,  and  vote  at  large  on  such 
questions  as  may  arise  in  consequence  thereof,  or  only  concur 
in  such  measures,  as  may  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  com 
mon  safety  and  defence  of  America,  exclusive  of  the  idea  of 
independency.  We  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  draw  the  line; 
but  once  possessed  of  your  instructions,  we  will  use  our  best 
endeavors  to  follow  them.'* 

From  these  perplexities  they  were  soon  relieved.  Inde 
pendence  was  declared  on  the  fourth  of  July,  and  the  intelli 
gence  was  communicated  to  the  New  York  Assembly,  by  the 
following  letter  from  the  President  of  Congress. 

«  Philadelphia,  July  6th,  1776. 
'  Gentlemen, 

'  Although  it  is  not  possible  to  foresee  the  consequences  of 
human  actions,  yet  it  is  nevertheless  a  duty  we  owe  to  our 
selves  and  posterity,  in  all  our  public  councils,  to  decide  in 


*  Mr  Jefferson  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Declaration  ; '  The  delegates 
from  New  York  declared  they  were  for  it  themselves,  and  were  assur 
ed  their  constitutents  were  for  it,'  but,  as  they  had  no  authority  by 
their  instructions,  'they  thought  themselves  not  justifiable  in  voting  on 
either  side,  and  asked  leave  to  withdraw  from  the  question,  which 
was  granted.' — Jefferson's  Memoir,  Correspondence,  &c.  Vol.  i.  p.  15. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  Ill 

the  best  manner  we  are  able,  and  to  trust  the  event  to  that  Be 
ing,  who  controls  both  causes  and  events,  so  as  to  bring  about 
his  own  determinations. 

'  Impressed  with  this  sentiment,  and  at  the  same  time  fully 
convinced,  that  our  affairs  may  take  a  more  favorable  turn,  the 
Congress  have  judged  it  necessary  to  dissolve  all  connexion 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  American  Colonies,  and  to  de 
clare  them  free  and  independent  States,  as  you  will  perceive 
by  the  enclosed  Declaration,  which  I  am  directed  to  transmit 
to  you,  and  to  request  that  you  will  have  it  proclaimed  in  your 
colony,  in  the  way  you  shall  think  most  proper. 

'  The  important  consequences  to  the  American  States  of 
this  Declaration  of  Independence,  considered  as  the  ground  and 
foundation  of  a  future  government,  will  naturally  suggest  the 
propriety  of  having  it  proclaimed  in  such  a  manner,  as  that  the 
people  may  be  universally  informed  of  it.  I  have  the  honor 

to  be,  &cc. 

'JoHN  HANCOCK.' 

This  letter  reached  the  new  Congress,  at  the  moment  of  its 
meeting  at  the  White  Plains,  fully  authorized  and  prepared  to 
act  on  its  contents,  the  draft  of  the  Declaration  having  already 
been  seven  days  in  the  hands  of  the  committee.  It  came  be 
fore  the  House  immediately,  (July  9th,)  and  the  resolution 
was  unanimously  passed, — '  That  the  reasons  assigned  by  the 
Continental  Congress,  for  declaring  the  united  Colonies  free 
and  independent  States,  are  cogent  and  conclusive,  and  that, 
while  we  lament  the  cruel  necessity,  which  has  rendered  that 
measure  unavoidable,  we  approve  the  same,  and  will,  at  the 
risk  of  our  lives  and  fortunes,  join  with  the  other  colonies  in 
supporting  it,— and  that  the  delegates  of  this  State  in  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  be,  and  they  are  hereby,  authorized  to  con 
sult  and  adopt  all  such  measures,  as  they  may  deem  condu 
cive  to  the  happiness  and  welfare  of  the  United  States  of  Ame 
rica.' 

Thus  was  the  finishing  stroke  put  to  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence.  Every  other  colony  had  assented  to  it  by  their 


112  LIFE    OF 

delegates  in  the  general  Congress.  It  is  curious  to  observe 
the  rapid  change  in  the  tone  of  public  feeling  on  this  head 
in  New  York  within  a  few  weeks.  The  example  of  the  other 
colonies,  and  the  threatening  and  determined  attitude  of  the 
Briiish  fleet  and  army,  may  be  considered  the  primary  causes. 
The  moderate  men,  whether  such  from  timidity  or  caution, 
were  now  convinced,  that  the  enemy  was  in  earnest,  and  that 
they  must  either  go  with  their  country  or  against  it.  No 
neutral  ground  remained.  In  this  extremity  they  could  not 
hesitate,  though  they  would  willingly  have  lingered  on  the 
outskirts  of  uncertainty,  while  they  could  see  any  door  of 
hope  open  before  them.  By  the  union  of  this  class  with  the 
resolute  and  zealous  friends  of  the  cause,  a  sudden  and  pre 
ponderating  influence  was  gained,  not  only  over  their  own  ac 
tions,  but  over  the  minds  of  the  people.  When  the  subjects  of  a 
new  plan  of  government  and  independence  were  referred  to  the 
voters,  they  were  not  requested  simply  to  give  instructions  on 
these  points  to  the  members  of  the  Congress  then  existing,  but 
to  elect  other  members  and  leave  out  old  ones,  if  they  should 
see  fit,  so  that  in  fact  the  delegates  to  this  last  Congress  were 
actually  chosen  anew.  The  consequence  was,  that  the  elec 
tion  turned  upon  the  pivot  of  government  and  independence, 
and  the  voice  of  the  electors  may  be  understood  by  the 
unanimous  vote  of  the  Congress,  in  adopting  the  Declaration. 
A  fortnight  before,  it  would  doubtless  have  met  with  many 
cold  friends,  and  a  few  decided  foes. 

The  next  step  was  to  publish  the  Declaration,  and  the  no 
tice  of  its  recognition,  throughout  the  state.  This  was  or 
dered  to  be  done  in  the  several  counties  by  beat  of  drum, 
and  by  such  other  modes  of  publicity,  as  the  county  commit 
tees  might  devise.  Five  hundred  copies  were  printed  and  cir 
culated  in  handbills.  The  House  resolved  and  ordered,  on  the 
same  day,  that  its  own  tide  should  be  changed,  from  that  of  the 
4  Provincial  Congress  of  the  Colony  of  Neiv  York,'  which  it 
had  hitherto  borne,  to  that  of  the  '  Convention  of  the  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  State  of  New  York.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

A  few  days  subsequently,  a  letter  was  received  by  the  Con 
vention  from  John  Alsop,  one  of  the  New  York  delegates  in 
Congress. 

1  Philadelphia,  July  16th,  1776. 

i  Gentlemen, 

'Yesterday  our  President  read  in  Congress  a  resolve  of 
your  honorable  body,  dated  the  ninth  instant,  in  which  you 
declare  New  York  a  free  and  independent  state.  I  can 
not  help  saying,  that  I  was  much  surprised  to  find  it  come 
through  that  channel.  The  usual  method  hitherto  practised 
has  been,  for  the  Convention  of  each  colony  to  give  their  dele 
gates  instructions  to  act  and  vote  upon  all  and  any  important 
questions.  And  in  the  last  letter  we  were  favored  with 
from  your  body,  you  told  us  that  you  were  not  competent,  or 
authorized,  to  give  us  instructions  on  that  grand  question;  nor 
have  you  been  pleased  to  answer  our  letter  of  the  second  in 
stant,  any  otherwise  than  by  your  said  resolve,  transmitted  to 
the  President.  I  think  we  were  entitled  to  an  answer. 

'  1  am  compelled  therefore  to  declare,  that  it  is  against  my 
judgment  and  inclination.  As  long  as  a  door  was  left  open 
for  a  reconciliation  with  Great  Britain,  upon  honorable  and 
just  terms,  1  was  willing  and  ready  to  render  my  country  all 
the  service  in  my  power,  and  for  which  purpose  I  was  ap 
pointed  and  sent  to  this  Congress  ;  but  as  you  have,  I  presume,, 
by  that  Declaration,  closed  the  door  of  reconciliation,  I  must 
beg  leave  to  resign  my  seat  as  a  delegate  from  New  York, 
and  that  I  may  be  favored  with  an  answer  and  my  dismission. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &ic. 

i  JOHN  ALSOP.' 

Upon  reading  this  letter,  it  was  l  resolved  unanimously,  that 
this  Convention  do  cheerfully  accept  Mr  Alsop's  resignation,' 
and  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draft  a  letter  to  the  dele 
gates  in  Congress,  enclosing  a  copy  of  this  resolve.  The 
draft  was  made  by  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  signed  by  the 
President  of  the  Convention. 

This  was  the  last  proceeding  of  the  New  York  Convention 
10* 


114  LIFE    OF 

in  the  affair  of  independence.  Considering  the  obstacles, 
which  had  impeded  the  progress  of  liberal  opinions  and  decid 
ed  measures  in  that  colony,  the  result  was,  on  the  whole,  more 
prompt  and  fortunate,  than  could  have  been  expected.  It 
came  early  enough  to  prevent  the  evil  consequences  of  coun 
teracting  motives,  distracted  councils,  or  divided  action,  and 
to  combine  the  several  parts  of  the  Union  into  one  solid 
phalanx  of  opposition,  to  meet  the  shafts  and  repel  the  attacks 
of  an  invading  foe.  It  may  be  regarded  as  a  lucky  circum 
stance,  that  Mr  Jay  returned  when  he  did  to  the  Provincial 
Congress.  His  eminent  talents,  the  perfect  integrity  of  his 
character,  his  knowledge  of  business,  and  above  all  his  patriot 
ism  and  zeal,  must  have  contributed  at  the  same  time  to  com 
municate  a  salutary  impulse  to  the  people,  and  inspire  his 
associates  with  a  confidence  in  the  strength  of  their  cause. 

The  scene  of  confusion,  which  now  prevailed  and  continu 
ed  through  the  season,  from  the  invasion  of  the  enemy,  the 
battle  of  Long  Island,  the  surrender  of  New  York,  the  capture 
of  Fort  Washington,  the  rencounters  between  the  armies  at 
White  Plains,  and  other  military  disasters,  deranged  the  pro 
ceedings  of  the  Convention,  and  prevented  any  deliberations, 
except  upon  subjects  of  the  most  pressing  necessity.  That 
body  was  obliged  to  assume  a  migratory  character,  sitting  first 
at  the  White  Plains,  afterwards  successively  at  Haerlem,  Kings- 
bridge,  Odell's  house  in  Phillips's  Manor,  Croton  River,  and 
lastly  at  Fishkill,  a  position  in  the  interior  beyond  the  incur 
sions  of  the  enemy.  Here,  by  a  vote  of  the  Convention,  the 
members  supplied  themselves  with  arms  and  ammunition,  to  pre 
vent  a  surprise,  in  case  any  hostile  bands  should  intrude  upon 
their  retirement,  thus  prepared  to  reverse  the  first  part  of 
Pliny's  maxim,  cedant  arma  toga,  whatever  might  be  the  fate 
of  the  other  part,  concedat  laurea  lingua.  They  were  often 
reduced  to  a  very  small  number,  organizing  themselves  one 
day  in  a  Committee  of  Safety,  and  the  next  in  Convention,  as 
the  case  might  be.  The  further  consideration  of  a  new  form  of 
government  was  suspended,  but  on  the  first  of  August  a  com- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  115 

mittee  of  thirteen  was  appointed,  with  instructions  to  draft  and 
report  a  plan.  John  Jay,  Gouverneur  Morris,  and  Robert  R. 
Livingston,  were  members  of  this  committee.  Another  impor 
tant  committee  was  also  instituted,  about  the  same  time,  for 
devising  means  to  establish  a  state  fund.  Mr  Morris  was 
chairman  ;  and,  indeed,  he  was  usually  made  the  leader  in  all 
financial  concerns. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

REGULATIONS    RESPECTING    TORIES. DRAFT    OF    A  CONSTITUTION    REPORTED 

TO     THE      CONVENTION  DEBATED     IN     CONVENTION. COUNCIL      OF      AP 
POINTMENT. VIEWS     OF     JAY,     MORRIS,     AND     LIVINGSTON. COUNCIL    OF 

REVISION. — TOLERATION. — SLAVERY. — CONSTITUTION    ADOPTED. 

AMONG  the  most  perplexing  topics,  which  came  from  time 
to  time  under  the  notice  of  the  New  York  Congress  and  Con 
vention,  was  the  case  of  the  tories.  So  large  a  portion  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  many  of  them  sustaining  the  first  rank  in 
society,  were  infected  with  principles  deemed  hostile  to  the  in 
terests  of  the  country,  that  the  manner  in  which  they  were  to 
be  dealt  with,  became  a  question  of  peculiar  delicacy.  When 
is  was  found,  however,  that  these  disaffected  persons  held  cor 
respondence  with  the  enemy,  refused  to  send  delegates  to  the 
Congress,  and  were  secretly  arming  themselves,  prudence 
would  not  permit  further  delay,  and  resolves  were  passed  au 
thorizing  the  county  committees  to  apprehend  persons  of  this 
character,  examine  them,  and  decide  on  their  guilt.  The 
committees  were  likewise  empowered  to  call  on  the  militia,  to 
aid  in  executing  these  resolves  ;  but  they  were  to  sit  in  judg 
ment  under  oath,  and  the  witnesses  were  also  to  be  sworn. 
The  punishment  was  left  to  the  discretion  of  the  judges,  pro 
vided  it  did  not  exceed  three  months'  imprisonment  at  the  ex 
pense  of  the  offender.  In  some  cases  it  was  a  banishment  of 
seven  years  from  the  colony. 


1  16  LIFE    OF 

This  system  was  pursued  with  vigilance,  and  some  decree  of 
success,  till  the  British  fleet  arrived  at  New  York,  and  the 
lories  began  to  take  new  courage.  A  conspiracy  was  detected, 
in  which  there  was  reason  to  believe,  that  a  plot  was  forming 
to  seize  General  Washington,  and  betray  him  and  his  army  in 
to  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  This  and  other  symptoms  caused 
a  new  alarm,  and  the  Provincial  Congress  resorted  to  anoiher  set 
of  resolutions,  and  appointed  a  special  committee,  of.their  own 
/  numbers,  with  Gouverueur  Morris  at  its  head,  to  take  this  mat 
ter  in  charge.  In  these  resolutions  were  inserted  the  names 
of  certain  persons,  scattered  throughout  the  colony,  whom  the 
committee  were  authorized  to  arrest  and  bring  before  them  by 
a  military  force.  Such  persons  as  should  be  found  guilty  of 
affording  aid  or  sustenance  to  the  British  fleets  or  armies,  of 
decrying  the  continental  currency,  or  of  abetting  any  schemes 
to  retard  or  oppose  the  measures  taken  by  the  colonies  in  their 
defence,  were  to  be  committed  to  safe  custody.  Under  cer 
tain  conditions,  and  according  to  the  complexion  of  the  offence, 
and  character  of  the  person,  they  were  allowed  to  go  at  Large 
on  parole,  after  giving  due  security  for  their  good  conduct. 
Suspicious  persons,  whose  influence  was  considered  dangerous 
Over  the  minds  of  the  people  in  their  neighborhood,  were  to 
be  removed  out  of  the  colony.  The  power  of  military  arrests 
was  extended  to  the  committees  of  towns  and  smaller  districts, 
but  the  persons  arrested  had  a  right  to  appeal  to  the  county 
committees  for  trial.  A  standing  force,  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  men,  was  for4 some  time  kept  up  in  Dutchess  and  West- 
chester  counties,  expressly  for  the  purpose  of  apprehending 
lories. 

The  consequence  of  these  regulations  was,  that  the  prisons 
soon  became  thronged.  As  no  constitution  of  government 
had  yet  been  formed,  nor  courts  of  justice  established,  the 
prisoners  could  not  be  tried  by  law,  and  these  examinations 
by  committees  were  only  considered  temporary,  and  the  pen 
alty  rather  a  provision  for  security,  than  a  punishment.  Con 
fiscations  had  not  yet  begun.  To  prevent  the  mischiefs  of 


GOUVERNETJR    MORRIS.  117 

crowded  prisons,  and  the  chance  of  the  prisoners  being  rescu 
ed  by  their  friends,  several  of  the  most  conspicuous  were  con 
signed  to  the  jails  in  Connecticut,  where  they  were  received 
nnd  secured  by  the  approbation  of  that  government.  Thirteen 
were  at  one  time  sent  to  Litcbfield,  among  whom  was  the 
Mayor  of  New  York,  '  accused  of  treasonable  practices,'  al 
though  '  not  of  so  black  a  die  as  those  of  the  other  conspira 
tors.'  The  President  of  the  Convention  solicited  in  his  favor, 
from  the  committee  of  Litchfield,  '  every  indulgence  consist 
ent  with  safe  confinement.'  He  was  charged  with  being  con 
cerned  in  the  ways  and  doings  of  Governor  Tryon. 

A  partial  system  of  confiscations  was  put  in  practice,  before 
the  new  form  of  government  was  completed.  The  person 
al  property  of  all  such  inhabitants  of  the  State,  as  had  joined 
the  enemy,  or  were  then  with  the  enemy,  was  ordered  to  be 
sold  at  public  vendue,  and  the  proceeds  deposited  in  the  trea 
sury  of  the  state,  to  be  afterwards  disposed  of  at  the  discre 
tion  of  the  legislature. 

On  the  records  of  the  Convention  there  is  a  resolve,  which 
declares,  that  every  person  living  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
and  deriving  protection  from  the  laws,  owes  allegiance  to  the 
State,  that  whoever  among  these  gives  aid  or  comfort  to  its 
enemies  is  '  guilty  of  treason  against  the  State,  and,  being 
thereof  convicted,  shall  suffer  the  pa 'ins  and  penalties  of  death.' 
I  know  not  whether  any  one  was  ever  condemned  under  this 
resolve.  It  was  meant  rather  as  a  declaration,  than  a  law. 
In  fact,  neither  the  Provincial  Congress,  nor  the  Convention, 
assumed  the  power  of  making  laws,  nor  of  meddling  with 
courts  of  justice.  Their  resolutions  and  recommendations 
were  considered  as  temporary,  urged  by  the  necessity  of  the 
case,  designed  to  preserve  as  much  order  and  security  as  pos 
sible,  during  the  suspension  of  civil  government,  and  to  cease 
when  that  should  again  be  raised  on  a  regular  and  durable  basis. 

There  is  a  curious  clause  in  a  letter  from  the  Convention  to 
President  Hancock,  which  was  drafted  by  Gouverneur  Morris, 
and  dated  the  eleventh  of  July,  two  days  after  the  recognition 


118  LIFE    OF 

of  independence  by  that  House.  '  We  take  the  liberty,'  say 
they  in  this  letter,  '  of  suggesting  to  your  consideration  the  pro 
priety  of  taking  some  measures,  for  expunging  from  the  Book 
of  Common  Prayer  such  parts,  and  discontinuing  in  the  con 
gregations  of  all  other  denominations  all  such  prayers,  as  in 
terfere  with  the  interests  of  the  American  cause.  It  is  a  sub 
ject  we  are  afraid  to  meddle  with.  The  enemies  of  America 
have  taken  great  pains  to  insinuate  into  the  minds  of  the  Epis 
copalians,  that  the  Church  is  in  danger.  We  could  wish  the 
Congress  would  pass  some  resolve  to  quiet  their  fears,  and  we 
are  confident  it  would  do  essential  service  to  the  cause  of 
America,  at  least  in  this  State.'  The  Convention  would  seem 
to  have  forgotten  the  epistle  from  their  delegates  in  Congress, 
written  some  months  before,  in  which  Congress  is  said  to  have 
cautiously  avoided  everything,  that  could  possibly  bear  on  any 
religious  dispute.  To  erase  words  from  a  book,  or  to  exact 
a  penalty  for  reading  them  in  public,  is,  to  be  sure,  a  possible 
thing ;  but  what  power,  despotic  or  liberal,  in  a  country 
where  every  individual  is  allowed  to  worship  in  his  own  way, 
could  expect  to  take  cognizance  of  the  extemporaneous 
prayers  of  all  the  congregations,  and  prescribe  the  words 
which  should  be  used  or  omitted  ?  Such  an  attempt,  serious 
ly  entered  upon  at  that  time  by  the  national  legislature,  would 
have  been  a  greater  bar  to  union  and  independence,  than  all 
the  deep  plots  of  tories,  combined  with  the  power  of  the  En 
glish  fleets  and  armies.* 


*  The  tories  were  not  the  only  people,  who  gave  trouble  to  the 
New  York  patriots.  If  we  may  believe  their  records,  the  women  were 
chargeable  with  some  share  in  their  legislative  embarrassments.  In  the 
journals  of  the  Convention  for  August  twenty-sixth,  is  the  following 
sentence.  'A  letter  from  John  Slight,  chairman  of  the  committee  of 
Kingston,  was  received  and  read,  stating  that  the  women  surround  the 
committee  chamber,  and  say,  if  they  cannot  have  tea,  their  husbands 
and  sons  shall  figkt  no  more.' 

The  President  replied,  that  it  was  in  contemplation  to  pass  a  gene 
ral  resolve  about  tea,  and  that  the  business  was  before  a  committee, 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  119 

A  letter  from  Mr  Morris  to  his  mother,  written  while  the"' 
Convention  was  sitting  at  Fishkill,  may   properly  be  intro 
duced  in  this  place.     It  is  alike  honorable  to  his  patriotism, 
and  to  his  feelings  as  a  son  and  a  man. 

'  Fishkill,  December  19th,  1776. 

*  Dear  Madam, 

4  It  is  with  inexpressible  concern,  that  I  am  this  day  inform 
ed  of  the  death  of  my  sister.  We  all  sustain  in  her  a  great 
loss,  but  you  in  particular,  who  are  thus  bereft  of  the  compan 
ion  of  your  age,  must  feel  it  most  severely.  Would  to  God  it 
were  in  my  power  to  alleviate  the  pangs  of  a  sorrowing  parent. 
But  this  is  not  my  lot.  My  friend  Wilkins  will,  I  am  sure,  on 
this  occasion  do  the  duties  of  a  child  and  a  friend.  There  is 
one  comforter,  who  weighs  our  minutes,  and  numbers  out  our 
days.  It  is  He,  who  has  inflicted  upon  us  the  weight  of  pub 
lic  and  private  calamities,  and  He  best  knows  when  to  re 
move  the  burthen.  I  am  sorry  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  see 
you  at  present.  I  know  it  is  your  wish,  that  I  were  removed 
from  public  affairs ;  indeed,  as  far  as  relates  to  my  own  ease 
and  enjoyments,  I  wish  so  too.  But  I  know  it  is  the  duty  of 
every  good  citizen  or  man  to  preserve  that  post,  in  which  by  a 
superior  order  he  is  placed.  Where  the  happiness  of  a  con 
siderable  part  of  our  fellow  creatures  is  deeply  concerned,  we 
soon  feel  the  insignificancy  of  an  individual.  And  whatever  lot 
that  individual  shall  experience,  while  a  conscious  rectitude  of 
conduct  inspires  and  supports  him,  though  he  may  be  unfor 
tunate,  he  cannot  be  miserable. 

'  What  may  be  the  event  of  the  present  war,  it  is  not  in  man 
to  determine.  Great  revolutions  of  empire  are  seldom  achiev 
ed  without  much  human  calamity ;  but  the  worst,  which  can 


who  had  been  hitherto  prevented  from  reporting.'  I  am  therefore  di 
rected,'  he  adds,  'to  acquaint  you,  that  the  Convention  expect  you 
will  use  your  utmost  endeavors  to  keep  peace  and  good  order  amongst 
you,  in  the  manner  you  best  can,  till  such  resolution  shall  be  passed.' 


120  LIFE    OF 

happen,  is  to  fall  on  the  last  bleak  mountain  of  America,  arid 
he  who  dies  there,  in  defence  of  the  injured  rights  of  mankind, 
is  happier  than  his  conqueror,  more  beloved  by  mankind,  more 
applauded  by  his  own  heart. 

'  The  death  of  my  sister  has  incapacitated  me  for  mirth  ;  my 
letter,  therefore,  is  of  an  improper  complexion  to  one  already 
afflicted.  My  love  to  my  sisters,  to  Wilkins,  whose  integrity 
I  love  and  respect,  to  the  good  natured  Counsellor  of  Ber 
muda,  and  such  others  as  deserve  it.  The  number  is  not 
great. 

'  Pray  believe  me  most  sincerely  your  affectionate  son. 

'  GOUVERNEUR  MoRRIS.' 

The  Convention,  or  rather  the  Committee  of  Safety,  for  such 
was  the  character  of  the  House  at  this  time,  adjourned  from 
Fishkill  on  the  fourteenth  of  February,  1777,  and  met  at  Kings 
ton  five  days  afterwards.  The  constitution  had  been  lingering 
for  two  months  in  the  hands  of  the  committee,  nor  indeed  was 
it  reported  to  the  Convention  till  a  month  later.  There  was  a 
party,  who  thought  this  movement  for  a  constitution  premature, 
that  it  would  be  safer  to  wait  for  a  period  of  more  tranquillity, 
and  a  fairer  prospect  of  calm  reflection  and  deliberation  among 
the  members,  and  when  the  pepple  l.kewise  would  be  in  a  bet 
ter  condition  to  understand  and  receive  the  results  of  their  la 
bors.  Of  this  opinion  was  Mr  Jay,  and  as  he  was  the  first 
on  the  list  of  the  committee  for  drafting  the  constitution,  it  is 
probable  that  his  views  of  the  salutary  tendency  of  delay,  may 
have  retarded  the  progressv  of  the  work.  He  adopted  the 
poet's  motto,  festinare  nocct,  and  considered  caution  as  the 
garland  of  wisdom,  in  a  movement  of  so  high  a  Bearing  on  the 
destinies  of  the  republic. 

Tempore  quaeque  suo  qui  facit,  i!le  sapit. 

At  last,  however,  on  the  twelfth  of  March,  the  committee 
presented  their  report  to  the  Convention,  and  the  field  of  re 
vision  and  discussion  was  opened  to  the  House.  It  must  be 
borne  in  mind,  that  the  Convention  was  not  assembled  for  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  121 

express  purpose  of  forming  a  constitution.  All  the  usual  bu 
siness  of  that  body  was  in  progress  at  the  same  time.  After 
the  report  was  made,  the  constitution  became  the  order  of  the 
day,  and  was  called  up  and  examined  by  paragraphs,  from  day 
to  day,  on  such  occasions  as  the  other  more  pressing  concerns 
of  the  House  would  permit.  In  this  way  it  was  five  weeks  un 
der  deliberation. 

But  after  all,  the  instrument  passed  through  the  ordeal  with 
very  few  amendments,  and  it  is  probable  that  Mr  Jay's  tardy 
speed,  in  preparing  it,  may  have  saved  time  in  the  end,  by  ma 
turing  the  views  of  the  committee,  enabling  them  to  get  tjie 
sense  of  the  most  enlightened  members,  and  thus  to  bring  it  in 
a  more  finished  shape  before  the  Convention.  Two  or  three 
points  only  were  debated  with  much  warmth,  or  were  essen 
tially  amended.  The  greatest  difficulty  was  experienced,  in 
determining  where  to  lodge  the  power  of  appointing  officers, 
both,  civil  and  military,  and  by  what  mode  this  power  should  be 
exercised.  No  wonder  that  this  should  be  a  perplexing  topic 
to  new  beginners  in  the  art  of  government-making,  and  espe- 
cially  when  a  plan  embracing  many  original  and  untried  fea 
tures  was  to  be  contrived.  It  was  easy  to  form  a  practical 
system,  for  regulating  the  powers  and  proceedings  of  the  exe 
cutive,  legislature,  and  judiciary,  as  far  as  the  specific  duties 
of  each  were  concerned,  and  also  the  electoral  franchise,  be- 
caus^  there  were  very  good  models  in  several  of  the  old  colo 
nial  governments,  and  experience  afforded  all  necessary  light ; 
but,  in  what  hands  to  place  the  power  of  selecting  officers  of 
various  ranks,  how  far  this  should  be  entrusted  to  the  people 
in  the  form  of  elections,  and  how  far  confined  within  the  nar 
rower  limits  of  executive  control,  these  were  questions  full  of 
difficulties  and  shrouded  in  doubts.  After  many  schemes  and 
suggestions,  the  Convention  at  last  hit  upon  the  memorable 
Council  of  Appointment,  which  afterwards  figured  so  conspicu 
ously  in  the  politics  of  New  York,  and  which  Jby  degrees 
brought  down  upon  its  head  such  a  load  of  unpopularity,  that,  in 

VOL.    I.  11 


122  LIFE    OF 

the  Convention  for  amending  the  constitution  in   1821,  not  a 
voice  was  raised  to  rescue  it  from  utter  perdition. 

In  the  first  draft  that  was  presented  to  the  Convention,  the 
power  of  nominating  officers  to  the  legislature  was  vested  in 
the  governor.  This  clause  was  not  liked  by  Mr  Jay,  nor  by 
some  other  members  of  the  committee,  and  when  debated 
in  the  House,  it  was  generally  disapproved.  The  next  thing 
was  to  find  a  substitute.  Some  proposed  giving  the  whole 
power  to  the  legislature  ;  others,  the  nominating  power  to  the 
legislature,  and  the  appointing  power  to  the  governor ;  others 
were  for  uniting  the'governor  and  judges  of  the  supreme  court 
into  a  council  for  the  purpose.  In  this  state  of  fluctuating  opin 
ions,  and  after  a  day's  fruitless  debate  on  the  last  scheme,  Mr 
Jay  spent  the  evening  at  Robert  R.  Livingston's  rooms,  in  com 
pany  with  Gouverneur  Morris.  Here  they  discussed  the  matter 
anew  between  themselves,  and  the  result  was  a  proposition  by 
Mr  Jay,  fixing  the  clause  as  it  was  finally  established  in  the 
constitution,  by  which  the  appointing  power  was  vested  in  the 
hands  of  one  senator  from  each  district,  making  four  in  all,  and 
the  governor,  who  was  to  have  only  a  casting  vote,  in  case  of 
an  equal  division  between  the  other  councillors.  Morris  and 
Livingston  accorded  to  this  project,  and  agreed  to  support  it  in 
Convention.  Hence  it  was  adopted,  and  such  was  the  origin  of 
that  famous  political  anomaly,  the  Council  of  Appointment  of 
New  York.  Mr  Jay's  idea  was,  likewise,  that  the  speaker  of 
the  Assembly  should  make  a  sixth  member  of  the  council,  to 
prevent  the  too  frequent  opportunities  of  the  governor  to  give 
a  casting  vote,  but,  for  what  reason  is  not  known,  this  feature 
was  omitted  in  the  ultimate  project  of  the  constitution. 

In  the  event,  moreover,  Mr  Jay's  views  were  followed  only 
in  part.  The  appointment  of  the  registers  and  clerks  of  courts, 
making  in  the  whole  a  numerous  list,  was  assigned  by  a  sepa 
rate  article  to  the  judges.  This  he  thought  a  defect.  By 
another  clause  the  attorneys,  solicitors,  and  counsellors  at  law 
were  to  be  licensed  by  the  judges  of  every  court,  in 
which  they  should  respectively  practise.  This  power  he 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  123 

would  have  vested  wholly  in  the  supreme  court,  which  con 
trolled  all  the  courts  in  the  state.  .  A  vast  deal  of  trouble 
would  thus  be  saved,  and  a  greater  respectability  secured  to 
the  profession.  A  letter,  which  he  wrote  to  Robert  R. 
Livingston  and  Mr  Morris,  conjointly,  a  few  days  after  theN 
final  adoption  of  the  constitution,  contains  some  pointed  re 
marks  on  these  subjects.* 

Another  article,  which  became  by  experiment  scarcely  less 
unpopular  and  impracticable,  than  the  one  just  noticed,  was  that 
instituting  a  Council  of  Revision,  or  a  body  consisting  of  the 
governor,  the  chancellor,  and  the  judges  of  the  supreme 
court,  by  whom  all  acts  of  the  legislature  were  to  be  revised, 
before  they  could  become  laws.  Mr  Morris  was  originally  op 
posed  to  this  article,  and  suggested  an  alteration,  giving  the 
governor  alone  a  qualified  veto,  nearly  the  same  in  principle 
as  has  been  since  introduced  into  the  new  constitution  of  New- 
York,  as  well  as  into  those  of  other  States,  but  the  current  set 
against  him. 

The  reluctance  to  confide  in  the  ability  or  integrity  of  the 
chief  magistrate,  both  in  this  latter  feature,  and  in  that  of  the 
Council  of  Appointment,  is  indicative  of  the  impressions  com- 


*  In  a  letter  from  Mr  Jay  to  Mr  Morris,  dated  April  14th,  1778,  after 
the  constitution  had  gone  into  operation,  he  says  ;  'I  wish  you  would 
write  and  publish  a  few  more  things  on  our  constitution  ;  censuring, 
however,  an  omission  in  not  restraining  the  Council  of  Appointment 
from  granting  offices  to  themselves,  with  remarks  on  the  danger  of 
that  practice.' 

When  the  Convention  assembled  for  a-nending  the  constitution,  in 
September,  1821,  the  number  of  civil  appointments  under  the  control  of 
the  Council  of  Appointment  amounted  to  6,663 ;  and  the  number  of  mil 
itary  appointments,  to  8,287,  making  an  aggregate  of  14,950.  Such  an 
accumulation  could  hardly  have  been  anticipated  by  the  framers  of  the 
first  constitution. 

At  the  same  time,  the  '  annual  patronage'  of  the  appointing  power 
amounted  to  about  two  millions  of  dollars. — See  Carter  and  Stone's 
Debates  of  the  New  York  Convention,  p.  162  ;— Introduc.  p.  vi. 


124  LIFE    OF 

municated  by  the  examples  of  the  colonial  governors.  The 
mistake  was  in  not  duly  reflecting  on  the  different  origin  of 
their  authority.  A  governor,  depending  on  the  King  of  Great 
Britain  for  his  office,  would  of  course  have  different  views  of 
his  duty,  and  different  motives  for  discharging  it,  from  the  one, 
who  derived  his  consequence  and  his  power  from  the  people, 
and  who  held  the  tenure  of  his  office  by  their  will.  Few  checks 
are  necessary  to  curb  the  ambition,  or  countervail  the  selfish 
ends  of  a  man  thus  situated  ;  and,  as  confidence  must  rest 
somewhere,  and  power  must  be  exercised  by  somebody,  there 
can  hardly  be  a  safer  depository  than  that,  on  which  the  eyes 
of  all  the  people  are  fixed,  which  they  have  chosen  themselves, 
and  which  they  can  change  the  moment  they  discover  an 
abuse. 

The  mode  of  electing  delegates  to  Congress,  as  pointed  out 
by  the  constituiion,  originated  with  Mr  Morris.  Each  House 
~of  Assembly  was  to  nominate  the  full  number  of  delegates, 
and  the  persons  named  in  both  lists  were  to  be  considered  as 
chosen;  and  in  cases  where  the  lists  differed,  the  additional 
number  was  to  be  chosen  by  joint  ballot,  out  of  the  two  lists. 
The  same  principle  is  retained  in  some  of  the  elections  pre 
scribed  in  the  new  constitution  of  New  York. 

During  the  discussions,  Mr  Jay  brought  forward  a  somewhat 
singular  paragraph,  intended  as  the  closing  part  of  an  article, 
designed  for  securing  toleration,  and  granting  '  to  all  man 
kind  the  free  exercise  of  religious  profession  and  worship.' 
To  this  Mr  Jay  proposed  to  add ;  '  except  the  professors 
of  the  religion  of  the  church  of  Rome,  who  ought  not  to  hold 
lands  in,  or  be  admitted  to  a  participation  of  the  civil  rights  en 
joyed  by  the  members  of  this  State,  until  such  time  as  the 
said  professors  shall  appear  in  the  supreme  court  of  the  State, 
and  there  most  solemnly  swear,  that  they  verily  believe  in 
their  consciences,  that  no  pope,  priest,  or  foreign  author 
ity  on  earth,  has  power  to  absolve  the  subjects  of  this  State 
from  their  allegiance  to  the  same.  And  farther,  that  they  re 
nounce,  and  believe  to  be  false  and  wicked,  the  dangerous  and 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  125 

damnable  doctrine,  that  the  pope,  or  any  other  earthly  authority, 
has  power  to  absolve  men  from  sins  described  in,  and  prohib 
ited  by,  the  Holy  Gospel  of  Jesus  Christ ;  and,  particularly, 
that  no  pope,  priest,  or  foreign  authority  on  earth,  has  power 
to  absolve  them  from  the  obligation  of  this  oath.'  This  clause 
was  warmly  debated,  and  when  the  question  was  put,  it 
was  carried  in  the  negative,  there  being  nineteen  votes  against 
it,  and  ten  for  it,  and  one  county  divided. 

The  next  day  Mr  Jay  renewed  his  proposition  in  the  fol 
lowing  modified  shape  ;  '  provided  that  the  liberty  of  con 
science  hereby  granted  shall  not  be  construed  to  encourage 
licentiousness,  nor  be  used  in  such  manner  as  to  disturb  or  en 
danger  the  safety  of  the  State.'  This  passed  in  the  affirmative, 
but  was  afterwards  amended  on  the  motion  of  Mr  Morris,  so 
as  to  read  in  the  closing  part  thus  ; — '  or  justify  practices  in 
consistent  with  the  peace  and  safety  of  this  state.'  This  lan 
guage  is  retained  in  the  new  constitution,  and  is  the  legal  ba 
sis  of  toleration  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

Mr  Morris  struggled  hard  to  introduce  another  article,  in 
which  he  had  the  hearty  co-operation  of  Mr  Jay  and  some 
others,  and  the  purport  of  which  was,  that  it  should  be  earnest 
ly  recommended  to  the  future  legislature  of  New  York,  to  take 
effectual  measures  for  abolishing  domestic  slavery?^as  jsopn 
as  it  could  be  done  consistently  with  public  safety,  and  the 
rights  of  private  property, ^so  that  in  future  ages  every  human 
being,  who  breathes  the  air  of  this  State,  shall  enjoy  the  priv 
ileges  of  a  freeman^]  His  idea  was,  to  make  a  declaration  to 
this  effect  an  article  in  the  constitution,  but,  although  it  met 
with  favor,  it  did  not  succeed. 

After  all  parts  of  the  constitution  had  been  critically  can 
vassed,  and  agreed  to  in  their  order,  the  whole  was  read, 
(April  20th,)  and  adopted  by  every  person  present,  with  the 
exception  of  a  single  member,  who  desired  his  dissent  might 
be  entered  on  the  minutes. 

With  this  act,  the  instrument  became  binding  on  the  State, 
for  there  was  no  provision,  by  which  it  was  to  be  submitted  to 
11* 


126  LIFE    OF 

the  people  for  their  acquiescence  or  rejection,  as  has  been  the 
uniform  custom  in  more  recent  and  tranquil  times.  This  prac 
tice  seems  essential,  indeed,  to  the  validity  of  a  constitution  in 
a  free  government,  which  is  no  other  than  the  voice  of  the 
people,  dictating  to  themselves  and  to  each  other  the  terms, 
on  which  they  agree  to  associate,  and  submit  to  the  restraints 
and  regulations  of  a  civil  compact.  No  doubt  they  have  a 
right  to  prescribe-  the  mode,  by  which  the  governing  system 
shall  be  formed,  and  to  delegate  to  a  few  the  power  of  erect 
ing  it,  and  to  consent  beforehand  to  yield  obedience  to  the 
skill  and  wisdom  of  these  few,  as  much  as  in  the  case  of  a 
legislative  act,  or  judicial  decision;  yet  such  a  prodigal  conces 
sion  of  power,  without  reserving  any  check  upon  its  use,  or 
control  over  its  influence,  is  neither  safe,  nor  judicious,  nor 
consistent  with  the  fundamental  principles  of  political  liberty 
in  a  democratic  state.  A  constitution  is  in  its  nature  a  per 
petual  bond,  unsusceptible  of  change,  unyielding  in  the  obli 
gations  it  enjoins.  A  despot  may  frame  it  at  his  will,  and  make 
it  what  he  pleases  ;  custom  may  weave  into  its  web  many  ab 
surdities  and  impositions,  which  cannot  be  removed  without 
marring  its  texture,  or  perhaps  destroying  its  fabric  altogether; 
but  a  constitution,  emanating  from  the  volition  of  a  free  peo 
ple,  is  essentially  their  own  workmanship,  and  should  pass  in 
all  its  details  under  their  strict  scrutiny,  before  it  is  set  up  as 
the  imperious  guardian  of  their  liberties,  and  arbiter  of  their 
civil  and  social  destiny. 

The  closing  lines  of  Mr  Jay's  letter  to  Mr  Morris  and  Mr 
Livingston,  alluded  to  above,  contain  a  few  hints  equally 
creditable  to  himself,  and  interesting,  as  the  index  of  some  of 
his  opinions. 

'  The  difficulty  of  getting  any  government  at  all,'  says  he, 
4  you  know  has  long  been  an  apprehension  of  little  influence 
on  my  mind  ;  and  always  appeared  to  be  founded  less  in  fact, 
than  in  a  design  of  quickening  the  pace  of  the  House.  The 
other  parts  of  the  constitution  I  approve ;  and  only  regret  that, 
like  a  harvest  cut  before  it  was  ripe,  the  gram  has  shrunk. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  127 

Exclusive  of  the  clauses,  which  I  have  mentioned,  and  which 
I  wish  had  been  added,  another  material  one  has  been  omitted 
viz.  a  direction  that  all  persons  holding  offices  under  govern- 
ment  should  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  it,  and  renounce  all 
allegiance  and  subjection  to  foreign  kings,  princes  and  states, 
in  all  matters  ecclesiastical  as  well  as  civil.  I  should  also  have 
been  for  a  clause  against  the  continuation  of  domestic  slavery } 
and  the  support  and  encouragement  of  literature,  as  well  as 
some  other  matters,  though  perhaps  of  less  consequence. 

'  Though  the  birth  of  the  constitution  was  in  my  judgment 
premature,  I  shall  nevertheless  do  all  in  my  power  to  nurse 
and  keep  it  alive ;  being  far  from  approving  the  Spartan  law, 
which  encouraged  parents  to  destroy  such  of  their  children,  as, 
perhaps  by  some  gross  accident,  might  come  into  the  world 
defective  or  misshapen.' 


138  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PLAN    FOR   ORGANIZING    THE    NEW    GOVERNMENT. — GOVERNOR     CLINTON. 

ALARMS    AT    THE     EVACUATION     OF     TICONDEROGA. MR     MORRIS     VISITS 

GENERAL  SCHUYLER's  HEAD  QUARTERS. HIS  LETTERS  TO  THE  CON 
VENTION. APPOINTED  ON  A  COMMITTEE  TO  MEET  DELEGATES  FROM 

THE  NEW  ENGLAND  STATES  AT  SPRINGFIELD. — MONOPOLY  AND  REGU 
LATION  OF  PRICES. — MR  MORRIS  AND  MR  JAY  VISIT  GENERAL  WASH 
INGTON'S  HEAD  QUARTERS  AS  A  COMMITTEE  FROM  THE  CONVENTION- 

CURIOUS    INTERVIEW    OF    GENERAL    GATES  WITH    CONGRESS. GENERAL 

SCHUYLER. — MR    MORRIS'S    CORRESPONDENCE    WITH    HIM. 

THE  first  act  of  the  Convention,  after  the  finishing  hand  had 
been  put  to  the  constitution,  was  to  appoint  a  committee  to 
prepare  a  plan  for  organizing  the  new  government.  Livings 
ton,  Scott,  Morris,  Yates,  Jay,  and  Hobart  were  the  members 
of  this  committee,  and  their  plan  consisted  in  providing  for  the 
elections,  by  the  people,  and  the  temporary  appointments  of  a 
chancellor  and  judges,  that  the  courts  of  justice  might  go 
speedily  into  operation.*  They  also  advised  a  Council  of 
Safety,  consisting  of  fifteen  members,  vested  with  all  the  pow 
ers  necessary  for  preserving  the  safety  of  the  State,  till  the 
constitutional  legislature  should  be  convened.  Mr  Morris  was 
likewise  one  of  this  Council.  Its  duties  are  but  imperfectly  de 
fined.  The  Convention  fixed  and  published  the  time  of  elec 
tions,  and  returns  were  ordered  to  be  made  to  the  Council  of 
Safety.  It  was  their  business  to  examine  the  votes,  and  de- 


*  Robert  R.  Livingston  was  elected  chancellor ;  John  Jay,  Chief 
Justice ;  Egbert  Benson,  Attorney  General.  These  appointments,  to 
gether  with  those  of  the  judges  in  the  several  counties,  were  made  by 
the  Convention,  to  continue  in  force  till  the  legislature  should  meet, 
and  the  constitutional  power  of  appointments  should  be  organized. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  129 

dare  who  were  chosen,  and  also  to  administer  the  oaths  oi 
office. 

On  the  ninth  of  July  all  the  returns  had  been  made,  and  it 
was  ascertained  that  George  Clintun  was  chosen  governor. 
He  was  sworn  into  office  on  the  thirtieth  of  the  same  month, 
at  Kingston,  but  he  was  then  in  the  active  command  of  the 
New  York  militia,  and  did  not  quit  the  field  till  after  the  de 
feat  of  Burgoyne,  although  he  was  at  the  same  time  in  cor 
respondence  with  the  Council  of  Safety,  and  discharged  through 
them  all  the  necessary  civil  functions  of  his  station.  The  Con 
vention  adjourned,  or  dissolved,  and  left  affairs  in  the  hands 
of  the  Council  till  the  legislature  convened,  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  constitution. 

While  these  things  were  going  on  in  the  heart  of  the  state,  a 
new  alarm  broke  out  on  the  northern  frontiers.  The  evacua 
tion  of  Ticonderoga  by  St  Clair  spread  the  greater  panic  and 
surprise,  as  it  was  unexpected,  and  least  of  all  imagined,  that 
he  would  make  a  precipitate  abandonment  and  retreat,  with 
out  a  single  faint  effort  to  maintain  his  post,  and  hold  the  en 
emy  in  check  for  a  time,  if  not  to  present  a  formidable  barrier 
to  his  progress.  The  actual  force  and  condition  of  St  Clair's 
army  had  been  overrated  by  the  public.  Hopes  were  raised 
high,  the  eyes  of  the  nation  were  turned  upon  Ticonderoga,  and 
when  the  news  of  the  retreat  went  abroad,  the  disappointment 
was  extreme,  and  the  loud  voice  of  complaint  and  censure, 
against  the  unfortunate  general,  was  reiterated  from  one  end  of 
the  continent  to  the  other.  Time  proved  that  he  had  acted 
the  part  of  a  judicious  and  skilful  officer  ;  but  the  excitement  of 
the  moment  was  so  great,  caused  by  chagrin  on  the  one  hand, 
and  alarm  on  the  other,  that  all  eyes  were  blind,  and  all  ears 
deaf,  to  the  true  reasons  of  the  case,  and  even  to  the  palliating 
circumstances.  It  was  enough,  that  this  great  frontier  barrier 
was  lost,  and  that  the  enemy  was  marching  rapidly  onward. 
The  terror  of  his  approach  was  particularly  felt  in  the  State 
of  New  York,  which  threatened  to  become  the  theatre  of  his 
ravages,  his  success,  his  triumph  ;  and,  as  ill  luck  seldom  comes 


130  LIFE    OF 

single  handed,  at  this  crisis  the  Indians  began  to  break  into 
the  western  borders,  and  cany  dismay  among  the  inhabitants 
of  that  region. 

All  these  weighty  concerns  pressed  heavily  upon  the  Coun 
cil  of  Safety,  and  called,  or  seemed  to  call,  for  speedy  and  effi 
cient  measures  of  government,  which  neither  their  power  nor 
experience  qualified  them  to  concert  or  pursue.  As  a  first 
step  they  appointed  a  committee  to  proceed  to  the  head  quar 
ters  of  the  northern  department,  with  instructions  to  confer 
with  General  Schuyler  on  the  means  to  be  used  by  the  State, 
in  aid  of  his  plans  of  defence  or  resistance.  Mr  Morris  and 
Mr  Yates  were  selected  for  this  committee,  on  the  tenth  of 
July,  and  the  former  proceeded  immediately  to  General 
Schuyler's  head  quarters,  then  at  Fort  Edward.  His  first 
letter  to  the  President  of  the  Council  of  Safety  was  dated  at 
Albany,  filled  with  the  floating  rumors  of  disasters  at  the  north, 
and  depredations  at  the  west,  without  conveying  any  very 
definite  information  of  either.  Two  days  afterwards,  on  the 
sixteenth  of  July,  he  wrote  from  Fort  Edward. 
'Sir, 

c  I  arrived  here  yesterday  noon,  and  last  evening  had  some 
little  conversation  with  the  General  and  others  upon  the  state 
of  our  affairs.  They  are  far  from  being  such  as  could  be  wished. 
General  Nixon's  brigade,  which  ought  to  have  consisted  of  at 
least  fifteen  hundred  men.  has  four  regiments,  the  whole  of 
which  do  not  contain  six  hundred.  In  short,  not  to  enter  into 
a  tedious  detail,  two  thousand  six  hundred  continental  troops, 
and  two  thousand  militia,  of  which  about  one  thousand  are 
from  this  State,  make  the  whole  force  in  this  quarter.  To 
the  westward  there  are  about  five  hundred.  If  the  enemy 
would  follow,  I  know  not  when  we  should  stop,  as  matters  now 
stand.  We  have  only  two  old  iron  field  pieces.  We  can  get 
no  more,  General  Washington  having  ordered  them  all  to  the 
southern  department.  Fort  Anne  is  abandoned,  and  Fort 
George  will  be  so  by  tomorrow,  if  it  be  not  sooner  taken. 
Everything  is  moved  away  from  this  place,  as  fast  as  it  can  be 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  131 

down  to  Moses  Creek,  a  post  five  miles  from  hence,  where 
the  General  proposes  to  assemble  his  army.  If  the  enemy 
give  us  some  time,  I  imagine  the  roads  will  be  so  obstructed, 
that,  with  the  help  of  a  few  brave  fellows  in  the  woods,  we 
should  be  able  so  to  annoy  General  Burgoyne,  as  to  prevent  him 
from  penetrating  far  into  the  country.  A  body  of  troops  are 
to  be  formed  to  the  eastward  of  this,  in  order  to  cover  the 
Grants  (Vermont)  and  harrass  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  if  they 
come  down  Hudson's  river.  By  the  bye,  I  imagine  the  inhab 
itants  of  that  country  will  join  Burgoyne,  who  has  issued  a 
proclamation  calling  them  in  to  confer  with  Colonel  Skene. 
He  has  issued  another  well  written  proclamation,  which  has 
been  freely  circulated.  It  is  dated  at  camp,  near  Ticonderoga, 
from  which  circumstance,  as  well  as  from  the  matter  of  it,  I 
am  led  to  believe  he  expects  much  aid  from  the  tories.  Upon 
the  whole,  I  think  we  shall  do  very  well,  but  this  opinion  is 
founded  merely  upon  the  barriers,  which  nature  has  raised 
against  all  access  from  the  northward.  I  just  now  mentioned 
to  the  General  the  calling  out  of  the  militia  of  Tryon  county. 
He  says  we  may  ca//,  but  we  shall  not  get  them.  This  is  by 
no  means  a  comfortable  idea.  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

'GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.' 

Again  the  next  day  he  writes  from  Saratoga. 

4  Sir, 

4 1  left  Fort  Edward  with  General  Schuyler  at  noon,  and 
shall  return  thither  some  time  tomorrow  morning.  Fort 
George  was  destroyed  yesterday  afternoon,  previous  to  which 
the  provisions,  stores,  and  batteaux,  were  removed,  and  this 
morning  about  ten  o'clock  the  last  of  them  passed  us  about 
three  miles  to  the  northward  of  Fort  Edward,  at  which  place 
all  the  troops  from  the  Lake  are  arrived,  arid  they,  together 
with  some  others,  form  an  advanced  post  towards  Fort  George. 
About  twelve  hundred,  perhaps  more,  are  somewhat  farther 
advanced  upon  the  road  to  Fort  Anne. 

'  The  enemy  have  not  yet  made  any  motion  that  we  know 


132  LIFE    OF 

of,  nor  indeed  can  they  make  any  of  consequence,  until  they 
shall  have  procured  carriages,  and  then  they  may  find  it  rather 
difficult  to  come  this  way,  if  proper  care  be  taken  to  prevent 
them  from  procuring  forage.  For  this  purpose  I  shall  give  it 
as  my  opinion  to  the  General,  whenever  he  asks  it,  to  break 
up  all  the  settlements  upon  our  northern  frontier,  to  drive  off 
the  cattle,  secure  or  destroy  the  forage,  and  also  to  destroy  the 
sawmills.  These  measures,  harsh  as  they  may  seem,  are  I 
am  confident  absolutely  necessary.  They  ought  undoubted 
ly  to  be  taken  with  prudence,  and  temperately  carried  into 
execution  ;  but  I  will  venture  to  say,  that  if  we  lay  it  down  as 
a  rnaxim,  never  to  contend  for  ground  but  in  the  last  necessity, 
and  to  leave  nothing  but  a  wilderness  to  the  enemy,  their  pro 
gress  must  be  impeded  by  obstacles,  which  it  is  not  in  human 
nature  to  surmount ;  and  then,  unless  we  have,  with  our  usual 
good  nature,  built  posts  for  their  defence,  they  must  at  the  ap 
proach  of  winter  retire  to  the  place,  from  whence  they  first  set 
out.  The  militia  from  the  eastward  come  in  by  degrees,  and 
I  expect  we  shall  soon  be  in  force  to  carry  on  the  petite  guerre 
to  advantage,  provided  always  Burgoyne  attempts  to  annoy  us, 
for  it  is  pretty  clear  that  we  cannot  get  at  him.  I  arn,  &c. 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

JOHN  JAY  TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

'  Kingston,  July  21st,  1777. 

c  Dear  Morris, 

'The  situation  of  Tryon  county  is  both  shameful  and  alarm 
ing.  Such  abject  dejection  and  despondency,  as  mark  the  let 
ters  we  have  received  from  thence,  disgrace  human  nature. 
God  knows  what  to  do  with  or  for  them.  Were  they  alone 
interested  in  their  fate,  I  should  be  for  leaving  their  cart  in  the 
slough,  till  they  Would  put  their  shoulders  to  the  wheel. 

c  Schuyler  has  his  enemies  here,  and  they  use  these  things 
to  his  disadvantage.  Suspicions  of  his  having  been  privy  to 
the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  spread  wide  ;  and  twenty  little 
circumstances,  which  perhaps  are  false,  are  trumped  up  to  give 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  133 

color  to  the  conjecture.  We  could  wish  that  your  letters 
might  contain  paragraphs  for  the  public.  We  are  silent,  be 
cause  we  have  nothing  to  say ;  and  the  people  suspect  the 
worst,  because  we  say  nothing.  Their  curiosity  must  be  con 
stantly  gratified,  or  they  will  be  uneasy.  Indeed,  I  do  not 
wonder  at  their  impatience,  the  late  northern  events  having  been 
such,  as  to  have  occasioned  alarm  and  suspicion.  I  have  not 
leisure  to  add  anything  more,  than  that  I  am  very  sincerely 
yours,  &c. 

'  JOHN  JAY.' 

The  Council  of  Safety  were  not  well  satisfied  with  the  let 
ters  of  the  committee  from  camp,  or  rather  of  Mr  Morris,  for 
his  associate  did  not  join  him  till  quite  at  the  close  of  their 
mission.  The  clamors  of  the  people  stimulated  the  impa 
tience  of  the  Council,  for  more  full  and  precise  information,  as 
.may  be  seen  by  Mr  Jay's  letter,  and  it  was  expected,  that  the 
despatches  of  this  committee  would  contribute,  at  least,  to  ap 
pease  the  former  and  tranquillize  the  latter.  Mr  Morris  was  a 
little  piqued  at  the  suggestion,  that  he  was  desired  to  write 
paragraphs  for  the  newspapers,  to  amuse  the  curiosity  of  the 
public,  and  he  took  care  to  give  a  broad  hint  to  this  effect,  in 
one  of  his  letters  to  the  Council.  They  wrote  him  in  return 
a  letter,  which  was  drafted  by  his  friend  Robert  R.  Livingston, 
couched  in  terms  of  complaint  and  disapprobation,  for  neglecting 
certain  points  deemed  essential,  as  objects  for  the  inquiries  of 
the  committee.  These  preliminaries  will  explain  the  allusions 
in  the  first  part  of  the  following  letter. 

TO    THE    PRESIDENT    OF    THE    COUNCIL    OF  SAFETY. 

<  Moses  Creek,  July  23d,  1777. 
'Sir, 

(  We  have  received  yours  of  the  19th,  which  has  afforded 
us  great  pleasure,  since  we  are  enabled  in  some  measure  to 
collect  from  it  our  errand  to  the  northward,  "  one  of  the  most 
important  objects  of  our  journey  "  being,  in  the  opinion  of  your 
honorable  board,  to  write  the  news.  Could  we  have  conceiv- 

VOL.    I.  12 


134  LIFE    OF 

ed,  that  this  was  your  intention  in  appointing  us  a  committee 
"  to  confer  with  Major  General  Schuyler  upon  such  measures, 
as  might  from  time  to  time  appear  necessary  to  be  pursued  by 
this  State,  for  the  aid  and  support  of  the  northern  department," 
we  should  have  endeavored  so  to  correspond  with  the  Council, 
as  to  have  informed  them,  as  far  as  lay  in  our  power,  of  the 
"manner  of  the  retreat  from  Ticonderoga,  the  number  of  the 
men  that  came  off,  whether  any  or  how  many  were  taken,  whether 
the  sick  came  away,  whether  the  troops  brought  off  their  arms," 
and  the  like.  It  is  not  in  our  power,  Sir,  to  answer  these  im 
portant  objects  of  our  journey,  because  we  are  much  in  the 
dark  about  those  matters,  which  attract  the  attention  and  strict 
scrutiny  of  your  honorable  board,  and  about  which  the  Gene 
ral  can  give  us  no  information  ;  but  we  shall  leave  this  place 
tomorrow  morning,  to  wait  upon  you,  and  answer  such  ques 
tions  as  you  shall  be  pleased  to  put  to  us. 

'  It  was  determined  upon  to  leave  the  ground  occupied  by 
our  advanced  posts,  upon  the  road  to  Fort  Anne  and  Fort 
George,  and  retire  to  Fort  Edward  in  the  way  to  this  place, 
having  previously  removed  everything.  About  noon  the  pic- 
quet  guard  of  the  party,  upon  the  Fort  Anne  road,  was  attack 
ed  by  savages  and  British  troops.  It  is  not,  we  suppose,  of 
great  importance  minutely  to  describe  this  engagement.  We 
will  therefore  record  nothing  more  upon  your  minutes,  than 
that  we  drove  off  the  enemy,  and  in  so  doing  had  one  man  kill 
ed  and  scalped,  twelve  more  killed,  and  twelve  wounded, 
five  of  them  mortally.  This  evening  the  retreat  was  com 
pleted  to  this  place,  where  the  General  would  be  strongly 
posted,  if  he  had  men.  Three  hundred  of  the  militia  of  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay  went  off  this  morning,  in  spite  of  the  opposition, 
we  should  have  said  entreaties,  of  their  officers.  All  the  mili 
tia  on  the  ground  are  so  heartily  tired,  and  so  extremely  de 
sirous  of  getting  home,  that  it  is  more  than  probable  none  of 
them  will  remain  ten  days  longer.  One  half  was  discharged 
two  days  ago,  to  silence,  if  possible,  their  clamor ;  and  the  re 
mainder,  officers  excepted,  will  soon  discharge  themselves,  at 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  135 

which  time  the  army  in  the  northern  department  will  consist 
of  about  twenty-seven  hundred  continental  troops,  sick  and 
well.  We  make  no  comments. 

'  But,  Sir,  Burgoyne  cannot  flee.  If  a  body  of  three  thou 
sand  men  can  be  formed  from  the  militia  of  Connecticut,  Mas 
sachusetts,  and  New  Hampshire,  somewhere  upon  the  New 
Hampshire  Grants  ;  if  General  Washington  can  spare  a  rein 
forcement  of  fifteen  hundred  good  troops  to  this  army ;  if, 
discharging  all  the  militia  in  the  Forts  and  passes  of  the  High 
lands,  the  governor  is  put  at  the  head  of  one  third  of  the  mili 
tia  of  the  state,  and  two  hundred  good  riflemen,  and  sent  into 
Tryon  county  ;  we  may  laugh  at  Mr  Howe  and  Mr  Bur 
goyne.  We  are  too  ignorant  of  the  situation  of  affairs  to  the 
southward,  to  say  whether  these  things  are  practicable,  and, 
therefore,  give  our  sentiments  on  matters  as  they  appear.  We 
have  the  honor  to  be,  &c. 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

'  ABRAHAM  YATES,  JR.' 

Thus  ended  the  mission  to  the  northern  army,  the  commit 
tee  having  returned  shortly  after  inditing  the  above  epistle. 
They  had  made  such  inquiries,  and  such  arrangements  with  Gen 
eral  Schuyler,  as  circumstances  would  admit,  and  were  pre 
pared  to  give  all  requisite  information  to  the  Council  of  Safe 
ty,  on  their  arrival  at  Kingston. 

Meantime,  during  Mr  Morris's  absence,  he  had  been  ap 
pointed  on  a  committee  with  Mr  Hobart,  to  attend,  on  the  part 
of  New  York,  a  convention  of  delegates  from  all  the  New- 
England  States,  about  to  assemble  at  Springfield,  in  Massachu 
setts.  The  object  of  this  convention  was,  to  consult  on  the 
mutual  interests  of  the  States  there  represented,  particularly 
in  regard  to  the  condition  of  the  currency  and  prices.  From 
the  beginning  of  the  war,  much  perplexity  and  much  distress 
had  been  produced  by  the  spirit  of  monopoly,  and  the  exor 
bitant  prices  demanded  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  The  de 
preciation  of  the  currency  increased  the  evil,  since  the  price 
of  articles  would  not  be  in  proportion  only  to  their  quantity  in 


136  LIFE    OF 

market,  and  to  the  wants  of  the  community,  but  also  to  the  un 
questionable  value  of  the  money,  or  substitute  for  money, 
which  was  to  be  received  for  them.  Certain  persons,  who  be 
came  dealers  and  speculators,  and  whose  patriotism  was  meas 
ured  by  the  scale  of  their  pecuniary  gains,  took  advantage  of 
the  disorders  of  the  times,  and,  by  purchasing  in  large  quanti 
ties,  and  selling  at  such  times,  places,  and  rates  as  they  chose, 
imposed  an  intolerable  burden  on  that  portion  of  the  people, 
who  could  only  buy  in  small  amounts,  and  as  their  wants  dic 
tated.  The  soldiers  and  their  families  were  sufferers  in  a  ve 
ry  peculiar  degree,  because  the  wages  of  a  soldier  were  fixed, 
and  not  subject  to  fluctuate  with  the  changing  value  of  the  cur 
rency  in  which  he  was  paid,  whereas  labor  in  other  pursuits, 
like  every  other  commodity  of  exchange,  rose  in  nominal  val 
ue  as  the  money  declined.  At  least,  such  was  the  view  gen 
erally  taken  of  these  matters,  though  some  persons  regarded 
the  monopolizing  system,  as  rather  an  advantage  than  an  inju 
ry,  for  reasons,  which  need  not  be  examined  in  this  place. 

The  mischievous  effects  of  these  practices,  treacherous,  as  it 
was  believed,  alike  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  the  claims  of  hu 
manity,  were  severely  felt  in  the  New  England  States.  Plans 
had  been  devised,  and  laws  passed,  to  discourage,  defeat,  and 
punish  them,  but  with  little  effect.  The  motives  of  avarice, 
the  allurements  of  gain,  had  a  stronger  influence  than  the  pow 
er  of  government,  the  love  of  country,  or  the  voice  of  con 
science.  Almost  every  article  of  sale  passed  through  the 
hands  of  forestallers  and  monopolizers,  who  either  disregarded 
the  laws,  or  contrived  to  evade  them.  Among  other  restric 
tions,  an  embargo  law  was  passed  in  Massachusetts,  prohibiting 
the  exportation  out  of  that  State  of  certain  articles,  embracing 
all  the  necessaries  of  life  and  military  supplies.  This  law  ex 
tended  also  to  importations.  Hence  it  caused  great  complaints 
in  the  neighboring  States,  particularly  in  New  York,  as  many 
of  the  citizens  of  that  State,  who  were  engaged  in  commercial 
enterprises,  found  it  convenient  to  enter  their  ships  in  some  of 
the  ports  of  New  England,  and  thence  transport  their  goods 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  137 

over  land.  The  embargo  law  of  Massachusetts  was  a  bar  to 
this  transportation,  and  compelled  the  importers  to  sell  their 
goods  on  the  spot.  This  operated  not  only  as  a  loss  to  the 
owners,  but  an  injury  to  the  State  of  New  York,  where  the 
goods  were  wanted  to  supply  the  needs  of  the  people. 

To  regulate  matters  of  this  sort,  a  convention  of  delegates 
from  the  New  England  States  had  already  been  held  in  Provi 
dence  the  year  before,  who  favored  their  consituents  with  a 
set  of  resolves,  recommendations,  and  a  scale  of  prices,  but, 
with  whatever  wisdom  their  deliberations  may  have  been  con 
ducted,  or  whatever  new  light  was  struck  out  on  the  occasion, 
things  did  not  mend  afterwards,  the  people  perceived  no  change, 
and  felt  no  relief.  To  seek  a  further  remedy,  therefore,  Massa 
chusetts  proposed  another  convention,  to  meet  at  Springfield, 
on  the  thirtieth  of  July,  and  invited  New  York  to  take  a  part. 
Mr  Morris  was  selected'  on  account  of  his  knowledge  of  finance, 
and  the  principles  of  commercial  intercourse,  which  had  been 
among  his  favorite  studies,  but,  for  reasons  that  will  soon  ap 
pear,  he  did  not  attend  the  convention.  His  associate  at 
tended,  and  the  business  was  conducted  on  the  grounds  of  the 
original  proposition. 

Indeed,  the  case  was  a  very  simple  one.  The  root  of  the 
whole  difficulty  lay  in  the  deranged  state  of  the  currency,  or, 
in  other  words,  the  want  of  money.  The  country  was  deluged 
with  paper;  each  State  -had  thrown  out  its  share,  and  more 
than  its  share ;  the  Continental  Congress  had  contributed  its 
millions;  depreciation  ensued,  rapid,  inevitable,  irremediable, 
till  every  person  found  to  his  astonishment,  that  the  more  mo 
ney  he  possessed,  the  more  obvious  was  his  progress  in  the 
way  to  poverty  and  ruin.  The  convention  recommended 
taxation,  and  a  redemption  of  the  paper  ;  a  very  natural  meth 
od  of  getting  out  of  the  difficulty,  but  not  so  easy  of  execution, 
where  the  means  of  paying  taxes  did  not  exist.  They  rec 
ommended  borrowing  money,  a  process  not  less  dubious,  where 
there  are  no  lenders,  and  where  the  borrowers  are  without 
credit.  On  the  whole,  the  convention  left  this  part  of  the 
12* 


138  LIFE    OF 

subject  just  where  they  had  found  it.  They  proposed,  how 
ever,  that  the  laws  regulating  prices,  and  those  prohibiting  in 
ternal  transportation,  should  be  repealed. 

Mr  Morris,  as  we  have  seen,  did  not  go  to  the  convention. 
For  some  purpose  connected  with  the  northern  army,  it  was 
deemed  important  that  he  should  visit  General  Washington's 
head-quarters,  and  the  Congress  at  Philadelphia.  Meantime, 
great  dissatisfaction  began  to  prevail  in  the  public  mind,  and 
particularly  with  the  people  of  New  England,  respecting  Gen 
eral  Schuyler,  and  his  command  of  the  northern  army.  The 
unfortunate  events  of  Ticonderoga  were  charged  upon  him, 
and  even  broad  hints  were  circulated,  that  he  had  a  better 
understanding  with  the  enemy,  than  was  consistent  with  his 
station  or  his  integrity.  On  the  day  after  Mr  Morris  left  the 
camp  at  Moses  Creek,  General  Schuyler  wrote  to  him  ;  '  I 
am  extremely  sorry,  that  you  are  obliged  to  go  to  Springfield 
without  seeing  the  Council  of  Safety.  I  find  by  a  letter  from 
a  friend  there,  that  my  reputation  suffers  much,  and  that  peo 
ple  suggest  the  Fort  was  evacuated  by  my  order,  and  that  I 
had  made  such  a  disposition  whilst  I  was  there,  as  indicated 
an  intention  to  deliver  it  to  the  enemy.  I  wish  you  would 
write  the  Council  of  Safety  a  line  on  the  subject,  and  inform 
them  of  what  you  know.'  Such  was  the  impression,  and  for 
the  moment  it  could  not  be  removed,  although  General  Schuy 
ler  had  no  knowledge  of  an  intended  evacuation  of  Ticonde 
roga,  till  after  it  occurred,  and  was  as  much  surprised  at  the 
catastrophe,  as  any  member  of  the  Council  of  Safety.  The 
clamor  spread  widely  and  rapidly,  and  the  occasion  was  seized 
upo:i  with  eagerness  by  General  Schuyler's  enemies  in  Con 
gress,  who,  by  sounding  an  alarm,  and  insisting  that  the  New 
England  troops  would  not  join  the  army  while  under  his  com 
mand,  were  successful  in  causing  him  to  be  superseded  by  a 
resolve  of  Congress,  and  General  Gates  to  be  appointed  in  his 
stead. 

The  following  curious  extract  of  a  letter  from  a  member  of 
Congress,  dated  June,  nineteenth,   1777,  will  give  a  clue  to 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  139 

some  of  the  secret  causes  of  this  event,  as  well  as  a  little  in 
sight  into  the  state  of  feeling  and  party,  which  then  prevailed 
among  the  members.  It  is  only  necessary  to  premise,  that, 
after  the  retreat  of  the  American  army  from  Canada  the  year 
before,  General  Gates  had  commanded  in  that  quarter  till  the 
month  of  May,  when  his  command  by  an  order  of  Congress 
was  embraced  within  that  of  General  Schuyler.  At  this 
step  GeneraKGates  was  displeased,  and  Gordon  intimates,  (who, 
by  the  way,  is  often  too  much  of  a  partizan  to  be  a  just  histo 
rian,)  that  it  was  brought  about  by  a  manoeuvre  of  certain  per 
sons  in  Congress.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  General  allowed 
his  temper  to  be  much  ruffled  on  the  occasion,  as  will  appear 
by  the  extract  now  to  be  quoted. 

(  Yesterday,'  writes  the  member  of  Congress,  '  Major  Gen 
eral  Gates  arrived  in  town,  and  about  twelve  o'clock  at  noon, 
Mr  Roger  Sherman  informed  Congress,  that  he  was  waiting 
at  the  door,  and  wished  admittance.  Mr  Paca  desired  to 
know  for  what  purpose.  Mr  Sherman  replied,  to  communicate 
intelligence  of  importance.  He  was  accordingly  ushered  in, 
and,  after  some  awkward  ceremony,  he  sat  himself  in  a  very 
easy  cavalier  posture  in  an  elbow  chair,  and  began  to  open  his 
budget. 

(  The  intelligence  he  communicated  was,  that  the  Indians 
were  extremely  friendly,  much  delighted  with  seeing  French 
officers  in  our  service,  and  other  common  place  matters,  which 
at  present  I  cannot  recollect.  Having  thus  gone  through  the 
ostensible  part  of  the  plan,  he  took  out  of  his  pocket  some 
scraps  of  papers,  containing  a  narrative  of  his  birth,  parentage, 
education,  life,  character,  and  behavior.  He  informed  the 
House,  that  he  had  quitted  an  easy,  happy  life,  to  enter  into 
their  service,  from  a  pure  zeal  for  the  liberties  of  America, 
that  he  had  strenuously  exerted  himself  for  its  defence,  that 
some  time  in  March,  last  year,  he  was  appointed  to  a  command 
in  the  northern  department,  and  that  a  few  days  since,  with 
out  having  given  any  cause  of  offence,  without  accusation, 
without  trial,  without  a  hearing,  without  notice,  he  had  receiv- 


140  LIFE    OF 

ed  a  resolution,  by  which  he  was,  in  a  most  disgraceful  man 
ner,  superseded  in  his  command.  Here  his  oration  became 
warm,  and  contained  many  reflections  against  Congress,  and 
many  insinuations  against  Mr  Duane,  whose  name  he  mention- 
ed,  and  related  some  conversation,  which  he  said  had  passed 
between  him  and  that  gentleman  on  his  way  to  Albany.  Here 
Mr  Duane  arose,  and,  addressing  himself  to  the  President, 
hoped  the  General  would  observe  order,  and  cease  from  per 
sonal  applications,  as  he  could  not  in  Congress  enter  into  any 
controversy  with  him,  on  the  subject  of  any  former  conver 
sation. 

'  Mr  Paca  caught  the  fire,  and  immediately  moved,  that  the 
General  might  be  ordered  to  withdraw.  I  seconded  the  mo 
tion,  observing  that  the  conduct  of  the  General  was  unbecom 
ing  the  House  to  endure,  and  himself  to  be  guilty  of.  Mr  Dy 
er,  Mr  Sherman,  and  some  others  of  his  eastern  friends,  arose 
and  endeavored  to  palliate  his  conduct,  and  to  oppose  his 
withdrawing.  On  this,  Mr  Middleton,  Mr  Burke,  Colonel 
Harrison,  and  two  or  three  others  arose,  and  there  was  a 
general  clamor  in  the  House,  that  he  should  immediately  with 
draw.  All  this  while  the  General  stood  upon  the  floor,  and 
interposed  several  times  in  the  debates  ;  however,  the  clamor 
increasing,  he  withdrew.  A  debate  then  ensued,  concerning 
the  propriety  of  the  General's  conduct,  and  that  of  the  mem 
bers,  who,  contrary  to  parliamentary  rules,  contended  for  his 
staying  after  a  motion  had  been  made  and  seconded,  that  he 
should  withdraw.  The  want  of  candor  in  Mr  Sherman,  who 
asked  his  admittance  on  pretence  of  his  giving  the  House  intel 
ligence,  was  much  inveighed  against.  Congress  at  length 
came  to  the  determination,  that  General  Gates  should  not 
be  again  admitted  on  the  floor,  but  should  be  informed,  that 
Congress  were  ready  and  willing  to  hear,  by  way  of  memorial, 
any  grievances,  which  he  had  to  complain  of.  Here  the 
matter  ended,  not,  as  you  will  observe,  to  his  credit  or  advan 
tage.' 

This  occurred  about  six  weeks  before  General  Gate's  reap- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  141 

pointment  to  supersede  General  Schuyler  in  the  northern  de 
partment,  and  it  may  well  be  imagined,  that  this  latter  meas 
ure  was  adopted  with  but  little  unanimity  of  feeling  in  the 
House,  however  much  the  dictates  of  policy  might  induce 
to  a  concert  of  action.  Mr  Jay  accompanied  Mr  Morris 
to  Philadelphia,  but  they  were.probably  too  late  to  effect  all  the 
beneficial  objects,  which  they  had  in  view.  Washington's 
army  was  then,  on  its  march  through  Pennsylvania  to  meet 
General  Howe.  The  following  correspondence  between  Mr 
Morris  and  General  Schuyler  will  afford  some  additional  ex 
planations  of  this  subject. 

TO  MAJOR  GENERAL  SCHUYLER. 

*  Kingston,  August  27th,  1777. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

*  Upon  my  return  from  Albany,  it  was  at  my  request  deter 
mined,  that,  instead^of  going  to  Springfield,  1  should  repair  to 
Head-Quarters.  In  consequence,  with  Mr  Jay,  I  went  thither. 
Unfortunately  we  did  not  arrive  at  Philadelphia,  until  the  day 
it  had  been  determined  to  send  Gates  to  take  the  command  of 
the  northern  department.  You  will  readily  believe,  that  we 
were  not  pleased  at  this  resolution,  and  I  assure  you  for  my 
own  part,  I  felt  exceedingly  distressed  at  your  removal,  just 
when  changing  fortune  began  to  declare  in  our  favor.  Con^ 
gress,  1  hope,  will  perceive,  that  our  successes  have  been  owing 
to  the  judicious  plans  adopted  previous  to  your  removal. 

'Our  representations  of  your  situation  have  obtained,  as  by 
this  time  you  must  be  sensible,  such  reinforcement  for  the 
northern  armies,  as  will  enable  Gates  to  act  with  eclat,  if  he 
has  spirit  and  understanding  sufficient  for  that  purpose.  His 
situation  is  certainly  an  eligible  one.  As  his  friend,  T  am  pleased 
at  the  opportunity  he  has  of  acquiring  honor,  while  I  sincerely 
lament  his  possessing  this  opportunity  at  your  expense.  How 
ever,  it  was  become  necessary,  for  the  eastern  folks  declared, 
that  their  people  would  not  march  while  you  had  the  com 
mand.  In  misfortunes,  great  minds  rise  superior  to  adversity, 
und  this  too,  whether  they  are  of  a  public  or  private  nature. 


142  LIFE    OF 

i  With  that  incautiousness  natural  to  me,  and  of  which  I  scorn 
to  divest  myself  among  iny  friends,  let  me  say,  that  I  think  you 
will  find  it  for  your  honor  to  resign,  but  in  this,  festina  lente, 
the  hour  is  not  yet  come.  I  wish  you  would  direct  the  plan 
you  think  best  for  the  northern  armies,  pointing  out  the  posts 
necessary  to  be  taken,  the  manoeuvres  to  be  made,  and  the  like, 
which  your  intimate  knowledge  of  the  country  enables  you  to 
do  better  than  most  men.  It  seems  to  me  we. should  contrive 
to  possess  the  height  to  the  northward  of  Fort  Edward,  if  it  be 
practicable  to  maintain  it,  and  then,  by  keeping  parties  around 
Burgoyne's  army,  intercept  his  supplies,  and  force  him  to  quit 
his  post  at  Batten  Kill.  This  is  a  reverie,  but  clearly  something 
capital  may  be  done  ;  perhaps  he  may  be  attacked  with  success 
in  his  lines.  I  am  inclined  to  believe,  that  the  unexpected  sight 
of  our  troops,  advancing  with  fixed  bayonets  without  firing  a  shot, 
would  so  intimidate  his  soldiers,  that  they  would  not  stand. 
But  to  the  purpose.  I  could  wish  that  having  digested  your 
plan,  you  would  send  it  to  Gates,  as  the  continuation  of  what 
you  intended,  if  successful  tcTthe  eastward  and  westward,  which, 
thank  God,  you  have  been.  Introduce  it  to  him  under  the  idea, 
that  you  think  it  your  duty  to  contribute  to  the  success  of  the 
American  arms,  as  well  out  of  as  in  power,  and  send  a  copy  of 
the  whole  to  Congress,  in  which  you  may  also,  with  great  pro 
priety,  mention  as  a  reason  why  you  have  not  obeyed  their  or 
der,  that  General  Gates  was  so  long  on  his  journey,  that  the  at 
tention,  which  you  were  obliged  to  pay  to  the  northern  arrny, 
would  not  permit  you  to  provide  for  yours.  This,  and  Indian 
affairs,  are  good  causes  for  your  stay.  I  am,  yours, 

'GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

GENERAL    SCHUYLER    TO    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

*  Albany,  September  7th,  1777. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

'  The  day  before  yesterday  I  was  favored  with  yours  of  the 
27th  of  August.  1  thank  you  for  sympathizing  with  me,  on 
my  removal  from  the  command  in  this  department,  at  a  time 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  143 

when  our  affairs  were  at  the  worst,  and  when  no  change  could 
happen,  but  what  must  be  for  the  better.  Congress,  I  find, 
complain  of  me  for  painting  in  strong  colors  the  situation  we 
were  in ;  and  yet,  I  dare  say,  if  I  had  not  done  it,  and  any 
capital  misfortune  had  happened,  they  would  have  asked  why 
they  had  not  been  truly  informed.  But  my  crime  consists  in 
not  being  a  New  England  man  in  principle  ;  and,  unless  they 
alter  theirs,  I  hope  I  never  shall  be.  General  Gates  is  their 
idol,  becuase  he  is  at  their  direction. 

{If  an  inquiry  into  my  conduct  had  not  been  ordered,  I 
should  have  resigned,  the  moment  when  Gates  relieved  me ; 
but,  as  soon  as  the  former  has  taken  place,  I  shall  certainly 
quit.  Of  this  I  have  advised  Congress.  I  believe  a  certain 
set  will  wish,  that  they  had  not  urged  for  an  inquiry.  I  shall 
make  my  defence  in  such  a  manner,  as  that  the  public  may 
see  what  has  been  my  conduct,  and  what  that  of  others  ;  and 
then  they  may  judge  for  themselves ;  and  I  trust  they  will 
easily  discern,  that  the  cause  of  our  misfortunes  in  this  de 
partment  has  originated,  where  they  perhaps  little  expect  it. 

1  When  General  Gates  took  the  command,  I  informed  him, 
that  I  had  advised  Congress  of  my  intention  to  remain  some 
time  in  the  department,  to  afford  him  any  assistance  in  my 
power,  and  entreated  he  would  call  upon  me  whenever  he 
thought  proper.  He  has,  however,  not  done  it.  He  sent 
for  General  Ten  Broeck  from  town,  to  a  council  of  war,  but 
not  for  me.  After  that,  I  could  not  with  propriety  give  him 
my  opinion  of  what  ground  he  ought  to  possess,  if  Burgoyne 
should  retreat.  What  T  intended  to  have  done,  had  I  remain 
ed  in  the  command,  and  been  reinforced,  I  fully  communicat 
ed  to  him,  and  showed  the  orders  I  had  given  Generals  Lin 
coln  and  Arnold.  Hitherto  he  has  not,  as  I  am  informed, 
made  any  other  disposition  of  his  force,  which  daily  increases. 
He  may  certainly  oblige  General  Burgoyne  to  retire  immedi 
ately,  or  compel  him  to  fight  at  a  great  disadvantage  ;  but  Gates 
is  totally  ignorant  of  the  country,  and,  although  he  may  get  peo 
ple  that  can  give  him  the  best  information,  yet  it  falls  vastly 


144  LIFE    OF 

short  of  being  personally  well  acquainted  with  the  passes  and 
defiles,  which  every  country  has  more  or  less.  From  this  de 
fect  1  fear  every  advantage  will  not  be  taken  that  might. 

'  I  am  just  now  informed  that  Burgoyne  has  drawn  all  his 
troops  from  Skenesborough  and  Fort  Anne.  This,  with  the 
bridge  he  has  thrown  over  Hudson's  river,  indicates  that  he 
means  to  attack  our  army.  If  Lincoln  is  within  a  day's 
march  of  Saratoga,  and  is  ordered  that  way,  I  wish  Burgoyne 
may  advance,  and  Gates  too.  Tf  the  latter  takes  post  at  Still- 
water,  Lincoln  might  be  in  the  rear  of  Burgoyne  before  he 
could  attack  Gates ;  in  which  case  the  British  army  must  be 
totally  ruined.  Nor  need  ours  apprehend  a  want  of  provi 
sions,  should  Burgoyne  be  so  posted  as  to  render  it  imprudent 
to  attack  him  ;  for  there  are  means  of  sending  on  the  supplies, 
and  if  they  escape  the  attention  of  Gates,  I  will  point  them 
out.  I  am,  &c. 

THILIP  SCHUYLER.' 

TO  MAJOR  GENERAL  SCHUYLER. 

«  Kingston,  September  18th,  1777. 

1  Dear  Sir, 

'  The  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  seventh,  last  night,  gave 
me  great  pleasure.  I  am  happy  for  the  sake  of  America,  that 
your  sentiments  so  perfectly  coincided  with  my  own.  The 
commander  in  chief  of  the  northern  department  may,  if  he 
pleases,  neglect  to  ask,  or  disdain  to  receive  advice,  but  those 
who  know  him  will,  I  am  sure,  be  convinced  that  he  wants  it. 
Fortune  may  make  him  a  great  man,  in  the  estimation  of  the 
vulgar,  who  will  fix  their  estimation  at  their  own  price,  let  the 
intrinsic  value  be  what  it  will,  but  it  is  npt  in  the  power  of  for 
tune  to  bestow  those  talents,  which  are  necessary  to  render  a 
person  superior  to  her  malice.  This  being  the  case,  it  is  but 
equal,  that,  between  competitors,  she  should  take  the  weaker 
side  to  preserve  the  natural  equality  of  mankind. 

'  T  am  confident  that  the  proper  advantages  will  not  be  taken 
of  Burgoyne's  situation.     We  have  no  chance,  I  fear,  in  that 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  145 

quarter  from  management.  The  only  resource,  therefore,  will 
be  a  battle,  and  I  doubt  our  skill  to  manage  that.  At  any 
rate,  the  season  closes  fast,  and  if  Burgoyne  cannot  get  to  Al- 
-bany,  he  must  at  least  retire  to  Ticonderoga.  I  learn  that 
Gates's  army  is  eleven,  and  Lincoln's  five  thousand.  Tant 
mieux — sed  qucere  de  hoc.  I  am  also  told  that  the  Indians  are 
determined  to  take  up  the  hatchet  for  us.  If  this  be  true,  it 
would  be  infinitely  better  to  wear  away  the  enemy's  army,  by 
a.  scrupulous  and  polite  attention,  than  to  violate  the  rules  of 
decorum  and  the  laws  of  hospitality,  by  making  an  attack  upon 
strangers  in  our  own  country. 

'  From  Peekskill  we  have  intelligence,  that  the  enemy 
have  marched  into  New  Jersey  with  five  thousand  men,  and 
from  their  motions  seem  determined  to  attempt  the  western 
pass  of  the  mountains.  Either  their  numbers  are  exaggerated 
greatly,  or  they  mean  some  capital  diversion.  I  rather  think 
the  former,  and  that  their  object  is  merely  to  return  the  com 
pliment,  which  Sullivan  paid  them  on  Staten  Island. 

1  General  Washington,  as  you  will  have  heard  before  this 
reaches  you,  has  had  a  severe  conflict  with  Howe.  He  was 
obliged  to  retire.  Our  loss  is  far  from  inconsiderable.  Howe, 
I  imagine,  will  get  Philadelphia.  This  will  be  determined  at 
Swede's  Ford  on  the  Schuykill.  If  we  can  beat  him,  he 
will  be,  if  not  ruined,  yet  as  near  it  as  any  man  need  be.  If 
the  contrary  happens,  we  must,  to  say  the  best  of  it,  have  an 
other  winter's  campaign. 

4  The  Chief  Justice  (Jay)  is  gone  to  fetch  his  wife.  The 
Chancellor  (Livingston)  is  solacing  himself  with  his  wife,  his 
farm,  and  his  imagination.  Our  Senate  is  doing,  I  know  not 
what.  In  Assembly  we  wrangle  long  to  little  purpose.  You 
will  think  so,  when  I  tell  you,  that  from  nine  in  the  morning 
till  dusk  in  the  evening,  we  were  employed  in  appointing  Scott, 
Pawling,  Yates,  and  Webster  to  be  the  council  of  appointment. 
I  tremble  for  the  consequences,  but  I  smile,  and  shall  continue 
to  do  s( ,  if  possible.  We  have  not  appointed  delegates,  nor 
do  I  km  iw  when  or  whom  we  shall  appoint.  We  have  some 
VOL.  i.  13 


146  LIFE    OF 

principles  of  fermentation,  which  must,  if  it  be  possible,  evapo 
rate  before  that  business  is  entered  upon.  We  are  just  about 
to  think  of  a  Militia  Law,  and  I  should  be  happy  to  be  inform 
ed  of  your  sentiments,  or  rather  plans,  upon  that  subject.  It 
is  doubtless  of  importance,  and  the  mode  now  to  be  adopted, 
whether  good  or  evil,  will  have  a  very  distant  operation.  It 
will  become  a  principal  part  of  the  jurisprudence  of  the  State, 
and,  as  such,  shed  an  influence  upon  the  Constitution.  I  am 
yours,  &c. 

c  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

GENERAL    SCHDYLER    TO    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

1  Albany,  October  12th,  1777. 
'  Dear  Sir, 

'If  Arnold's  advice  had  been  pursued,  the  enemy  would  have 
been  routed  on  the  twentieth  of  last  month,  and  the  fortifica 
tion  below  would,  in  all  probability,  not  have  been  attacked. 
The  same  want  of  vigor  has  taken  place,  after  the  action  of  the 
seventh  instant.  Burgoyne  retreated  on  the  eighth,  at  night ; 
was  followed  by  an  inferior  body  on  the  afternoon  of  the  ninth  ; 
and  now  occupies  the  heights  between  the  barracks  at  Sarato 
ga  and  Fishkill,  with  a  dispirited  army  of  less  than  five  thou 
sand  $  whilst  General  Gates's  army  of  fifteen  thousand  are  look 
ing  at  him ;  for  the  General,  by  all  accounts,  has  never  yet 
been  within  ken  of  the  enemy.  This  may  be  prudent,  it  is 
not  very  gallant.  He  knows  Burgoyne  cannot  retreat,  and 
will,  therefore,  not  risk  an  engagement.  But  if  Clinton  should 
be  able  to  push  up  to  this  place,  the  tables  may  be  turned  up 
on  him.  I  hope  that,  however,  will  not  be  the  case. 

'  Saratoga  is  destroyed.  *  I  expected  it  would  be  so.  I 
wrote  you,  or  the  Speaker  so,  some  days  ago.  I  hear  Gates 
intends  to  write  Burgoyne  on  the  subject  of  his  devastations. 


*  That  is,  General  Schuyler's  buildings  and  property  at  that  place, 
which  were  burnt  and  destroyed  by  the  enemy. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  147 

I  fear  be  will  not  succeed  better  than  in  bis  former  corres- 
pendence.     1  am  yours, 

*  PHILIP  SCHUYLER.' 

It  is  the  province  of  the  historian  to  collect  facts,  combine 
circumstances,  and  weigh  events  with  an  impartial  hand,  be 
fore  he  pronounces  a  judgment  on  the  actions  of  a  man,  in  a 
prominent  and  responsible  station  ;  and  whoever  will  do  this, 
in  regard  to  General  Schuyler,  will  come  to  a  very  different 
decision  from  that,  to  which  he  might  naturally  be  led  by  the 
treatment  he  received  from  Congress.  Whatever  causes  or 
motives  may  have  operated  at  the  time,  to  bring  ^about  his  re 
moval,  there  can  be  but  one  opinion  now,  as  to  the  necessity 
or  justice  of  that  measure.  It  was  the  effect  of  a  temporary 
excitement  founded  on  false  impressions,  of  a  prejudice  for 
which  no  good  reason  could  be  assigned,  and  of  a  bitter  par 
ty  spirit,  ready  to  immolate  character  and  hazard  the  nation's 
best  interests,  to  gratify  its  own  narrow  and  perverted  aims. 

'  Your  enemies,'  says  a  member  writing  to  General  Schuyler 
from  Congress,  '  your  enemies,  relentless,  and  bent  on  your 
destruction,  would  willingly  involve  you  in  the  odium  of  losing 
Ticonderoga.  The  change  of  command  was  not,  however, 
founded  on  that  principle,  but  merely  on  the  representation  of 
the  Eastern  States,  that  their  militia,  suspicious  of  your  milita 
ry  character,  would  not  turn  out  in  defence  of  New  York, 
while  you  presided  in  the  northern  department.  So  confi 
dent  were  they  in  these  assertions,  and  such,  from  your  own 
representations,  was  the  gloomy  aspect  of  our  affairs  there, 
that  the  southern  members  were  alarmed,  and  we  thought  it 
prudent  not  to  attempt  to  stem  the  torrent.  It  was,  however, 
agreed  and  declared,  as  I  before  hinted,  that  the  eastern  pre 
judices  against  you  were  the  only  motives  for  your  recall. 
The  application  of  eastern  generals  for  your  continuance  in 
the  department,  arid  the  respectable  reinforcement  from  New 
Hampshire,  which  so  palpably  contradict  the  assertions  that 
were  the  basis  of  your  removal,  are  no  small  occasion  of  tri 
umph  to  some  of  us,  and  will  not  speedily  be  forgotten.  We 


148  LIFE    OF 

have  much  to  expect  from  the  northward.  Give  us  the  earli 
est  intelligence.  Every  mouth  is  full  of  the  praises  of  Her- 
kimer,  Stark,  Gansevoort,  and  Willet.' 

The  foundation  of  this  prejudice  of  the  Eastern  States 
against  General  Schuyler  cannot,  perhaps,  at  this  day,  be  easi 
ly  ascertained.  As  a  gentleman  of  a  strong  and  cultivated 
mind,  integrity,  honor,  and  public  spirit,  none  stood  higher  in 
his  own  State,  or  possessed  more  entirely  the  confidence  of 
his  copatriots.  In  his  correspondence,  he  was  sometimes  be 
trayed  into  expressions  not  well  suited  to  win  by  their  suavity, 
or  subdue  by  their  forbearance,  and  now  and  then  he  incau 
tiously  disturbed  the  nerves  of  Congress,  by  the  tenor  of  his 
letters.  A  friend  writes  to  him  from  that  body;  'You  know 
Congress,  like  a  hysteric  woman,  wants  cordials.  Write 
truths,  without  making  any  reflections  of  your  own.'  Some  of 
his  letters  to  the  legislature  of  Massachusetts  assumed  a  tone,, 
but  little  calculated  to  allay  jealousies,  or  gain  friends.  This 
was  impolitic,  but  it  could  in  no  degree  justify  the  ill  treat 
ment  he  received  as  a  public  man,  and  especially  so  abrupt 
a  dismissal  from  a  command,  which  he  had  up  to  that  mo 
ment  conducted  with  all  the  energy,  address,  and  ability,  that 
it  was  possible  for  any  officer  to  exercise  under  the  same  cir- 
cqmstances.  His  plans  were  well  laid,  and  the  crown  of  vic 
tory  was  clearly  within  his  reach,  when  another  stepped  into 
his  place,  who,  to  secure  the  prize,  had  only  to  stand  still  and 
wait  the  onward  tide  of  events.  General  Gates  was  success 
ful,  where  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  any  man,  with  a 
particle  of  prudence,  to  fail.  Fortune  was  his  friend,  and  to 
her  caprices,  more  than  to  all  other  causes  combined,  he  was 
indebted  for  the  glory  he  acquired  in  gathering  the  laurels  of 
Saratoga.* 


*  A  just  and  well  written  tribute  to  the  character  of  General  Schuy 
ler,  may  be  found  in  Chancellor  Kent's  late  Discourse  before  the  Histo 
rical  Society  of  New  York. 


ROUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  149 


CHAPTER   IX. 

IfR   MORRIS    CHOSEN   A    DELEGATE     TO    THE     CONTINENTAL     CONGRESS 
FROM    NEW     YORK.— TAKES    HIS     SEAT. — PASSES     THE      WINTER     AT 

VALLEY    FORGE    ON   A  COMMITTEE    FROM    CONGRESS. HIS    INTIMACY 

WITH    WASHINGTON. ARRANGEMENTS    OF    THE    ARMY. HE     DRAWS 

UP   A   PAPER    FOR    CONGRESS    ON    THE    STATE     OF    PUBLIC    AFFAIRS* 

DEBATES    IN  CONGRESS     ON   A    PROVISION    FOR    HALF    PAY    TO  THE 

OFFICERS. CORRESPONDENCE    WITH    MR    JAY    AND  GENERAL    WASH 
INGTON. — CONWAY'S  INTRIGUES. — GENERAL    GREENE. 

ON  the  thirteenth  of  May  the  Convention,  which  formed 
and  adopted  the  Constitution  of  New  York,  dissolved  itself, 
as  we  have  seen,  and  left  the  affairs  of  government  in  the 
hands  of  a  Council  of  Safety.  Before  the  dissolution,  a 
provisionary  appointment  was  made  o/  five  delegates  to  rep 
resent  the  State' in  Congress,  till  the  Assembly  should  convene 
under  the  new  Constitution.  Gouverneur  Morris  was  one  of 
these  delegates,  but  the  critical  posture  of  affairs  in  New  York, 
and  the  demand  for  his  presence  in  the  councils  of  his  own 
State,  prevented  his  joining  Congress,  till  the  time  had  expired 
for  which  he  was  chosen.  On  the  third  of  October,  when  the 
legislature  was  convened,  a  new  appointment  of  delegates 
took  place,  in  the  mode  prescribed  by  the  Constitution.  Mr 
Morris  was  re-elected,  but  it  does  not  appear  by  the  journals 
of  Congress,  that  he  took  his  seat  till  the  twentieth  of  January 
following. 

He  had  now  been  nearly  three  years  in  public  life,  and  he 
entered  Congress  with  a  reputation  for  talents,  general  intel 
ligence,  zeal,  and  activity  in  business,  probably  not  surpassed 
by  that  of  any  other  person  of  his  age  in  the  country,  being 
not  yet  twenty  six  years  old.  Congress  manifested  at  an  ear--^ 
13* 


150  LIFE    OF 

iy  hour  the  estimation  in  which  they  held  his  abilities  and 
character,  by  appointing  him,  the  very  day  he  presented  his 
credentials,  on  a  committee  of  great  importance  and  responsi 
bility.  It  will  be  recollected,  that  this  was  the  memorable 
winter,  in  which  the  American  army  was  at  Valley  Forge, 
enduring  unparalleled  sufferings  from  the  effects  of  a  harassing 
and  protracted  campaign,  from  want  of  clothing,  want  of  food, 
exposure  to  the  inclemency  of  the  season,  and  all  the  cata 
logue  of  ills  incident  to  a  condition  so  deplorable.  Add  to 
this,  that  the  various  departments  of  the  army  had  become 
much  deranged  ;  plans  and  regulations,  the  result  of  inexperi 
ence,  had  been  unskilfully  contrived  in  its  organization,  and  im 
perfectly  executed  by  officers  and  agents,  unacquainted  with 
their  duty,  and  unpractised  in  the  military  art.  In  short,  the 
general  system  had  grown  up  by  additions,  changes,  and  mod 
ifications,  from  time  to  time,  as  the  exigences  of  the  case  de 
manded,  with  little  reference  to  the  relations  and  symmetry 
of  the  whole.  The  commander  in  chief  called  loudly  on 
Congress  for  a  reform,  and,  as  soon  as  he  was  established  in 
his  winter's  encampment,  he  urged  them  to  take  the  matter 
speedily  in  hand,  that  he  might  be  prepared  to  commence  the 
next  campaign  with  a  force  better  regulated,  more  efficient, 
increased  in  numbers,  and  improved  in  military  skill. 

To  aid  these  designs,  a  committee  of  five  members  was  ap 
pointed,  with  instructions  to  proceed  to  head-quarters  at  Val 
ley  Forge,  and  enter  into  a  full  investigation  of  the  subject 
with  the  commander  in  chief,  and  report  such  measures  as 
should  be  deemed  expedient.  Mr  Morris  was  placed  on  this 
Committee,  and  he  and  his  associates  repaired  to  Valley  Forge 
without  delay,  Congress  being  then  at  York  Town.  Soon 
after  their  arrival,  General  Washington  laid  before  them,  in 
writing,  an  elaborate  exposition  of  the  existing  state  of  the  ar 
my,  pointing  out  the  disorders  and  deficiencies,  together  with 
their  causes,  and  suggesting  in  detail  such  reforms  and  im 
provements,  as  he  considered  essential  to  put  the  military  es 
tablishment  on  a  respectable  footing.  This  communication 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  151 

served  as  the  basis  of  the  committee's  proceedings,  and  in  fact 
its  principles  and  provisions  were  in  the  end  adopted  by  them. 
It  extended  not  only  to  the  militalry  arrangement,  but  to  the 
entire  economy  of  the  army,  embracing  a  plan  for  completing 
the  defective  regiments,  regulating  rank  and  promotion,  new 
modeling  the  quartermaster  general's,  commissary's,  clothing, 
hospital,  and  paymaster's  departments,  and  for  augmenting 
those  of  the  artillery  and  engineers.  The  committee  remained 
in  camp  nearly  three  months.  Mr  Morris  returned  to 
York  Town  about  the  middle  of  April.  The  new  plan  for  the 
army  was  reported  to  Congress,  and  approved. 

There  was  another  subject  in  which  Mr  Morris  took  a  live 
ly  concern,  and  which  was  largely  discussed  in  camp,  namely, 
some  permanent  provision  for  the  officers,  on  the  part  of  the 
nation.  General  Washington  had  repeatedly  expressed  the 
strongest  solicitude  on  this  subject.  In  writing  to  Congress 
he  say? ;  '  If  my  opinion  be  asked,  with  respect  to  the  neces 
sity  of  making  this  provision  for  the  officers,  I  am  ready  to 
declare,  that  I  do  most  religiously  believe  the  salvation  of 
the  cause  depends  on  it ;  and,  without  it,  your  officers  will 
moulder  to  nothing,  or  be  composed  of  low  and  illiterate  men, 
void  of  capacity  for  this  or  any  other  business.  To  prove  this, 
I  can  with  truth  aver,  that  scarce  a  day  passes  without  the 
offer  of  two  or  three  commissions  ;  and  my  advices  from  the 
eastward  and  southward  are,  that  numbers,  who  had  gone 
home  on  furlough,  mean  not  to  return,  but  are  establishing 
themselves  in  more  lucrative  employments.  Let  Congress 
determine  what  will  be  the  consequence  of  this  spirit.  Per 
sonally,  as  an  officer,  I  have  no  interest  in  their  decision,  be 
cause  I  have  declared,  and  now  repeat  it,  that  I  never  will 
receive  the  smallest  benefit  from  the  half  pay  establishment ; 
but  as  a  man,  who  fights  under  the  weight  of  a  proscription, 
and  as  a  citizen,  who  wishes  to  see  the  liberty  of  his  country 
established  upon  a  permanent  foundation,  and  whose  property 
depends  upon  the  success  of  our  arms,  I  am  deeply  inter 
ested.' 


152  LIFE    OF 

On  other  occasions  General  Washington,  with  renewed  ear 
nestness,  urged  these  considerations  and  others  equally  power 
ful  on  Congress,  and  suggested  as  a  provision,  not  more  just 
than  politic,  an  establishment  of  half  pay  after  the  war.  The 
views  of  the  commander  in  chief  were  entered  into  very  hear- 
jily  by  Mr  Morris,  but  they  met  with  a  cool  reception  from 
some  of  the  members  of  Congress. 

Upon  what  ground  a  scheme,  manifestly   so  necessary   and 
equitable,  was  deemed  inadmissible  by  any  person,  as  we  have 
no  knowledge  of  the  debates  of  the  old   Congress,   it  might 
now  be  fruitless  to  inquire.     When  this  subject  was  brought 
forward,  however,  it  encountered  opposition.     On  the   minds 
of  some  there  would  seem  to  have  been  doubts,  as  to  the  pow 
er  of  Congress  to  make  such  a  provision.     It  was  moved  to 
send  certain  propositions  to  the  States,  for  the  purpose  of  as 
certaining  the  general  opinion,  before  they   should  be  acted 
on  by  Congress.     The  motion  was  lost,  though   supported  by 
several  individuals,  including  all  the  New  England  members 
except  two.     It  is  probable,  that  no  one  of  the  representatives 
was  decidedly  opposed   to  some  sort  of  remuneration  to  the 
officers,  but  they  differed  in  regard  to  the  amount  and  mode 
of  payment.     Some  were  for  fixing  on  a  definite  amount,  to  be 
paid  after  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  according  to  the  rank  of 
the  officers;  others  were  for  an  establishment  of  half  pay  for 
life  ;  others  for  a  term  of  years.     The  plan  of  half  pay  for  life, 
as  proposed  by  General  Washington,  and  strenuously  support 
ed  by  Mr  Morris,  passed  in  the  affirmative  by  a  small  majori 
ty,  at  one  stage  of  the  debates.     All  the  New  England  mem- 
- — bers,  and  three  out  of  four  from  South  Carolina,  voted  against 
it ;  and  the  resolution  was  afterwards  modified,  by  reserving 
to  the  United  States  the  power  of  redeeming  at  any  time  the 
claims  of  an  officer,  on  payment  of  a  sum  equal  to  the  half 
pay  of  six  years. 

A  motion  was  again  subsequently  made  to  refer  the  matter 
to  the  consideration  of  the  legislatures  of  the  several  States. 
Every  New  England  member,  except  one,  voted  for  this  mo- 


GOUVERNEUR- MORRIS.  153 

tion,  but  it  was  lost.  After  a  protracted  discussion,  it  was 
finally  resolved,  that  the  half  pay  to  officers  should  continue 
only  seven  years,  and  that  each  non-commissioned  officer  and 
soldier,  who  remained  in  the  army  till  the  end  of  the  war, 
should  receive  a  reward  of  eighty  dollars. 

Shortly  after  returning  from  camp,  Mr  Morris  was  appointed 
on  several  committees,  that  required  his  assiduous  attention, 
and  much  labor.  Among  others  were  those  for  drafting  in 
structions  to  General  Gates,  who  had  just  been  directed  to 
take  command  on  the  North  River ;  for  an  examination  into 
the  medical  department  of  the  army,  concerning  which  loud 
complaints  had  been  forwarded  to  Congress;  for  considering 
and  reporting  the  terms  to  be  offered  to  British  officers  and 
soldiers,  who  might  choose  to  become  citizens  of  the  United 
States  ;  for  arranging  the  plan  of  a  cartel  for  the  exchange  of 
prisoners;  and  for  reporting  on  the  affair  of  Ticonderoga.* 

His  opinions  and  acts  at  this  time  will  be  further  elucidated, 
by  the  following  letter  to   Mr  Jay,  dated  Valley  Forge,  Feb 
ruary  1st,  1778,  and  of  course  written  a  very  short  time  after 
his  arrival  in  camp. 
*  Dear  Jay, 

f  Congress  have  sent  me  to  this  place,  in  conjunction  with 
some  Bother  gentlemen,  to  regulate  their  army,  and  in  truth  not 
a  little  regulation  has  become  necessary.  Our  quartermaster 
and  commissary  departments  are  in  the  most  lamentable  situ 
ation.  Opportunities  have  been  neglected  the  last  campaign, 
which  were  truly  golden  ones,  but  omnipotent  fatality  had, 
it  seems,  determined  that  the  American  capital  should  fall. 
Our  sentiments  on  this  occasion  are  so  perfectly  coincident, 
that  I  will  not  enlarge. 

'The  mighty   Senate  of  America  is  not   what   you   have 


*  In  a  letter  to  him  on  this  subject,  General  Schuyler  writes  ;  '  Let 
me  entreat  you  not  to  be  tardy.  Give  me  a  trial.  If  that  is  not  expe 
dient,  I  trust  the  resolutions  will  be  such,  as  to  make  amends  for  the 
injuries  I  have  sustained,' 


154  LIFE    OP 

known  it.  The  Continental  Congress  and  currency  have  both 
depreciated,  but,  in  the  hands  of  the  Almighty  architect  of 
empires,  the  stone,  which  the  builders  have  rejected,  may  ea 
sily  become  head  of  the  corner.  The  free,  open,  and  undis 
turbed  communication  with  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  debauches 
the  minds  of  those  in  its  vicinage,  with  astonishing  rapidity. 
This  State  is  sick  even  unto  the  death.  Just  before  the  reduc 
tion  of  the  forts,  the  enemy  balanced  exactly  upon  the  point  of 
quitting  the  city,  and  a  straw  would  have  turned  in  either 
scale. 

'  Our  troops, — Heu  miserors  !  The  skeleton  of  an  army 
presents  itself  to  our  eyes  in  a  naked,  starving,  condition,  out 
of  health,  out  of  spirits.  But  I  have  seen  Fort  George 
in  the  summer  of  1777.  Next  campaign  I  believe  we  shall 
banish  these  troublesome  fellows.*  For  Heaven's  sake,  my 
dear  friend,  exert  yourself  strenuously  in  the  great  leading  bu 
siness  of  taxation.  To  that  great  wheel,  "a  thousand  petty 
spokes  and  small  annexments  are  mortised  and  adjoined."  I 
earnestly  entreat  you,  and  my  other  friend, -\fortia  opponerepec- 
tora  to  that  fatal  system  of  limitation,  which,  if  carried  into 
execution,  would  be  downright  ruin,  and  in  the  ineffectual  at 
tempt  will  carry  us  to  the  brink  of  it.  York  Town  and  its 
neighborhood,  although  near  ninety  miles  from  Philadelphia, 
already  consider  our  money  J  almost  as  waste  paper. 

'  My  love  to  Livingston.  I  shall  write  to  him  by  this  op 
portunity,  if  I  can  find  time  to  send  a  long  letter,  which  in 
deed  I  owe  him.  Remember  me  to  Mrs  Jay,  and  believe 
me  yours, 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MoRRIS.' 

As  an  introduction  to  an  interesting  letter  from  Mr  Morris 
to  his  mother,  written  the  day  after  his  arrival  in  Congress 
from  camp,  it  is  essential  to  observe,  that  he  had  not  visited 


*  That  is,  the  British  troops  in  Philadelphia. 

f  Doubtless  Robert  R.  Livingston. 

t  The  paper  money  issued  by  the  state  of  New  York» 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  155 

his  paternal  home,  nor  seen  any  of  his  relatives  at  Morrisania, 
since  the  British  had  taken  possession  of  New  York.  His 
mother's  residence  was  within  the  enemy's  lines,  and  contin 
ued  so  during  the  whole  war.  Tinder  these  circumstances, 
her  concern  for  (her  only  son,)  who  had  adopted  principles  not 
congenial  with  her  own,  as  well  as  his  anxiety  on  her  account', 
may  easily  be  imagined.  A  large  portion  of  his  family  con 
nexions,  and  some  of  his  intimate  friends,  among  whom  was  his 
early  patron  and  adviser,  William  Smith  the  historian,  adher 
ed  to  the  royal  cause.  The  decided  part,  which  he  took  at 
the  outset  of  the  contest,  in  the  ranks  of  opposition  and  of 
the  advocates  for  liberty,  entering  a  path  thickened  with  per 
ils  and  darkened  with  doubts,  was  looked  upon  as  an  act  of 
rashness  by  many,  whom  his  interest  would  have  prompted 
him  to  conciliate,  and  his  affections  to  indulge,  but  his  patriot 
ism  overruled  every  motive  of  this  sort,  and  the  voice  of  duty 
was  to  him  more  imperious  than  the  claims  of  consanguinity, 
more  seductive  than  the  tempting  prospects  of  personal  ease 
and  ultimate  security.  Neither  the  strong  ties  of  the  one,  nor 
the  flattering  allurements  of  the  other,  drew  him  for  a  moment 
from  his  purpose. 

This  state  of  things  was  a  source  of  a  good  deal  of  incon 
venience  and  anxiety,  and  subjected  him  to  suspicions,  which 
certain  persons  took  care  to  foster  and  circulate.  Mr  Jay 
wrote  to  him  on  one  occasion  ;  *  Your  enemies  talk  much  of 
your  tory  connexions  in  Philadelphia.  Take  care.  Some 
people  of  importance  in  your  city  apprehend  ill  consequences 
from  it  to  yourself,  as  well  as  to  the  State,  and  wisli  you  to  be 
more  circumspect.  They  have  informed  me  of  this  in  a 
friendly  manner,  that  I  might  hint  it  to  you.  Do  not  unne 
cessarily  expose  yourself  to  calumny,  and  perhaps  indignity.' 
In  referring  to  the  same  subject,  in  a  letter  to  Mr  Jay,  he  ob 
serves,  4  as  to  the  malevolence  of  individuals,  it  is  what  I  have 
to  expect.  It  is  by  no  means  a  matter  of  surprise,  that  I 
should  be  hated  by  some  men.  But  I  will  have  my  revenge. 
By  laboring  in  the  public  service,  so  as  to  gain  the  applause 
of  those  whose  applause  is  worth  gaining,  I  will  punish  them 


156  LIFE    OP 

severely.'  As  his  letters  to  his  mother  were  obliged  to  be 
passed  through  the  enemy's  hands,  it  was  insinuated  that  they 
contained  other  particulars,  than  those  intended  for  her,  and 
that  the  British  in  New  York  were  profited  by  his  correspon 
dence.  So  gross  a  suspicion,  mumured  against  a  man,  whose 
zeal  and  labor,  in  the  cause  he  had  chosen,  afforded  every  day 
conspicuous  proofs  of  its  falsity,  was  not  likely  to  be  listened  to 
by  many,  whose  opinion  was  worth  regarding,  yet  it  was  turn 
ed  to  account  by  the  malicious  and  meddlesome,  and  whisper 
ed  abroad  to  his  disadvantage. 

An  incident  occurred,  which  may  be  cited  as  a  curious  illus 
tration  of 'this  fact.  In  the  year  1775,  a  gentleman  who  had 
married  his  sister,  and  for  whom  he  had  great  personal  regard, 
a  loyalist  in  principle,  and  at  that  time  in  London,  wrote 
him  a  letter  containing  the  following  paragraph.  c  Your  letter 
gave  me  inexpressible  pleasure,  but  the  accounts  I  have  of 
you  from  others  give  me  still  more.  Every  increase  of  your 
reputation  is  a  source  of  heartfelt  satisfaction  to  me.  Go  on 
and  deserve  well  of  your  country.  Endeavor  to  keep  peace 
and  good  order,  and  to  moderate  the  madness  of  the  people. 
The  most  vigorous  preparations  are  making  for  carrying  on 
the  war.  Trade  and  manufactures  are,  contrary  to  the 
expectations  of  America,  in  the  most  flourishing  state.  The 
nation  is  united,  and  although  their  pulse  does  not  beat  so 
high,  as  if  they  were  waging  war  against  a  foreign  enemy,  yet 
they  are  firm  and  determined.  Suffer  not  yourself  to  be  de 
ceived,  by  the  anecdotes  and  accounts  in  the  English  news 
papers.  They  will  lead  you  into  fatal  errors.  They  only 
exhibit  the  devices  and  express  the  wishes  of  a  few  obscure, 
desperate,  and  otherwise  insignificant  people,  who  have  nei 
ther  the  good  of  this  country  nor  of  America  at  heart,  arid  of 
consequence  are  enemies  to  both.' 

The  fate  of  the  letter  conveying  these  sentiments  was  sin 
gular.  When  it  arrived  in  New  York  it  was  detained,  as  be 
ing  directed  to  a  rebel.  Thence  it  went  to  Halifax.  From  Hal 
ifax  it  was  returning  to  New  York^again  on  board  a  large  ship, 
which  was  stranded  on  the  shore  of  New  Jersey.  The  mail 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  157 

drifted  to  land,  where  it  was  found,  and  thence  transported  into 
the  interior,  to  Burlington  or  Trenton.  A  delegate  in  Con 
gress  from  New  Jersey  told  Mr  Morris,  that  there  was  a  letter 
for  him  in  this  mail,  and  when  Mr  Morris  desired  him  to  pro-, 
cure  it,  the  delegate  expressed  doubts,  saying  he  thought  he 
might  procure  him  a  sight  of  it,  but  could  not  promise  to  ob 
tain  the  letter  itself;  and  this  he  said  with  an  air  of  mystery 
and  suspicion,  at  which  Mr  Morris  felt  somewhat  indignant, 
and  solicited  him  no  further,  nor  took  any  more  notice  of  the 
affair.  Soon  afterwards,  however,  he  received  it  enclosed  in 
another  letter  from  Mr  Reed,  President  of  Pennsylvania,  to 
whom  it  had  been  sent,  and  on  whose  mind,  as  well  as  on 
some  others,  it  had  produced  an  unfavorable  influence,  al 
though  it  came  to  hand  more  than  three  years  after  it  was 
written,  and  Mr  Morris  had  all  that  time  filled  important  public 
stations,  among  the  foremost  in  principle,  spirit,  and  activity, 
in  resisting  the  aggressions  of  Britain,  asserting  independence, 
and  setting  up  new  forms  of  government. 

That  he  might  avoid  every  ground  of  reproach,  his  letters 
to  his  mother,  and  other  relations  within  the  enemy's  lines, 
were  unfrequent  and  short,  and  confined  for  the  most  part  to 
the  common-place  topics  of.  his  health  and  situation.  The 
one  alluded  to  above,  however,  is  an  exception  from  this 
character,  and  bears  a  strong  testimony  to  the  goodness  of  his 
heart  and  the  strength  of  his  filial  affection,  as  well  as  to  the 
sacrifice  of  feeling,  which  he  had  made  in  separating  himself 
from  his  friends,  and  pursuing  a  course  which  they  did  not 
approve. 

'  York  Town,  Pennsylvania,  April  17th,  1778. 

'  Dear  Madam, 

4 1  sit  down  to  let  you  know,  that  I  am  in  this  world, 
though  in  a  remote  part  of  it.  I  have  heard  of  you.  but  not 
form  you,  since  I  left  Morrisania ;  neither  have  I  had  the  sat 
isfaction  to  learn,  that,  of  the  many  letters  I  have  written, 
you  have  ever  received  one.  It  would  give  me  infinite 
pleasure  to  hear  of  my  friends,  yourself  in  particular,  but 

VOL.    I.  14 


158  LIFE    OF 

since  it  is  my  lot  to  know  no  more  than  the  burthen  of  general 
report,  I  must  be  contented. 

1 1  received  great  pain  from  being  informed,  that  you  are 
distressed  on  my  account.  Be  of  good  cheer,  I  pray  you.  I 
have  all  that  happiness,  which  flows  from  conscious  rectitude. 
I  am  blessed  with  as  great  a  portion  of  health,  as  usually  belongs 
to  the  share  of  mankind.  Content  with  what  I  have,  and  with 
what  I  am,  1  look  forward  serenely  to  the  course  of  events,  con 
fident  that  the  Fountain  of  supreme  wisdom  and  virtue  will  pro 
vide  for  the  happiness  of  his  creatures.  It  gives  me  pain,  that 
I  am  separated  from  those  I  love,  but  comparing  this  with 
what  thousands  suffer,  I  dare  not  repine.  Let  me  earnestly 
recommend  to  you  so  much  of  religion,  as  to  bear  inevitable 
evils  with  resignation.  I  would  that  it  were  in  my  power  to 
solace  and  comfort  your  declining  age.  The  duty  I  owe  to 
a  tender  parent  demands  this  of  me,  but  a  higher  duty  has 
bound  me  to  the  service  of  my  fellow  creatures.  The  natur 
al  indolence  of  my  disposition  has  unfitted  me  for  the  paths  of 
ambition,  and  the  early  possession  of  power  taught  me  how 
little  it  deserves  to  be  prized.  Whenever  the  present  storm 
subsides,  I  shall  rush  with  eagerness  into  the  bosom  of  private 
life,  but  while  it  continues,  and  while  my  country  calls  for  the 
exertion  of  that  little  share  of  abilities,  which  it  has  pleased 
God  to  bestow  on  me,  I  hold  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  give 
myself  to  her. 

f  I  know  that  for  such  sentiments  I  am  called  a  rebel,  and 
that  such  sentiments  are  not  fashionable  among  the  folks  you 
see.  It  is  possible,  though  I  hope  not,  that  your  maternal 
tenderness  may  lead  you  to  wish,  that  I  would  resign  these 
sentiments.  Let  me,  however,  entreat,  that  you  be  not  con 
cerned  on  my  account.  I  shall  again  see  you,  perhaps  the 
time  is  not  far  off.  I  am  much  distressed  for .  I  sincere 
ly  love  him,  and  I  fear  that  we  are  separated  for  a  long  season. 
Pray  remember  me  to  him  most  affectionately,  and  to  my  sister. 
She  too  has  been  much  wounded.  The  loss  of  her  infant 
must  have  greatly  distressed  her ;  but  perhaps  her  own  expe 
rience  may  have  led  her  to  prize  life  at  its  just  value,  and  if 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  159 

so,  it  is  a  blessing  she  may  not  think  so  estimable,  as  to  wish  it 
for  her  child.  Remember  me  most  tenderly  to  all  her  little 
infants,  to  Isaac  particularly,  who,  1  am  told,  has  not  forgot 
ten  me.  Poor  child,  I  hope  it  may  be  in  my  power  to  return  his 
attention  by  the  protection  of  a  parent.  God  forbid  that  he 
should  need  it,  or  any  of  them.  Remember  me  to  Mrs  Ash- 
field  and  her  children,  for  t  think  she  has  more  than  one. 
I  wish  her  husband  had  acted  more  consistently  ;  but  enough 
of  this.  And  now,  my  dear  Madam,  let  me  again  entreat 
you  to  make  yourself  happy.  Discard  the  gloomy  ideas, 
which  are  too  apt  to  crowd  into  the  mind  in  your  situation 
and  time  of  life.  There  is  enough  of  sorrow  in  this  world, 
without  looking  into  futurity  for  it.  Hope  the  best.  If  it  hap 
pens,  well;  if  not,  it  will  then  be  time  enough  to  be  afflicted, 
and  at  any  rate  the  intermediate  space  will  be  well  filled. 
Adieu.  Yours,  most  affectionately. 

'  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

About  three  years  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  his  mother 
being  dangerously  ill,  he  formed  a  design  to  visit  her,  and  ob 
tained  permission  for  that  purpose,  through  the  usual  channel, 
from  the  British  cammander  in  New  York.  As  soon  as  this 
was  known,  the  public  journals  took  it  up,  and  appealed  to 
him  not  only  with  the  strong  language  of  persuasion,  but  with 
some  severity  of  remark.  The  contemplated  visit  was  censur 
ed  as  improper  for  a  person,  who  had  been  in  .offices  of  high 
and  responsible  trusts,  and  although  his  fidelity  might  not  be 
doubted,  yet  it  was  a  temptation  to  which  no  one  ought  to 
expose  himself,  and  an,  example  of  pernicious  tendency.  To 
go  into  the  enemy's  lines,  invested  with  a  public  character, 
or  charged  with  a  public  commission,  would  give  him  claims 
to  support  the  dignity  of  his  station,  and  maintain  in  his  own 
person  the  rights  of  independence  and  equality,  but  to  enter 
there  as  a  private  individual,  admitted  only  by  the  permission 
or  sufferance  of  the  enemy,,  and  for  no  other  than  a  personal 
and  private  object,  might  expose  him  to  accidents  that  would 
be  mortifying  to  himself,  and  cause  regret  to  his  countrymen. 


160  LIFE    OF 

It  would,  moreover,  in  any  event,  redound  to  his  injury  after 
his  return,  for  it  would  afford  a  pretence  for  malicious  persons 
to  refer  any  future  political  course,  which  he  might  pursue,  to 
some  supposed  connexion  with  his  transactions  in  New  York. 
These  considerations,  urged  equally  by  friends  and  foes,  he 
thought  had  weight,  and  he  resolved  to  forego  the  visit.  That 
his  motives  might  be  known  to  the  public,  who  had  chosen  to 
view  the  matter  in  so  grave  an  aspect,  he  published  the  fol 
lowing  statement. 

'  The  address  in  the  Freeman's  Journal  of  this  day,  compels 
me  to  trouble  my  fellow  citizens  with  a  detail  of  those  circum 
stances,  to  which  it  alludes.  I  hope  they  will  excuse  me 
for  calling  their  attention  to  the  insignificancy  of  domestic  con 
nexions.  From  the  early  moments  of  the  present  contest, 
my  political  sentiments  and  conduct  have  been  clear  and  de 
cided.  In  the  year  1776,  I  left  all  for  the  sake  of  those  prin 
ciples,  which  have  justified  and  supported  the  revolution. 
This  sacrifice  was  made  without  hesitation  or  regret,  but  it 
gave  me  real  concern  to  leave  an  aged  parent  at  the  mercy  of 
the  enemy.  It  is  true,  I  was  for  some  time  honored  by  my 
countrymen,  much  beyond  my  desert,  and  beyond  my  ambi 
tion.  When  our  prospects  were  very  gloomy,  I  was  deeply 
engaged  in  public  business  of  an  intricate  nature,  and  placed 
in  a  variety  of  arduous  and  critical  situations.  I  have  thought 
much,  labored  much,  suffered  much.  In  return,  I  have  been 
censured,  reproached,  slandered  ;  goaded  by  abuse,  blackened 
by  calumny,  and  oppressed  by  popular  opinion.  All  this  has 
been  borne  without  complaining,  and  avenged  only  by  for 
giveness.  My  defence  was  left  to  time,  and  that  candor 
which  generally  prevails  when  the  gusts  of  passion  have  sub 
sided. 

'  I  received  many  pressing  solicitations  to  visit  my  mother 
within  the  enemy's  lines.  I  declined  it.  At  length  a  violent 
disease  endangered  her  life,  and  I  learnt  from  some  of  my 
friends  lier  anxiety  to  see  me,  before  her  eyes  were  closed 
forever.  I  promised  to  go.  Application  was  made  to  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  161 

British  General,  and  his  passport  was  obtained.  She  had  by 
that  time  in  some  degree  recovered ;  but  still  laboring  under 
the  pressure  of  sickness  and  age,  she  solicits  the  performance 
of  my  promise.  1  have  applied  to  the  President  and  Coun 
cil  of  Pennsylvania.  Their  permission  has  not  been  obtained. 
This  is  my  situation.  I  have  not  listened  to  the  solicitations 
of  interest,  but  have  yielded  to  the  voice  of  nature  and  affec 
tion,  in  the  moment  of  extreme  sensibility.  These,  my  coun 
trymen,  were  the  motives  of  my  conduct.  I  did  not  think  that 
conduct  reprehensible ;  but  since  my  intentions  are  disagree 
able  to  you,  I  shall  persist  no  longer.  Having  already  devoted 
the  better  part  of  my  life  to  your  service,  I  will  now  sacrifice 
my  feelings  to  your  inclination.' 

Not  many  weeks  after  his  return  to  Congress  from  Valley 
Forge,  he  drew  up  a  very  long  paper,  exhibiting  a  detailed  ac 
count  of  the  actual  state  of  public  affairs,  and  designed  for  the 
use  of  Congress.  It  is  a  remarkable  evidence  of  his  industry, 
close  observation,  and  the  minute  knowledge  he  had  acquired 
of  the  proceedings  in  all  the  civil  and  military  branches  of  the 
government.  The  first  takes  up  the  finances,  his  favorite 
theme,  and  treats  largely  of  the  causes  of  depreciation,  and  its 
consequences.  He  next  suggests  a  remedy,  and  proposes  a 
method  for  restoring  the  value  of  the  money,  and  procuring 
solid  funds  adequate  to  the  public  demands.  One  of  his  chief 
expedients  is  economy  in  expenditures  ;  and  when  he  comes 
to  the  army,  as  he  does  afterwards,  and  exposes  the  enormous 
abuses  in  that  department,  with  which  his  enquiries  had  made 
him  acquainted,  arising  from  a  bad  system,  mismanagement, 
waste,  perquisites,  and  frauds  in  purchases  and  issues,  it  is  not 
surprising,  that  he  should  place  this  item  in  the  foremost  list. 
He  sketches  out  a  plan  of  reform,  by  which  the  money  con 
cerns  of  the  army  should  be  kept  under  a  more  rigid  inspec-"^ 
tion,  and  entrusted  to  more  responsible  hands. 

Great  evils  he  conceives  to  have  grown  out  of  the  loose 
manner,  in  which  the  national  expenditures  generally  had  been 
made,  and  the  little  absolute  knowledge  that  Congress,  by  its 
14* 


162  LIFE    OF 

present  mode  of  doing  business,  could  possibly  have  of  this 
subject.  He  recommends  a  treasury  board  in  due  form,  with 
its  apparatus  of  treasurer,  auditors,  comptroller,  and  clerks, 
shows  in  what  manner  its  machinery  should  move,  and  con 
tends  that  nothing  short  of  such  a  system,  carried  thoroughly 
into  effect,  would  secure  the  funds  of  the  nation  from  the  end 
less  waste,  peculation,  and  fraud  of  the  multiplied  agents, 
whose  hands  they  must  necessarily  pass  through.  He  pro 
poses,  also,  a  navy  board,  and  a  board  of  commerce ;  and 
above  all,  he  insists  on  the  necessity  of  an  Executive  Committee, 
whose  office  it  should  be  to  see  that  the  resolves  and  plans  of 
Congress  were  carried  into  execution,  receive  reports  from 
the  several  boards,  memorials  from  other  bodies,  and  put  all 
business  of  this  sort  into  a  proper  form  to  come  before  the 
House.  He  enters  still  more  largely  into  the  affairs  of  the  ar 
my,  speaks  of  each  department  separately,  enumerates  its  de 
fects,  in  some  cases  its  outrageous  abuses,  and  presents  a 
scheme  of  changes  and  reforms  on  a  systematic  scale  through 
out  the  whole. 

How  far  this  paper  had  an  influence  on  Congress  cannot 
now  be  known,  but  it  is  an  able  performance,  marking  not 
more  the  laborious  industry  of  the  author,  than  his  public 
spirit,  the  wide  compass  of  his  views,  and  the  justness  of  his 
conceptions. 

The  zeal  with  which  he  devoted  himself  to  the  improve 
ment  of  the  medical  department  of  the  army,  and  the  reliance 
placed  on  his  activity  and  influence,  may  be  inferred  from  the 
following  extract  of  a  letter,  written  by  Dr  Shippen,  at  that 
time  Director  General  of  the  Hospitals  of  all  the  American  Ar 
mies,  dated  at  Moor  Hall,  June  17th,  1778. 

'  I  am  importuned  by  all  the  sons  of  JEsculapius  to  apply  to 
you  on  their  behalf,  and  entreat  you  to  finish  the  new  arrange 
ment  of  the  medical  department,  and  to  put  them  on  the  es 
tablishment.  Much  good  will  arise  to  the  public,  and  much 
expense  be  saved,  by  making  only  one  system,  and  that  in  the 
manner  you  have  before  you.  A  great  many  useless  and  ig- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  163 

norant  officers  will  be  discharged,  men  of  science  will  be 
enlisted,  and  no  more  be  employed  than  are  necessary.  Many 
offer  now  for  places.  I  put  them  all  off,  till  the  examination, 
which  should  be  held  immediately.  Any  particular  duties  of 
the  subordinate  officers  must  be  pointed  out  by  the  medical 
triumviate,  as  necessity  requires.  Dr  Jones  is  now  at  Tren 
ton,  and  I  hear  will  be  in  camp  in  a  few  days. 

' 1  expect  in  a  day  or  two  to  send  you  my  general  return. 
I  have  been  very  busy  here  these  ten  days  in  removing  the 
sick  from  the  army,  and  instituting  new  hospitals  in  its  rear. 
Cochran,  Hutchinson,  and  others,  conjure  you,  as  their  patron 
and  protector,  to  use  your  great  influence  in  our  behalf.' 


CHAPTER  X. 

MR    MORRIS'S    CORRESPONDENCE    WITH    GENERAL     WASHINGTON. CONWAY's 

INTRIGUES. GENERAL    LAFAYETTE. FOREIGN    OFFICERS     IN     THE     SER 
VICE    OF    THE    UNITED    STATKS. PETITION    OF    THE    AMERICAN  OFFICERS, 

GENERAL    GREENE. 

A  correspondence  commenced  between  Mr  Morris  and  Gen 
eral  Washington  on  public  affairs,  which  continued  with  little 
interruption  while  the  former  was  in  Congress.  And  here  let 
me  add,  that  the  friendship  between  these  two  patriots,  which 
had  its  beginning  at  the  time  of  their  first  interview  at  Newark, 
as  heretofore  related,  on  the  day  previous  to  General  Wash 
ington's  entry  into  New  York,  in  his  way  to  take  the  command 
of  the  army  at  Cambridge,  became  more  strongly  cemented 
by  time,  was  never  diminished,  and  ceased  only  with  death. 
While  the  war  lasted,  Mr  Morris  adhered  firmly  to  the  inter 
ests  of  the  commander  in  chief,  discountenanced  the  plots  set 
on  foot  against  him  by  the  ambitious,  the  envious,  and  factious 
in  the  army,  and  more  than  approved  by  a  few  wayward  spirits 
in  Congress,  and  on  all  occasions  he  was  not  a  more  zealous 


164  LIFE    OP 

defender  of  the  liberty  and  rights  of  his  country,  than  of  the 
purity,  ability,  and  exalted  character  of  the  chief,  in  whose 
hands  its  destinies  were  mainly  placed.  Washington  did  not 
undervalue  nor  forget  these  early  proofs  of  regard ;  he  return 
ed  them  with  warmth  and  sincerity  at  that  time,  and  continued 
them  with  unabated  confidence  to  the  end  of  his  life. 

Mr  Morris's  first  letter  to  General  Washington  was  dated  at 
York  Town,  April  18th,  1778. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

1 1  expected  before  this  time  to  have  written  to  you,  that 
provision  is  made  for  the  American  officers,  but  that  thief  of 
time,  procrastination,  has  kept  it  off  from  time  to  time.  The 
question  is  now  the  order  of  the  day,  and,  as  such,  takes 
place  of  every  other  business.  When  it  will  be  determined, 
I  know  not,  but  this  I  know,  that  it  shall  be  finished  one  way 
or  the  other  before  anything  else,  let  what  will  happen.  I 
am  confident  it  will  go  right,  if  something  very  extraordinary 
does  not  occur.  In  the  interim  nothing  is  done.  I  feel  as 
severely  on  this  occasion  as  you  can  do.  All  will  yet  go  well. 

6  We  have  determined  to  send  Gates  to  Hudson  River, 
where  he  is  to  command  very  largely.  But  he  is  to  receive 
instructions,  which  shall  be  proper.  You  are  directed  to  call 
a  council  of  major  generals,  in  which  the  chief  engineer  is  offi 
cially  to  be  a  member,  and  to  which,  by  a  subsequent  resolu 
tion,  Generals  Gates  and  Mifflin  were  ordered  to  repair. 
As  these  gentlemen  ought  not  to  receive  orders  immediately 
from  Congress,  [they  are,  as  you  will  see,  permitted  to  leave 
the  board  of  war  upon  your  order.  This  amendment  was 
therefore  acquiesced  in  unanimously.*  Colonel  Harrison  will, 


*  There  is  an  allusion  here  to  the  differences,  which  existed  between 
General  Washington  and  General  Gates,  springing  out  of  Conway's 
affair.  Mr  Morris  desired  Washington  to  understand,  that,  by  this 
mode  of  appointing  a  council  of  war,  and  putting  Gates  and  Mifflin 
under  his  order,  by  an  open  vote,  Congress  had  expressed  decidedly 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 


&a65 

I  believe,  be  again  appointed  a  member  of  the  Board  of  War. 
This  I  mention  by  the  bye.  I  add  my  wish,  that  your  busi 
ness  and  your  inclinations  may  be  so  ordered,  as  to  allow  him 
to  accept  of  it.  For  this  I  have  many  reasons.  Every  man 
of  business  knows,  that  words  are  of  great  weight,  and  we  re 
ceive  reports  from  the  Board  of  War  every  day.  I  need  say 
no  more,  except  that  it  is  not  always  possible  to  weigh  sen 
tences  with  that  accuracy  in  a  public  assembly,  which  is  prac 
ticable  in  the  closet.*  It  is  astonishing  that  Congress,  who 
certainly  are  not  without  sufficient  apprehension,  should  at 
so  critical  a  moment  as  the  present  be  so  supine,  but  this  is 
human  nature,  and  we  must  bear  it.  I  have  a  remedy  in  con 
templation.  If  you  were  an  unconcerned  spectator,  it  would 
divert  you  to  see,  that  although  a  majority  of  our  House  have 
been  agreed  in  a  certain  point,  ever  since  Mr  Dana  arrived 
here,  yet  nothing  is  done. 

c  Apropos,  of  your  council  of  war.  Should  you  determine 
on  anything,  which,  considering  the  course  of  human  affairs, 
is,  I  confess,  rather  improbable,  let  Congress  know  nothing 
about  it.  A  secret  should  never  be  trusted  to  many  bosoms. 
I  will  forfeit  anything,  except  reputation,  that  it  will  not  be 
well  kept,  even  by  those  necessarily  confided  in.  I  am,  &c. 

'  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

In  replying  to  this  letter,  Washington  observes,  '  you  say, 
all  will  yet  be  well.  I  wish  it  heartily,  but  I  am  much  mistak 
en  if  there  are  not  some  secret  and  retrograde  springs  in  mo- 


their  views  of  the  merits  of  the  case,  and  their  determination  to  sus 
tain  him  against  the  intrigues  and  cabals  of  his  enemies.  Gates 
was  now  at  the  head  of  the  Board  of  War,  and  sending  him  to  the  sta 
tion  on  Hudson  River,  where  he  would  be  under  the  immediate  com 
mand  of  Washington,  was  also  another  indication  of  the  general  senti 
ments  of  Congress  on  this  subject. 

*  Colonel  Harrison  was  Washington's    secretary,  a    gentleman  of 
ability,  intelligence,  and  of  great  readiness  in  transacting  affairs. 


166  LIFE    OF 

tion  to  prevent  it.'     His  next  letter  is  an  answer  to  one  of 
Mr  Morris's  that  has  been  lost. 

«  Valley  Forge,  May  18th,  1778. 

'  My  Dear  Sir, 

'  As  the  council  held  at  this  place  was  by  order  of  Congress, 
and  the  members  constituting  it  were  pointed  out  by  them,  it 
was  determined,  out  of  respect  to  that  body,  to  treat  the  new 
members  with  civility.  Indeed  the  wish  of  all  here,  that  no 
private  differences  should  interrupt  that  harmony,  which  is  so 
essential  in  public  councils,  had  no  small  share  in  the  amity 
that  appeared.  Contrary,  I  own,  to  my  expectation,  the  same 
sentiments,  respecting  the  measures  to  be  pursued,  pervaded 
the  whole.  Our  resolutions  of  consequence  were  unanim 
ous. 

'  I  was  not  a  little  surprised  to  find  a  gentleman,  who,  some 
time  ago,  when  a  cloud  of  darkness  hung  heavy  over  us,  and 
our  offairs  looked  gloomy,  was  desirous  of  resigning,  to  be 
now  stepping  forward  in  the  line  of  the  army.  But,  if  he  can 
reconcile  such  conduct  to  his  feelings,  as  an  officer  and  man  of 
honor,  and  Congress  have  no  objections  to  his  leaving  his  seat  in 
another  department,  1  have  nothing  personally  to  oppose  to  it. 
Yet  I  must  think,  that  gentlemen  stepping  in  and  out,  as  the 
sun  happens  to  beam  forth  or  be  obscured,  is  not  quite  the 
thing,  nor  quite  just  with  respect  to  those  officers,  who  take 
the  bitter  with  the  sweet. 

1 1  am  told  that  Conway,  from  whom  I  have  received  an 
other  impertinent  letter,  dated  the  23d  ultimo,  demanding  the 
command  of  a  division  of  the  continental  army,  is,  through  the 
medium  of  his  friends,  soliciting  his  commission  again.  Can 
this  be  ?  And  if  so,  will  it  be  granted  ?  I  am  very  sincerely 
and  affectionately, 

'  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  167 


«  York  Town,  May  21st,  1778. 
6  Dear  General, 

1  We  are  going  on  with  the  regimental  arrangements  as  fast 
as  possible,  and  I  think  the  day  begins  to  appear  with  respect  to 
that  business.  Had  our  Saviour  addressed  a  chapter  to  the  ru 
lers  of  mankind,  as  he  did  many  to  the  subjects,  I  am  persuad 
ed  his  good  sense  would  have  dictated  this  text ;  Be  not  wise 
overmuch.  Had  the  several  members,  who  compose  our 
multifarious  body,  been  only  wise  enough,  our  business  would 
long  since  have  been  completed.  But  our  superior  abilities, 
or  the  desire  of  appearing  to  possess  them,  lead  us  to  such 
exquisite  tediousness  of  debate,  that  the  most  precious  mo 
ments  pass  unheeded  away  like  vulgar  things. 

c  As  to  what  you  mention  of  the  extraordinary  demeanor 
of  some  gentlemen,  I  cannot  but  agree  with  you,  that  such 
conduct  is  not  the  most  honorable.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
you  must  allow  that  it  is  the  most  safe,  and  certainly  you  are 
not  to  learn,  that,  however  ignorant  of  that  happy  art  in  your 
own  person,  the  bulk  of  us  bipeds  know  well  how  to  balance 
solid  pudding  againsi  empty  praise.  There  are  other  things, 
my  dear  Sir,  besides  virtue,  which  are  their  own  reward. 
And  the  feelings  of  others  will,  unless  I  mistake,  sooner  or 
later  break  out  into  a  retribution  of  those  acts  and  neglects, 
which  at  present  pass  away  unnoticed  by  the  herd  of  observ 
ers,  or  rather  lookers  on. 

£  As  to  your  friend,  who  has  thought  proper  to  demand  of 
you  a  command,  I  did  believe  from  the  first,  that  his  resig 
nation  was,  like  some  former  ones  from  the  same  quarter, 
merely  calculated  to  gain  either  promotion,  or  favor,  or  re 
venge.  I  was  therefore  led  to  expect,  that  his  merits  and 
our  misfortune  in  losing  him  would  become  the  topic  of 
declamation,  and  took  the  earliest  opportunity  to  express  in  the 
very  strongest  terms  my  satisfaction,  my  joy,  at  the  receipt  of 
the  letter  from  him,  and  of  consequence  to  assign  the  reasons 


168  LIFE    OP 

why  this  event  gave  me  so  much  pleasure.  This  gave  a  very 
different  turn  to  affairs.  Panegyric  dwindled  to  apology, 
and  no  opposition  was  made  to  the  main  point  of  accepting 
his  resignation.  The  next  day  I  was  informed,  that  he  did  not 
intend  to  resign,  that  his  letter  was  quite  misunderstood.  &ic. 
The  gentleman,  however,  had  been  so  unlucky,  as  to  use  the 
most  pointed  terms,  and  therefore  his  aid,  from  whom  the 
information  came,  was  told  that  the  observations  he  made  came 
too  late.  I  am  persuaded,  that  he  will  attempt  to  get  reinstated, 
if  the  least  probability  of  success  appears,  but  1  arn  equal 
ly  persuaded,  that  his  attempts  will  fail.  I  believe  his  friends 
are  hitherto  of  the  same  opinion,  and  therefore  we  have 
as  yet  had  no  attempts  made  in  Congress,  and  possibly  we 
never  shall.  I  am,  &c, 

4  GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.' 

The  issue  proved  in  some  degree  different  from  Mr  Morris's 
expectations.  Other  attempts  were  made,  and  strenuously 
urged  by  Conway's  friends,  to  induce  Congress  to  restore  the 
commission,  which  he  had  proffered  in  a  freak  of  ill  humor, 
and  which  was  by  a  large  number,  at  least,  joyfully  accepted. 
Conway,  it  seems,  was  much  chagrined  to  find  himself  taken 
at  his  word,  having  too  high  an  opinion  of  his  importance  in 
the  army,  to  dream  for  a  moment,  that  his  services  could  be 
dispensed  with ;  and  his  success  in  gaining  an  appointment 
from  Congress,  after  the  hostile  disposition  he  had  shown  to 
wards  Washington,  doubtless  contributed  to  encourage  his  ex 
travagant  self  estimation  and  demands. 

It  was  in  October,  shortly  after  the  affair  at  Germantown, 
that  Conway  began  to  intrigue  against  the  commander  in  chief, 
and  in  the  January  following  he  was  sent  to  Albany,  as  an  offi 
cer  in  the  wild  expedition  to  Canada,  planned  by  General 
Gates,  and  at  the  head  of  which  he  contrived  to  place  the 
Marquis  de  Lafayette,  much  to  the  subsequent  regret  and 
mortification  of  that  gallant  general.  The  expedition  failed, 
or  rather  it  never  existed,  except  in  name,  and  Conway  staid 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  169 

in  Albany  till  the  middle  of  May,  having  in  the  mean  time 
made  a  show  of  resigning  his  commission,  and  received  the 
unwelcome  intelligence,  that  he  was  taken  in  earnest,  and  re 
lieved  from  the  burden  of  his  official  responsibilities.  Then 
it  was,  as  Mr  Morris  says,  that  there  came  apologies,  and  ex 
planations,  and  complaints  of  being  misunderstood,  but  all 
without  avail.  Conway  at  length  resolved  to  go  in  person  to 
Congress,  not  doubting  that  he  should  be  able  on  the  spot  to 
soften  the  obdurate  hearts  or  subdue  the  sturdy  resolution  of 
his  opponents.  The  result  will  be  seen  in  the  following  letter 
to  his  friend  Gates,  who  was  then  at  his  head-quarters  in 
Fishkill,  on  the  North  River,  and  whom  Conway  had  visited 
on  his  way  from  Albany. 

'  York  Town,  June  7th  1778. 

Dear  General, 

'  I  never  had  a  sufficient  idea  of  cabals  until  I  reached  this 
place.  My  reception,  you  may  imagine,  was  not  a  warm  one. 
I  must  except  Mr  Samuel  Adams,  Colonel ,  Richard  Henry 
Lee,  and  a  few  others,  who  are  attached  to  you,  but  who  can 
not  oppose  the  torrent.  Before  my  arrival  General  Mirflin 
had  joined  General  Washington's  army,  where  he  commands 
a  division.  One  Mr  Carroll  from  Maryland,  upon  whose 
friendship  I  depended,  is  one  of  the  hottest  of  the  cabal.  He 
told  me  a  few  days  ago  almost  literally,  that  anybody,  who 
displeased  or  did  not  admire  the  commander  in  chief,  ought 
not  to  be  kept  in  the  army.  Mr  Carroll  may  be  a  good  pa 
pist,  but  I  am  sure  the  sentiments  he  expresses  are  neither 
Roman  nor  Catholic.  I  expect  to  depart  from  this  court  in  a 
very  few  days.  If  there  is  any  attempt  from  the  enemy  upon 
your  post,  I  will  ask  your  leave  to  serve  in  the  quality  of  a 
volunteer.  I  am  with  true  esteem,  &tc. 

4  THOMAS  CONWAY.' 

This  was  the  end  of  General  Conway's  military  career  in 
the  United  States.  He  had  no  opportunity  to  join  his  friend, 
as  a  volunteer  in  active  service.  A  few  months  afterwards  he 

VOL.    I.  15 


170  LIFE  OF 

sailed  for  France,  a  melancholy  example,  in  his  disappoint 
ments  and  regrets,  of  the  just  retribution  which  awaits  pre 
sumptuous  vanity,  secret  intrigues,  and  uncurbed  ambition. 

MR    MORRIS    TO    GENERAL    WASHINGTON. 

'  In  Congress,  May  27th,  1778. 
1  Dear  General 

<I  have  a  word  to  say  to  youxon  the  subject  of  promotion, 
which  we  have  just  now  finished,  or  rather  unfinished,  at  least 
if  that  matter  was  before  in  an  unfinished  situation.  That  fa 
mous  incomprehensible  Baltimore  resolution,  introduced,  un 
luckily  perhaps,  a  very  tedious  debate,  which  terminated  at 
lenght  by  rejecting  the  whole  of  what  the  committee  reported, 
with  relation  to  the  promoting  of  officers.  You  may  be  a 
little  surprised,  when  I  tell  you,  that  upon  the  whole  matter  I 
believe  this  is  best.  But  how  ?  It  is  true,  I  confess,  that 
much  ground  of  heart-burning  is  left,  under  the  Baltimore 
resolution  governing  these  matters  by  the  mysterious  trinity  of 
seniority,  merit,  and  quota. 

1  Let  me,  however,  on  the  other  hand  observe,  that  to  tie  up 
the  hands  of  the  republic  as  to  the  officers,  whom  they  are  to 
appoint,  is  utterly  inconsistent  with  the  republican  principles  of 
government,  which  ought  to  prevail  among  us.  No  danger, 
it  is  true,  can  arise  at  present ;  but,  my  dear  Sir,  we  are  laying 
foundations,  and  how  posterity  in  future  wars  may  build  on 
the  foundations  laid  by  ancestors,  whom  they  will  certainly 
reverence,  no  man  can  be  hardy  enough  to  assert.  What 
then,  you  will  say,  is  the  effect  of  the  new  rule?  Tn  my 
poor  opinion  it  is  no  rule.  What  then  is  the  use  of  the 
resolution  ?  Nothing  more,  than  an  apology  for  officers,  whom 
it  may  be  found  necessary  to  supersede. 

<  Congress,  in  effect,  seem  to  have  pledged  themselves  to 
their  constituents,  that  they  will  pay  a  due  attention  in  the 
quota  of  troops  furnished  by  the  States  respectively  to  the  sen 
iority  of  the  several  officers,  and  to  that  degree  of  military  abil 
ities,  which  nature  or  industry  may  have  conferred  upon  de 
serving  individuals.  You  ask  me  what  is  to  he  the  rule  of  pro 
motion  below  the  degree  of  a  general  officer.  I  answer,  that 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  171 

Congress  could  not  with  propriety  make  any  rule.  They 
have  given  to  the  States  the  power  of  appointing  the  officers 
in  their  own  regiments;  consequently  it  would  be  idle  to  re 
strict  them,  as  to  the  persons  whom  they  shall  appoint.  It  will, 
therefore,  be  necessary  to  make  application  to  the  several 
States  on  the  occasion.  They  have  already,  I  believe,  in 
most  instances  given  you  the  necessary  power,  and  if  so,  then 
to  fix  the  order  of  promotion  will  only  be  a  limitation  of  such 
power.  I  am,  dear  General,  moat  sincerely  yours, 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

The  following  letter, will  perhaps  sufficiently  explain  itself, 
and  yet  it  may  be  thought  somewhat  harsh,  in  reference  to  the 
foreign  officers,  who  came  to  this  country  for  the  apparently 
generous  purpose  of  fighting  against  its  enemies.  But  the 
truth  is,  that  both  Congress  and  the  commander  in  chief  were 
extremely  annoyed  and  embarrassed  with  persons  of  this  sort, 
many  of  whom  had  very  slender  claims  to  notice,  either  on 
account  of  their  military  rank  at  home,  or  their  general  char 
acter.  Washington  was  the  chief  sufferer,  for  when,  by  their 
own  forwardness  or  by  the  importunity  of  friends,  they  had 
gained  admission  into  the  service  through  the  channel  of 
Congress,  they  were  turned  over  to  him  to  be  provided  with 
stations  in  the  army,  suitable  to  their  newly  acquired  rank. 
This  could  rarely  be  done,  except  at  the  expense  of  native  of 
ficers  ;  and  when  done,  the  new  incumbents  were  frequently 
found  to  be  more  distinguished,  by  their  absurd  pretensions  and 
overweening  conceit  than  by  any  solid  qualifications  for  the 
posts  they  filled.  Here  was  then  a  double  evil,  the  discon 
tent  of  American  officers,  whose  promotion  was  thus  interfered 
with,  and  the  incapacity  and  troublesome  demands  of  their 
substitutes. 

It  is  no  wonder,  that,  with  such  a  system  of  operations, 
Washington's  patience  should  at  length  have  become  exhaust 
ed.  The  subject  was  not  one,  which  he  could  bring  publicly 
before  Congress.  Delicacy  forbad  such  a  step,  for  among  the 
foreign  officers  were  a  few,  whose  character  and  designs  made 


172  LIFE    OF 

them  honorable  exceptions  to  the  general  rule,  and  whose 
feelings  were  to  be  regarded.  His  only  chance  of  remedy  was, 
therefore,  to  express  himself  freely  to  his  confidential  friends  in 
Congress,  and  endeavor  through  them  to  effect  a  change  in 
the  principles  adopted  by  that  assembly,  in  their  appointment 
of  foreigners  to  military  rank. 

GENERAL    WASHINGTON    TO    MR    MORRIS. 

<  White  Plains,  July  24th,  1778. 
'  Dear  Sir> 

'  Whether  you  a"re  indebted  to  me,  or  I  to  you,  for  a  letter,  I 
know  not,  nor  is  it  a  matter  of  much  moment.  The  design  of 
this  is  to  touch,  cursorily,  upon  a  subject  of  very  great  import 
ance  to  the  well-being  of  these  States ;  much  more  so  than 
will  appear  at  first  view.  I  mean  the  appointment  of  so  many 
foreigners  to  offices  of  high  rank  and  trust  in  our  service. 

*  The  lavish  manner,  in  which  rank  has  hitherto  been  be 
stowed  on  these  gentlemen,  will  certainly  be  productive  of 
one  or  the  other  of  these  two  evils,  either  to  make  it  despica 
ble  in  the  eyes  of  Europe,  or  become  a  means  of  pouring 
them  in  upon  you  like  a  torrent,  and  adding  to  your  present 
burden;  But  it  is  neither  the  expense  nor  trouble  of  them 
that  I  most  dread.  There  is  an  evil  more  extensive  in  its  na 
ture,  aud  fatal  in  its  consequences,  to  be  apprehended,  and  that 
is,  the  driving  of  all  your  own  officers  out  of  the  service,  and 
throwing  not  only  your  army,  but  your  military  councils,  en 
tirely  into  the  hands  of  foreigners. 

'  '  The  officers,  my  dear  Sir,  on  whom  you  must  depend  for 
the  defence  of  this  cause,  and  who,  from  length  of  service,  their 
connexions,  property,  and,  in  behalf  of  many,  I  may  add,  mili 
tary  merit,  will  not  submit  much  if  any  longer  to  the  unnatural 
promotion  of  men  over  them,  who  have  nothing  more  than  a 
little  plausibility,  unbounded  pride  and  ambition,  and  a  perse 
verance  in  application  not  to  be  resisted  but  by  uncommon 
firmness,  to  support  their  pretensions  ;  men,  who,  in  the  first 
instance,  tell  you  they  wish  for  nothing  more  than  the  honor 
of  serving  in  so  glorious  a  cause  as  volunteers,  the  next  day 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  173 

solicit  rank  without  pay,  the  day  following  want  money  ad 
vanced  to  them,  and  in  the  course  of  a  week  want  further  pro 
motion,  and  are  not  satisfied  with  anything  you  can  do  for 
them. 

1  When  I  speak  of  officers  not  submitting  to  these  appoint 
ments,  let  me  be  understood  to  mean,  that  they  have  no  more 
doubt  of  their  right  to  resign,  when  they  think  themselves  ag 
grieved,  than  they  have  of  a  power  in  Congress  to  appoint. 
Both  being  granted,  then,  the  expediency  and  the  policy  of  the 
measure  remain  to  be  considered,  and  whether  it  is  consistent 
with  justice  or  prudence  to  promote  these  military  fortune- 
hunters,  at  the  hazard  of  your  army.  They  may  be  divided  into 
three.1  classes,  viz.  mere  adventurers  without  recommendation, 
or  recommended  by  persons,  who  do  not  know  how  else  to  dis 
pose  of  or  provide  for  them ;  men  of  great  ambition,  who 
would  sacrifice  everything  to  promote  their  own  personal  glory  ; 
or  mere  spies,  who  are  sent  here  to  obtain  a  thorough  know 
ledge  of  our  situation  and  circumstances,  in  the  execution  of 
which,  I  am  persuaded,  some  of  them  are  faithful  emissaries, 
as  I  do  not  believe  a  single  matter  escapes  unnoticed,  or  un 
advised  at  a  foreign  court. 

c  I  could  say  a  great  deal  on  this  subject,  but  will  add  no 
more  at  present.  I  am  led  to  give  you  this  trouble  at  this  time, 
by  a  very  handsome  certificate  showed  me  yesterday  in  favor 
of  M.  Neuville,  written  (I  believe)  by  himself,  and  subscribed 
by  General  Parsons,  designed,  as  I  am  informed,  for  a  founda 
tion  of  the  superstructure  of  a  brigadiership. 

{  Baron  Steuben,  I  now  find,  is  also  wanting  to  quit  his  in 
spectorship  for  a  command  in  the  line.  This  will  be  pro 
ductive  of  much  discontent  to  the  brigadiers.  In  a  word,  al 
though  I  think  the  Baron  an  excellent  officer,  I  do  most  de 
voutly  wish,  that  we  had  not  a  single  foreigner  among  us,  ex 
cept  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  acts  upon  very  different 
principles  from  those  which  govern  the  rest.  Adieu.  I 
am  most  sincerely  yours, 

'  GEORGE  WASHINGTON.' 
15* 


174  LIFE    OF 

I 

MR    MORRIS    TO    GENERAL    WASHINGTON. 

1  Philadelphia,  August  2d,  1778. 

'  Dear  General, 

i  I  was  in  your  debt.  It  is  my  fate  always  to  be  so  with 
my  friends.  But,  believe  me,  my  heart  owes  nothing.  Let 
me  add,  that  you  can  do  me  no  favor  so  great,  as  to  comply 
with  your  wishes,  except  an  opportunity  to  serve  the  public, 
which  indeed  is  your  highest  wish,  as  you  have  evinced  fully 
to  all  the  world,  and  particularly  to  your  friends. 

'  I  feel  the  full  force  of  your  reasoning.  The  faith  of  Con 
gress  is  in  some  measure  plighted  to  M.  de  la  Neuville,  but 
it  is  not  their  interest  that  his  brevet  shall  give  command.  I 
will  take  care  to  get  this  expressed  by  a  particular  resolution. 
The  Baron  has  a  claim,  from  his  merit,  to  be  noticed,  but  I 
never  will  consent  to  grant  what  I  am  told  he  requests,  and 
I  think  Congress  will  not.  At  least  they  will  not  if  1  can 
help  it. 

1 1  this  instant  was  informed  of  the  opportunity  of  an  ex 
press  for  camp,  which  goes  immediately.  Let  me,  however, 
congratulate  you  on  the  affair  at  Monmouth,  on  the  whole  af 
fair.  It  might  have  been  better,  it  is  said.  J  think  not,  for 
you  have,  even  from  your  enemies,  the  honor  of  that  day. 
You  have  enemies.  It  is  happy  for  you  that  you  have.  A 
man  of  sentiment  has  not  so  much  honor,  as  the  vulgar  sup 
pose,  in  resigning  life  and  fortune  for  the  service  of  his  coun 
try.  He  does  not  value  them  as  highly  as  the  vulgar  do. 
Would  he  give  the  highest  evidence,  let  him  sacrifice  his  feel 
ings.  In  the  history  of  last  winter,  posterity  will  do  you  jus 
tice.  Adieu,  believe  me  sincerely  yours, 

'  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

TO    GENERAL    WASHINGTON. 

«  Philadelphia,  October  26th,  1778. 

'  Dear  General, 

'The  conduct,  which  the  enemy  may  pursue,  with  relation 
to  us,  is  not  quite  decided.  But  I  have  not  a  doubt,  that  their 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  175 

efforts  during  the  next  campaign  will  be  chiefly  towards  our 
frontiers,  with  a  view  to  weary  us  into  submission.  At  the 
same  time  they  will  perhaps  endeavor  to  keep  such  posts  in 
our  country,  as  to  render  the  communications  tedious,  difficult, 
and  expensive.  My  ideas  as  to  our  power  of  carrying  on  the 
war  differ  in  some  respects  from  those,  whose  opinions  I  re 
spect.  The  resources  of  the  country  may  be  drawn  forth  by 
our  paper,  at  the  same  time  it  must  be  confessed,  that  this  pa 
per  will  thereby  be  less  valuable.  After  all,  the  debt  does  not 
increase,  for  a  certain  sterling  sum,  which  would  have  paid  it 
one  year  ago,  will  pay  it  now.  The  depreciation  in  the  inte 
rim  has  operated  as  a  tax. 

'  I  very  sincerely  lament,  that  this  tax  has  fallen  heavy  on 
those,  who  have  served  and  continue  to  serve  their  country. 
It  is  a  peculiar  hardship  upon  us,  that  fully  to  relieve  the  evils 
they  labor  under  is  not  in  our  power.  This  leads  me  to  the 
petition  you  mention,  or  representation,  which  I  have  not  yet 
seen,  and  never  wish  to  see.*  I  cannot  easily  express  to  you 
how  much  I  was  hurt  at  being  informed  of  it.  Not  indeed  as 
to  the  matter,  for  that  1  really  am  a  stranger  to,  but  as  to  the 


*  A  letter,  which  he  had  received  from  Washington  a  few  days  be 
fore,  contained  the  following  passage. 

« The  high  prices  of  every  necessary  ;  the  little,  indeed,  no  benefit 
which  officers  have  derived  from  the  intended  bounty  of  Congress  in 
the  article  of  clothing  ;  the  change  in  the  establishment,  by  which  so 
many  of  them  are  discontinued  ;  the  unfortunate  delay  of  this  business, 
which  kept  them  too  long  in  suspence,  and  set  a  number  of  evil  spirits 
at  work ;  the  unsettled  rank  and  contradictory  modes  of  adjusting  it ; 
these,with  other  causes  which  might  be  enumerated,  have  conspired  to 
sour  the  temper  of  the  army  exceedingly.  They  have,  I  am  told,  been 
productive  of  a  Memorial,  or  representation  of  some  kind,  to  Con 
gress,  which  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  did  I  know,  or  even  hear, 
was  in  agitation,  till  some  days  after  it  was  despatched.  This  was 
owing,  as  I  apprehend,  to  the  secrecy  with  which  it  was  conducted, 
in  order  to  keep  it  from  my  knowledge,  as  I  had  in  a  similar  instance 
last  Spring  discountenanced  and  stifled  a  project  of  this  sort  in  its 
birth.' 


176  LIFE    OF 

manner  in  which  it  was  procured.  For,  in  the  first  place,  it 
gave  my  enemies,  {who  were  such  in  some  degree  for  my 
earnest  support  of  the  claims  of  the  army  heretofore,)  no  small 
cause  of  triumph.  This,  say  they,  is  the  consequence  of  your 
zeal  for  an  establishment.  Besides  this,  I  considered  myself 
in  some  measure  as  an  advocate  for  the  army.  I  loved  them, 
from  my  acquaintance  with  some  individuals,  and  for  the  suf 
ferings  which  as  a  body  they  had  bravely  and  patiently  endur 
ed  ;  and,  therefore,  I  could  not  but  suffer  when  I  found  them 
taking  steps,  which  in  my  opinion  cannot  do  them  honor,  and 
which  incapacitated  me  from  urging,  as  I  otherwise  should 
have  done,  every  redress  in  our  power  of  their  grievances. 

4  But  what  chiefly  affected  me  was,  that  this  meeting  of  del 
egates  from  brigades,  in  a  mixture  of  civil  and   military  capa 
city,  carries  with  it  the  air  of  deeper  design,  than  I  believe  to 
be  in  the  bosoms  of  those,  who  were  immediately  concerned. 
It  was    by  procedures   such   as  these,    that  the   good    Fair 
fax  made  way  for  a  crafty  Cromwell,  and  that  he  dismissed  a 
tedious  wrangling  Parliament,  and  established  a  military  des 
potism.     It  is  a  melancholy  truth,  that  when  one  faction  takes 
possession  of  the  human  heart,  men  are  hurried  into  extremes, 
which  make  considerate  people  tremble.     I  will  not  do  your 
army  the  injustice  even  to  permit  a  thought,  that  they  wish  to 
get  rid  of  their  General.     But,  Sir,  their,  and  your,  and  our 
enemies,"  do  not  want  the  confidence  to  say  so,  and  indeed  to 
say  that  they  can  prove  it,  and  to  attempt  that  proof  from  the 
manner  of  procuring  (agitating  as  they  term  it)  the   petition 
in  question.     Certainly  could   such   ideas  be    inculcated,   it 
would  answer  their  views.     It  would  also  answer  their  views 
to  instil  into  the  army  a  distrust  of  Congress,  and  therefore  I 
doubt  not  but  the  enemies  of  both  are  assiduous  in  this  busi 
ness.     I  find  also  the  British  commissioners  are  so  barefaced, 
as  to  hold  out  the  bait  of  promotion  in  the  royal  army  to  such, 
as  will  fall  in  with  their  designs,  and  doubtless  a  peculiar  por 
tion  of  their  bounty  will  be  dispensed  to  those,  who  shall  sow 
the  seeds  of  dissensions  in  an  army,  which,  as  they  cannot 
conquer  it,  it  is  their  only  resource  to  divide. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  177 

4  Thinking  on  this  subject  as  I  do,  it  did  and  does  ap 
pear  to  me  my  duly,  as  a  good  citizen,  thoroughly  to  discoun 
tenance  every  measure  of  this  kind,  particularly  wher  it  is 
ushered  forth,  as  the  first  mention  of  this  affair  was  to  me,  cy 
an  observation  that  the  army  had  it  in  their  power  to  do 
themselves  justice.  It  makes  me  unhappy  to  learn,  that  such 
discourse  prevails  I  arn  certain  that  they  who  use  it  have 
no  design  5  but  they  should  consider  that  it  affords  matter  for 
the  designs  of  others  to  work  upon.  It  his  not  made  any  se 
rious  impression,  I  believe,  on  the  minds  of  those,  whose  opin 
ions  have  real  weightt  because  it  is  considered  as  one  of  those 
light  expressions,  which  flow  from  the  luxuriance  of  the  imag 
ination.  Little  do  those,  who  say  suc}i  things,  know  the  diffi 
culties  of  subsisting  an  army'. 

1  The  Marquis  will  hand  you  a  plan,  on  vvhich  I  shall  say 
nothing,  because  I  have  already  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble 
with  it,  and  he  could  say  more  than  I  can  write  in  a  week, 
and  you  know  more  of  the  subject  than  all  of  us  together. 

'  We  have  no  news.  Let  me  then  tell  you  what  has  the 
merit  of  truth,  if  not  the  charms  of  novelty,  that  I  am,  dear 
General,  very  sincerely  yours, 

'GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

'  P.  S.  General  Lee's  affair  hangs  by  the  eyelids.  We 
spent  one  day  upon  it  without  even  touching  upon  its  merits. 
The  debate  was,  in  what  manner  to  proceed  to  a  decision. 
Some  contended  for  the  propriety  of  resolving  simply  to  ap 
prove  or  disapprove  of  the  sentence.  Others  were  for  enter 
ing  into  the  considerations  of  the  charges,  and  the  evidence 
on  them  separately,  without  however  making  any  entry  on  the 
minutes.  A  third  for  doing  this,  and  making  the  entries. 
This,  as  the  most  systematic  method,  I  supported,  for  truly  I 
know  not  how  to  determine  in  the  lump.  Granting  him 
guilty  of  all  the  charges,  it  is  too  light  a  punishment.  And 
if  he  is  not  guilty,  in  the  opinion  of  Congress,  of  any  one, 
there  would  be  an  injustice  in  not  declaring  their  opinion. 

'  Conway  has  again  applied  for  a  certificate  of  his  good  ser- 


178  LIFE    OF 

vices,  and  I  have  again  opposed  the  grant  of  it.     This   letter 
lies  on  the  table.     Again,  iny  friend,  adieu. '* 

He  wrote  to  Washington  on  the  26th  of  April,  1779. 
4  You  must  permit  me  most  heartily  to  congratulate  you  upon 
the  very  important  intelligence,  which  Monsieur  Gerard  will 
confidentially  communicate  to  you.  It  is,  and  indeed  ought  to 
be.  a  secret  even  from  Congress,  for  which  I  need  give  you 
no  reasons,  as  you  are  but  too  well  acquainted  with  them. 
Measures  have  already  been  taken  for  obtaining  the  necessary 
supplies,  which  the  Minister  will  detail  to  you.  These  you 
will  undoubtedly  assist,  as  far  as  may  fall  within  your  line.' 
This  intelligence  related  to  the  intended  return  of  Count 
d'Estaing,  with  the  French  squadron  from  the  West  Indies, 
and  had  been  secretly  communicated  to  M.  Gerard,  the 
French  Minister  in  the  United  States.  M.  Gerard  visited 


*  In  a  letter  from  Conway  to  his  friend  General  Gates,  dated  at  Phila 
delphia  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  Octohcr,  he  writes  as  follows. 

'  I  waited  with  impatience  for  a  safe  opportunity  of  conveying  a  let 
ter  to  you.  I  communicated  the  one  written  to  me  by  my  honest 
friend,  Colonel  Troup,  to  several  worthy  people  here,  who  discovered 
a  just  indignation  at  the  ungenerous  attempt  made  upon  the  favor  of  this 
country.  This  affair,  in  reflecting  honor  upon  you,  has  covered  with 
shame  the  authors  of  the  infamous  plot. 

'I  am  now  in  perfect  health.  I  shall  take  the  first  opportunity  of 
returning  to  France,  and  expect  to  sail  towards  the  latter  end  of  next 
month,  or  the  beginning  of  December.  Congress  makes  some  diffi 
culty  in  granting  me  such  a  certificate,  as  I  have  never  seen  refused 
to  a  private  soldier  when  discharged.  This  difficulty,  by  what  I  hear 
from  some  members,  is  owing  to  the  dread  of  disobliging  a  certain 
person. 

'I  will  take  it  as  a  particular  favor,  if  you  are  so  kind  as  to  trans 
mit  to  me,  by  a  safe  hand,  the  copy  of  the  letter  you  have  written  to 
General  Washington  from  York  Town,  in  January  last,  concerning 
the  paragraph  imputed  to  me.  I  should  be  happy  to  receive  it  as 
soon  as  possible.' 

The  '  certain  person,1  mentioned  above,  was  of  course  General  Wash- 
g  ingtonr  What  he  means  by  the  '  infamous  plot '  must  be  left  to  the  con 
jecture,  or  better  knowledge  of  the  reader. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  179 

Washington's  camp  to  consult  with  him,  as  to  the  best  mode  of 
co-operation  between  Count  d'Estaing  and  the  American 
forces. 

Two  plans  were  proposed.  The  first,  to  make  a  combined 
attack  upon  the  enemy  in  New  York  ;  or,  secondly,  for  Count 
d'Estaing  to  act  in  conjunction  with  the  American  troops  in 
Georgia.  Washington  agreed  to  unite  in  executing  the  first  plan, 
provided  the-  French  Minister  would  give  him  positive  assur 
ances,  that  the  French  navel  force  in  America  would  be  supe 
rior  to  that  of  the  British,  otherwise  he  considered  an  attack 
upon  New  York  unadvisable.  The  Minister  could  not  give 
such  assurances,  and  the  project  was  abandoned.  The  se 
cond  plan  was  pursued,  and  accordingly  Count  d'Estaing 
brought  his  fleet  to  act  in  concert  with  General  Lincoln  in 
Georgia. 

While  in  the  camp  at  Valley  Forge,  Mr  Morris  contracted  an 
intimacy  with  General  Greene,  which  was  matured  into  a  warm 
and  enduring  friendship.  At  this  critical  juncture  of  public 
affairs,  the  views  of  these  two  ardent  patriots  were  in  unison 
upon  the  topics  of  general  interest,  particularly  in  regard  to 
the  arrangements  of  the  army,  and  the  necessity  of  some 
speedy  and  efficient  plan  for  bringing  into  action,  on  a  larger 
scale,  the  military  energies  of  the  nation.  The  lofty,  and  gen 
erous,  and  disinterested  spirit  of  Greene  found  in  Morris  senti 
ments  as  elevated,  motives  as  pure,  and  designs  as  resolute 
and  unbiassed,  as  those  which  he  was  conscious  animated  his 
own  breast.  They  were  also  bound  together  by  another  tie, 
their  devoted  regard  for  the  commander  in  chief,  whose  ene 
mies  at  this  time  were  beginning  to  assume  a  bolder  attitude. 
Already  the  bane  of  their  influence  was  seen  to  tinge  some  of 
the  open  resolves  of  Congress,  and  the  effects  of  their  secret 
machinations,  and  dark  intrigues,  were  producing  the  ominous 
fruit  of  discord  and  divided  counsels  among  the  civil  rulers  of 
the  nation.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was  the  more  nat 
ural,  that  the  friends  of  order,  the  true  lovers  of  justice  £nd  of 
their  country's  cause,  should  be  drawn  closely  together  by  the 


180  LIFE    OF 

strong   bonHs    of    mutual    attachment  and    a   common    pur 
pose 

During  the  last  campaign,  the  quartermaster  general's  de 
partment,  either  by  mismanagement,  or  neglect,  or  a  vicious 
system,  had  run  into  strange  confusion,  and  caused  much  disor 
der  in  the  army,  and  suffering  to  the  soldiers,  for  the  want  of 
timely  aid  and  sufficient  supplies  of  every  kjpd.  The  voice  of 
the  whole  army  cried  out  for  a  reform.  This  subject  came 
under  th«  notice  of  the  committee  from  Congress,  and  apian 
was  set  >n  foot  for  new  modeling  the  department.  The  im 
portant  question  then  was,  who  should  be  placed  at  its  head. 
The  post  was  so  arduous,  the  business  so  complicated,  the 
pecuniary  responsibility  so  great,  that  none  but  an  officer  of  the 
first  rank,  of  commanding  talents,  untiring  industry,  and  tried 
integrity,  was  adequate  to  the  trust.  Washington  fixed  his 
mind  upon  Greene,  who,  after  much  persuasion,  was  induced, 
though  reluctantly,  to  accept  the  appointment.  Friendship  for 
the  commander  in  chief,  and  a  deep  sense  of  the  deplorable 
condition  of  the  army,  were  the  only  motives  that  could 
prevail  upon  him  to  assume  a  charge,  which  he  foresaw 
would  bring  him  into  many  difficulties,  and  expose  him  to  the 
clamorous  obloquy  and  unmerited  reproach  of  enmity  and  ig 
norance.  As  a  member  of  the  committee  for  arranging  the 
""""quartermaster's  department,  Mr  Morris  became  his  corres 
pondent,  and  both  by  his  influence  in  Congress,  and  by  his 
private  counsels,  aided  and  sustained  the  efforts  of  his  friend. 
The  subjoined  letter  from  General  Greene  to  him  is  dated  at 
Valley  Forge,  June  1st,  1778. 

"  <I  i-eceived  your  favor  of  the  fifth  of  May,  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  the  quartermaster's  department,  and  intend  to  fol 
low  your  advice,  in  order  to  my  own  justification,  and  to 
silence  the  faction.  I  have  represented  the  substance  of  what 
T  wrote  you,  (only  more  fully,)  in  a  letter  to  the  General, 
requesting  his  advice  and  direction,  which  he  has  given  much 
in  the  same  terms  as  you  did.  But  I  am  frightened  at  the 
expense,  .1  have  i<rawn  on  the  treasury  already  for  upwards 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  181 

of  four  millions  of  dollars,  and  it  seems  to  be  but  a  breakfast 
for  the  department,  and  hardly  that.  The  land  carriage  is 
so  extensive  and  costly,  the  wants  of  the  army  so  numerous, 
and  everything  selling  at  such  enormous  prices,  that  our  dis 
bursements  will  be  very  great.  I  dare  say  they  will  far  ex 
ceed  your  expectation. 

1 1  have  written  to  Congress  for  their  sense  and  direction, 
upon  several  matters  respecting  the  department.  I  beg  you 
will  encfeavor  to  bring  the  matter  to  issue  as  soon  «s  possi 
ble,  as  I  am  much  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  proceed. 

'  The  enemy  appear  from  every  piece  of  intelligence  to  be 
making  all  necessary  preparation  to  evacuate  Philadelphia. 
I  should  be  glad  of  your  opinion  respecting  their  future  op 
erations.  Some  of  the  officers  think  they  are  going  to  the 
West  Indies  ;  others  are  of  opinion  that  they  are  going  up  the 
North  River.  T|jere  is  one  objection  to  this  scheme.  There 
is  not  a  sufficient  force  to  co-operate  with  Sir  Henry  from 
Canada.  1  should  think,  that  if  Great  Britain  meant  to  be  se 
rious  in  her  propositions  for  a  reconciliation  with  America,  her 
forces  would  be  collected  together  at  some  secure  place,  and 
there  wait  to  see  the  issue  of  the  Commissioners'  negotiations. 

1  Sir  Henry  Clinton  sent  out  a  letter  to  his  Excellency  a  few 
days  ago,  respecting  certain  acts  of  Parliament  lately  passed 
in  favor  of  America,  as  he  terms  it.  This  letter  I  suppose 
has  been  before  Congress  before  this  time. 

*  General  Me  Dougall  is  not  well  pleased  at  the  manner  of 
his  being  superseded  in   the  command   on   the  Norih   River. 
He  thinks  the  public   will   form  some   unfavorable   sentiments 
respecting  it.     General  Gates  will  not  meet  with  the  most  cor 
dial  reception  there.     However,  he  will  undoubtedly  be  treat 
ed  politely.     Governor  Clinton  showed  me  several  letters,   re 
specting  the  operations  of  last  campaign,  which  will   do  him 
much  credit  in  history. 

*  Pray  how  came  General  Mifflin  to  be  ordered  to  join   this 
army  ?     This  is  a  phenomenon  in  politics.     General  Con  way  is 
at  last  caught  in  his  own  trap,  and  I  am  most  hearyly  glad  of 

VOL.    I.  16 


182  LIFE    OF 

• 

it.  I  wish  every  such  intriguing  spirit  may  meet  with  the 
like  disappointment  in  his  ambitious  designs.  He  is  a  most 
worthless  officer  as  ever  served  in  our  army. 

'  I  suppose  you  go  on  pretty  much  in  the  old  style,  puzzling 
one  another  with  doubts  and  difficulties ;  each  striving  to 
display  the  greatest  wisdom  and  ingenuity.  What  progress 
have  you  made  in  the  establishment  of  the  army  ?  The  half 
pay  you  have  fixed  at  seven  years.  Most  of  the  officers  are 
discontented  with  it,  and  I  am  sorry  for  it.' 


CHAPTER  XI. 

JLORD  NORTH'S  CONCILIATORY  PROPOSITIONS. — PROCEEDINGS  OF  CONGRESS 

ON   THAT   SUBJECT. BRITISH    COMMISSIONERS. MR    MORRIS    TAKES    A 

LEADING  PART  IN  THE  TRANSACTIONS  RESPECTING  THEM. PREPARES 

THE  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  DR  FRANKLIN. INTERVIEW  AND  CONVERSATION 

WITH  THE  FRENCH  MINISTER. WESTERN  BOUNDARIES. FINANCES  OF 

AMERICA. — CANADA  EXPEDITION. — WASHINGTON'S    ARRANGEMENTS   FOR 
THE  NEXT  CAMPAIGN. 

THE  most  essential  service  rendered  by  Mr  Morris,  during 
his  career  in  Congress,  was  the  part  he  took  in  the  intercourse 
with  the  British  Commissioners,  who  had  been  sent  over  with 
what  were  called  Lord  North's  conciliatory  propositions,  or 
bills.  After  the  disastrous  failure  of  the  Canada  expedition 
under  Burgoyne,  the  fruitless  adventure  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton 
up  the  North  River,  and  the  empty  victories  of  Howe  in  Penn 
sylvania,  the  British  ministry  began  to  have  misgivings,  as  to 
the  ultimate  success  of  their  armies  in  America.  The  third 
year  of  the  war  had  terminated,  without  any  visible  progress 
in  the  road  of  conquest,  and,  so  far  from  subduing  the  rebel 
lious  spirit,  or  diminishing  the  military  resources  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  their  antipathies  were  daily  gaining  vigor  from  fresh 
resentments,  the  offspring  of  renewed  provocation,  and  their 
power  of  resistance  was  growing  more  consolidated  and  formi- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  183 

dable,  from  the  experience  of  their  officers  and  soldiers  in  the 
habitudes  of  war,  the  gradual  institutions  of  civil  government, 
and  the  universal  obedience  rendered  by  the  people  to  the 
resolves  and  recommendations  of  Congress.  Add  to  this 
discouraging  aspect  of  affairs  in  America,  the  symptoms  that 
could  be  no  longer  mistaken  in  France,  of  an  approaching  alli 
ance  between  that  country  and  the  revolted  colonies,  and  it 
will  not  appear  strange,  that  the  eyes  of  the  ministers  should 
be  opened,  and  that  they  should  begin  to  think  of  some  new 
plan  of  operation. 

They  clearly  foresaw  that  the  high  tone,  which  pride  on  the 
one  hand,  and  the  popular  feeling  on  the  other,  had  hitherto 
induced  them  to  assume,  could  not  be  sustained,  nor  the  prom 
ises  they  had  held  out  to  the  nation  be  realized.  Prudence  for 
once  gained  admittance  into  their  councils,  and  spoke  to  them 
in  the  voice  of  wisdom,  feebly  it  is  true,  but  yet  so  loud  as  to 
be  heard  and  listened  to.  From  that  moment  they  began  to 
talk  of  concession  and  conciliation,  and  made  all  haste  to 
bring  before  Parliament  the  drafts  of  two  bills,  one  giving  up 
the  point  of  taxation,  which  had  been  the  old  root  of  bitterness, 
if  not  the  sole  cause  of  contention,  and  the  other  enabling  the 
King  to  appoint  and  send  out  Commissioners  to  treat  with  the 
Americans,  on  all  the  questions  in  dispute.  So  eager  were  the 
Ministers  to  anticipate  any  connexions,  which  might  be  in 
progress  with  France,  that  they  despatched  these  bills  as  soon 
as  they  were  reported,  and  before  they  had  been  acted  on  by 
Parliament.  They  reached  New  York,  were  immediately 
printed  there,  and  circulated  in  the  country,  as  widely  as  could 
be  done  by  the  agency  of  the  British.  Copies  were  sent  to 
Washington  at  Valley  Forge,  which  were  transmitted  by  him 
to  Congress  with  severe  animadversions  upon  their  character, 
and  the  means  tak^n  to  spread  them  abroad.  These  bills 
were  read  in  Congress  as  soon  as  they  arrived,  and  then 
referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  Morris  was  chairman.  His 
associates  were  Drayton  and  Dana. 


184  LIFE    OF 

— .  On  the  22d  of  April,  two  days  after  the  bills  arrived,  the 
committee  made  a  report,  which  was  drawn  up  by  Morris,  and 
unanimously  adopted  by  Congress.  So  far  from  a  conciliatory 
purpose  and  tendency,  the  committee  found  in  the  bills  only 
an  insidious  design  to  operate  on  the  hopes  and  fears  of  the 
people,  and  to  create  among  them  divisions  and  disaffection  to 
the  common  cause  ;  and,  after  enumerating  sundry  objection 
able  particulars,  they  declared  it  as  their  opinion,  that  the  Uni 
ted  Slates  could  not  with  propriety  treat  with  any  Commission 
ers  sent  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain,  with  whatever  powers 
invested,  unless,  as  a  preliminary,  the  British  fleets  and  armies 
should  be  withdrawn,  and  the  independence  of  the  United  States 
acknowledged  in  express  and  positive  terms.  The  report  con 
cluded  with  a  recommendation  to  the  several  States,  to  make 
strenuous  exertions  in  getting  together,  as  speedily  as  possi 
ble,  their  respective  quotas  of  troops  for  the  approaching  cam 
paign,  and  have  their  militia  in  readiness  for  any  exigency.* 

Just  ten  days  after  Congress  had  passed  their  decision  on 
these  hills,  a  messenger  arrived  at  York  Town,  bearing  copies 
of  the  treaties  with  France,  by  which  that  nation  had  become 
an  ally  to  the  United  States  in  the  war.  This  intelligence  dif 
fused  universal  joy  ;  and  it  was  a  reflection,  which  contributed 
not  a  little  to  elevate  the  self  respect  of  the  people,  that  Con 
gress  had  taken  so  decided  a  stand  in  rejecting  the  advances  of 
England,  hefore  they  had  any  knowledge  of  this  new  alliance. 
The  treaties  were  ratified,  and  a  committee  appointed  to  bring 
forward  an  address  to  the  people  of  America,  on  this  occasion 
of  a  new  and  most  propitious  crisis  in  their  affairs. 

This  task  again  devolved  on  Mr  Morris.f     The   perform* 


*  Mr  J:iy  wrote  to  his  friend  on  the  20th  of  May,  as  follows. 

*  The  report  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of  Lord  North's  Bills  was 
too  strikingly  marked  with  Morris,  not  to  be  known  by  his  friends  to 
have  been  produced  by  his  pen.' 

f  The  committee  chosen  for  the  purpose  were  R.  H.  Lee,  Chase, 
and  Morris.  The  author  of  the  '  Life  of  R.  H.  Lee  '  believes  him  to 
have  been  the  writer  of  the  ADDRESS,  but  the  first  draft  is  among  Mr 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  185 

ance  is  somewhat  florid  and  rhetorical  in  its  style,  but  admira 
bly  suited  to  the  object  in  view,  that  of  awakening  the  atten 
tion  of  the  people,  and  impressing  strongly  upon  them  a  just 
understanding  of  their  actual  condition  and  prospects.  A  pic 
ture  is  drawn  of  the  troubles,  difficulties,  and  sufferings,  which 
they  had  gone  through,  the  patience  with  which  they  had 
endured  them,  their  constancy  in  adhering  to  their  first  de 
terminations,  and  the  resolute  perseverance  and  chivalrous 
courage,  with  which  they  had  foiled  the  schemes  and  met  the 
force  of  their  adversaries.  And,  that  the  picture  might  lose 
nothing  for  the  want  of  due  contrasts,  the  motives,  aims,  and 
conduct  of  the  enemy  are  exhibited  in  a  relief,  and  with  a  col 
oring,  that  could  not  fail  to  have  an  imposing  effect  on  the  least 
practised  observers,  and  minds  the  least  prone  to  excitement. 
The  success  thus  far  in  sustaining  the  contest  is  put  forth  as  an 
earnest  of  the  future,  a  source  of  renewed  hope,  and  a  mo 
tive  of  cheerful  effort  and  unwavering  confidence.  Nothing 
was  wanting,  but  that  the  people  should  be  true  to  them 
selves  and  faithful  to  their  early  pledges. 

Considering  these  preliminary  movements,  it  was  not  likely 
that  the  British  Commissioners  would  find  Congress  in  a  hu 
mor  to  treat  with  them,  or  to  receive  with  much  show  of  com 
plaisance  their  advances.  It  happened  unluckily,  moreover, 
that  in  the  first  letter  they  wrote  to  Congress,  after  their 
arrival  in  New  York,  enclosing  the  conciliatory  bills  as  ap 
proved  by  Parliament,  they  ventured  reflections  on  the  con 
duct  of  France  in  joining  the  United  States,  which  proved 
extremely  offensive  to  the  assembled  representatives  of  her 
new  ally.  So  much  were  they  exasperated  when  this  part  of 
the  letter  was  read,  that  the  reading  was  suspended  by  a  vote, 


Morris's  papers,  in  his  own  handwriting.  In  one  of  Mr  Jays'  letters 
to  Mr  Morris,  he  says;  'The  Address  of  Congress  is  much  liked,  and 
has  its  use.  I  have  not  yet  met  with  a  single  whig  in  this  State  (New 
York)  willing  to  accept  peace  on  Lord  North's  terms.'  Mr  Jay  appar 
ently  did  not  know  who  was  the  author  of  the  Address  when  he  wrote. 
16* 


186  LIFE    OF 

and  some  time  elapsed  before  it  was  again  called  up  and  con 
sidered.* 

The  reply  to  the  letter  by  the  President  of  Congress  was 
much  in  the  tone  of  the  report  noticed  above,  seasoned  with 
the  declaration,  that  nothing  but  the  desire  of  saving  the  fur 
ther  effusion  of  blood  could  have  prevailed  upon  them  to  read 
a  paper,  treating  with  so  much  disrespect  his  most  Christian 
Majesty,  and  containing  propositions  so  derogatory  to  the  hon 
or  of  an  independent  nation;  professing  at  the  same  time  a 


*  The  following  is  part  of  a  letter  from  Robert  Morris  to  Gouver- 
neur  Morris,  dated  Valley  Forge,  June  16th,  1778. 

'  I  came  down  here  about  ten  days  ago,  expecting  to  go  into  Phila 
delphia  immediately,  and  should  certainly  have  done  so,  had  not  the 
Commissioners  arrived  at  the  critical  time  they  did.  Since  then  I 
have  been  prevailed  on  to  stay,  day  after  day,  until  Congress  give 
them  their  answer,  which,  it  is  expected  here,  will  be  such,  as  will 
send  them  off  immediately.  After  that  answer  is  given,  I  should  like 
to  hold  an  hour  or  two's  conversation  with  my  friend,  Governor  John- 
stone,  but  have  not  yet  determined  on  doing  so.  I  think  he  will  be 
much  mortified  at  his  disappointed  embassy,  and  I  could  wish  to  con 
vince  him,  that  Great  Britain  may  still  be  happy  and  continue  rich, 
by  forming  a  commercial  alliance  with  us,  on  the  same  broad  basis 
that  other  nations  do.  It  will  be  no  difficult  matter  to  convince  any 
reasonable  man,  that  Great  Britain  would  still  enjoy  under  such  trea 
ties  the  greatest  share  and  most  valuable  parts  of  our  trade ;  but  the 
best  and  most  liberal  of  the  British  subjects  feel  themselves  humbled, 
in  the  idea  of  quitting  their  sovereignty  over  us ;  and  this  with  many 
will  preclude  all  reasoning  on  the  subject.  Whether  Governor  John- 
stone  is  of  this  number  or  not,  I  cannot  tell ;  but  we  know  he  is 
strongly  opposed  to  our  independence,  although  unbounded  in  offers 
of  everything  else.  No  offers  must  tempt  us;  they  ought  not  to 
have  a  hearing  of  one  moment,  unless  preceded  by  acknowledgment 
of  our  independence,  because  we  can  never  be  a  happy  people  under 
their  domination. 

'  I  have  frequently  ventured  to  assert  here,  that  Congress  will  not 
give  up  one  iota  of  their  former  resolves  on  this  subject,  nor  do  a 
thing  in  the  least  degree  inconsistent  with  their  public  faith,  plighted 
in  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  with  France.  I  am  sure  you  will 
make  my  words  good.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  187 

readiness  to  make  peace,  when  the  King  of  Great  Britain 
should  provide  the  way  for  it,  by  acknowledging  the  indepen 
dence  of  the  United  States,  or  withdrawing  his  fleets  and  armies. 
The  affair  was  also  now  encumbered  with  a  new  condition,  since 
the  alliance  with  France  rendered  the  assent  of  that  nation 
necessary,  before  a  treaty  of  peace  could  be  confirmed. 

But  these  things  are  matters  of  history,  and  this  is  no  place  to 
dwell  upon  them  any  farther,  than  to  show  the  active  and  res 
ponsible  agency  taken  in  them  by  Mr  Morris.  It  is  known  that 
the  Commissioners  met  with  a  total  failure,  by  reason  of  the  in 
admissible,  and  in  some  respects  offensive  propositions,  which 
they  were  authorized  to  hold  out,  their  indiscreet  mode  of  pre 
senting  them,  and  the  adventurous  experiment  of  one  of  their 
number,  who  had  the  effrontery  to  tamper  with  the  integrity  of 
some  of  the  most  distinguished  individuals  in  Congress,  vain 
ly  supposing,  that  the  lure  of  British  gold  would  effect  what 
was  unattainable  by  (the  power  of  British  arms,  and  the  arts 
of  negotiation.  In  short,  the  result  of  this  mission  was  every 
way  unpropitious  to  the  interests  of  those  by  whom  it  was 
planned,  as  it  left  a  settled  disgust  on  the  minds  of  the  Ameri 
cans,  rather  than  respect  for  the  motives,  or  faith  in  the  pro 
fessions  of  their  enemy. 

In  the  management  of  the  business  in  Congress,  and  in  the 
views  of  the  subject  which  went  abroad,  and  made  impressions 
on  the  public,  Mr  Morris  must  be  considered  as  having  a  chief 
share.  He  penned  the  reports  and  resolves,  that  were  from 
time  to  time  issued,  and  when  the  matter  was  brought  to  a 
close,  he  drew  up,  as  one  of  a  committee  appointed  for  the 
purpose,  a  sketch  of  the  whole  proceedings,  which  was  pub 
lished.  This  performance  was  entitled,  '  Observations  on  the 
American  Revolution^  and  extended  to  a  hundred  and  twenty 
two  closely  printed  pages.  In  addition  to  an  account  of  the 
doings  of  Congress,  in  regard  to  the  Commissioners,  there  is  a 
condensed  and  well  written  introduction,  containing  an  outline 
of  the  causes  of  the  war,  the  means  used  by  the  Americans  to 
avert  it,  their  unavailing  efforts  to  secure  a  recognition  of  their 


188  LIFE    OF 

rights,  and  the  chief  events  that  had  hitherto  occured.  The 
whole  was  executed  with  address  and  ability,  manifesting  a 
deep  knowledge  of  the  principles  and  reasons  on  which  the 
contest  was  founded,  and  an  ardor  of  patriotism  not  surpassed 
in  any  writings  of  the  day.  As  soon  as  the  pamphlet  reached 
London,  it  was  reprinted  entire  in  Almon's  Remembrancer.* 

In  the  month  of  October,  1778,  the  instructions  were  pre 
pared  to  be  sent  from  Congress  to  Dr  Franklin,  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  at  the  Court  of  Versailles. 

Jt  is  an  honorable  testimony  to  the  high  standing  of  Mr 
Morris  in  Congress,  that  the  task  of  drafting  these  instructions 
was  assigned  to  him,  and  the  more  so,  as  they  were  the  first, 
which  had  ever  been  sent  to  an  American  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary  at  a  foreign  court.  To  show  the  confidence  reposed 
by  Congress  in  their  new  ally,  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  Mr 
Morris  had  an  interview  with  the  French  Minister,  M.  Gerard, 
and  read  to  him  the  instructions  before  they  were  submitted 
for  the  decision  of  Congress.  These  gentlemen  entered  into 
a  free  and  amicable  discussion  of  their  several  parts. 

One  important  feature  was  struck  out  at  the  suggestion  *of 
M.  Gerard.  It  was  among  the  favorite  schemes  of  a  party  in 
Cougress  to  drive  the  British  from  the  seaports,  and  thus 
multiply  the  means  and  conveniences  of  building  up  an  Amer 
ican  navy.  An  article  to  this  effect  was  introduced  into  the 
instructions  to  Dr  Franklin,  enjoining  him  to  use  his  efforts  to 
persuade  the  French  Ministry  to  send  out  an  augmented  naval 
armament,  which,  in  conjunction  with  the  American  land  for 
ces,  should  be  adequate  to  such  an  object.  M.  Gerard  had 
doubts  of  the  scheme,  deeming  it  neither  practicable  nor  expe 
dient.  He  did  not  believe  the  British  could  be  driven  from 


*  In  the  Remembrancer  for  the  year  1778,  page  300,  there  is  a  fong 
letter  addressed  to  the  Commissioners,  and  signed  i  An  American,' to 
which  the  following  note  is  appended.  'This  letter  is  ascribed  to 
Samuel  Adams,  of  Massachusetts  Bay.'  But  the  letter  was  written  by 
Gouverneur  Morris. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  189 

the  seaports,  in  which  their  force  was  concentrated,  and  where 
they  had  peculiar  advantages  for  defending  themselves.  Be 
sides,  if  such  a  thing  were  feasible,  they  would  settle  down  in 
some  other  quarter,  where  they  would  command  equal  facili 
ties  for  doing  mischief.  To  compel  them  to  change  their 
attitude  was  not  necessarily  to  weaken  their  power.  x  And  as 
for  the  pleasing  vision  of  an  American  navy,  two  or  three  years 
at  least  must  be  consumed  in  such  an  undertaking,  before  it 
could  arrive  at  the  dignity  of  usefulness,  even  if  it  should 
escape  the  attacks  of  the  enemy  in  its  nascent  state,  and  this 
with  a  great  expenditure  and  the  tendency  of  protracting  the 
war  beyond  its  probable  duration.  The  good  sense  of  these 
hints  was  too  cogent  to  be  overlooked,  and  the  article  on  this 
head  was  left  out  of  the  instructions. 

The  project  for  attacking  Canada  came  likewise  into  the 
discussion  with  the  French  Minister,  but  he  discouraged  it,  as 
in  truth  he  was  directed  to  do  before  he  left  France,  it  having 
beenjhe  settled  policy  of  that  court  from  the  beginning  to  let 
Canada  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  British,  although  it  has 
generally  been  supposed  a  part  of  the  French  King's  intention 
in  joining  the  United  States  to  recover  that  province,  which 
had  been  lost  in  a  way  not  calculated  to  flatter  the  pride  of  his 
nation,  in  the  preceding  war  with  England.  It  is  certain,  how 
ever,  that  the  positive  instructions  to  both  of  his  Ministers  in 
America  prove  his  views  to  have  been  the  reverse  of  this  sup 
position.  He  was  resolved  neither  to  take  possession  of  Can 
ada  himself,  nor  assist  the  United  States  in  such  an  enterprise, 
although  if  actually  attacked,  or  even  taken  by  the  Americans, 
no  interference  was  to  be  attempted,  nor  obstacles  thrown  in 
their  way. 

This  was  the  policy  of  France,  steadily  and  secretly  pur 
sued,  both  in  regard  to  Canada  and  Nova  Scotia.  1  say 
secretly,  because  neither  the  American  government,  jior  Dr 
Franklin  in  Paris,  was  acquainted  with  it.  The  grounds  of 
this  policy  may  not  be  easily  discovered,,  but  the  reason  for 
keeping  it  secret  is  manifest.  Everybody  in  America,  from 


190  LIFE   OF 

the  lead  >rs  in  Congress  and  the  army  downward,  looked  upon 
the  conquest  of  Canada  as  the  glorious  achievement,  which  of 
all  others  would  most  signalize  their  arms,  and  promote  the 
ends  of  the  war.  The  time,  the  manner,  and  the  means,  were 
always  matters  of  perplexing  uncertainty,  but  the  great  object 
itself  no  one  ever  regarded  in  any  other  light,  than  as  an  acqui 
sition  of  momentous  weight  in  the  broad  scale  of  American 
affairs.  The  French  government  were  well  informed  of  this 
state  of  feeling ;  they  well  understood  the  consequence  of 
uttering  aloud  sentiments  of  a  different  complexion.  It  was 
clear,  that  their  aims  would  be  misinterpreted,  their  motives 
suspected.  Hence  the  instructions  to  their  ministers,  not  to 
second  any  proposals  of  this  kind,  with  encouragement  of  aid 
from  France,  nor  to  show  a  hostility  to  the  measure  by  taking 
an  open  and  decided  stand  in  opposing  it. 

In  fact  the  French  always  had  fenrs  of  the  American  love  of 
conquest.  They  had  pledged  themselves  to  support  the  inde 
pendence  of  the  United  States  to  the  last,  but  not  to  go  abroad 
to  the  north,  and  the  west,  and  the  south,  seeking  foreign 
adventures,  and  extent  of  dominion.  If  this  spirit  were  allowed 
to  predominate,  there  would  b»  no  end  to  the  war,  till  the 
whole  continent  and  the  islands  were  forced  to  come  under  the 
banners  of  freedom,  and  receive,  willingly  or  not,  the  proffered 
bounty  of  independence.  Whatever  glory  or  advantage  might 
Lave  redounded  to  the  United  States,  from  such  an  extent  of 
territory  and  power,  if  achieved  by  their  own  prowess,  it  was 
certainly  no  part  of  the  contract  with  France,  that  she  should 
go  out  with  them,  on  crusades  of  this  sort,  paying  her  own 
charges,  and  loaning  money  to  her  allies  to  pay  theirs.  It  was 
the  express  stipulation  of  France,  that  she  would  continue  the 
war  at  all  hazards  till  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
in  their  original  extent,  should  be  secured.  This  pledge  she 
redeemed  faithfully,  generously,  to  the  very  letter,  and  in  the 
very  spirit  of  the  contract. 

The  conversation  on  the  other  parts  of  the  instructions  to  Dr 
Franklin  took  a  discursive  range,  touching  upon  various  inter- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  191 

ests  of  the  two  parties  to  the  alliance.  Mr  Morris  observed, 
that  fears  were  entertained  of  the  influence  of  Spain  over 
France,  by  reason  of  the  close  relations  that  existed  between 
the  royul  families  of  the  two  nations,  and  that  preposessions  im 
bibed  from  this  quarter  might  lead  the  latter  to  adopt  a  false 
policy  in  regard  to  the  western  frontier ;  it  being  even  suspect 
ed  by  some,  that  France  was  willing  Canada  should  be  held 
by  England,  out  of  complaisance  to  her  ancient  friend,  with 
the  view  of  diverting  the  attention  of  the  Americans  on  that 
side,  in  which  case  they  would  be  less  likely  to  turn  their 
thoughts  towards  the  Spanish  territories  in  the  regions  of  the 
Mississippi.  Should  such  a  fancy  dwell  in  the  heads  of  the 
French  Cabinet,  he  considered  it  delusive  and  unwise,  for  the 
English  would  be  masters  of  the  Lakes,  and  naturally  friends  of 
the  Americans,  from  a  similarity  of  habits  and  a  reciprocity  of 
wants  and  benefits.  For  the  same  reason,  they  would  be  mu 
tually  hostile  to  the  Spaniards,  who  would  thus  gain  two 
troublesome  neighbors.  Whereas,  in  the  other  state  of  the 
case,  the  worst  that  could  happen  to  them  would  be  to  have 
one. 

M.  Gerard  replied,  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  disposition 
and  policy  of  Spain,  but  he  knew  that  power  was  jealous  of 
the  spirit  of  enterprise  shown  by  many  of  the  American 
people  ;  that  he  had  himself  been  informed  from  credible 
sources,  that  since  the  beginning  of  the  war,  four  or  five 
thousand  persons  from  New  England  had  planted  themselves 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  in  the  Natchez  country  ;  that 
such  a  force  on  a  frontier  so  little  known,  joined  to  the  views 
entertained  by  the  American  government  in  regard  to  St 
Augustine,  Pensacola,  and  Mobile,  was  calculated  to  excite 
distrust  in  Spain  ;  that  it  seemed  to  him  important  for  the 
United  States  to  give  some  surety  to  that  power,  by  fixing  cer 
tain  limits  which  should  not  be  passed.  In  answer  to  Mr 
Morris's  question,  as  to  the  nature  and  extent  of  this  surety, 
M.  Gerard  said,  that  the  renunciation  of  any  design  upon  Pen 
sacola,  Mobile,  ?.nd  St  Augustine,  and  even  of  the  navigation 
of  the  Mississippi,  would  perhaps  be  necessary  to  accomplish 


192  LIFE    OF 

an  object  so  important  to  both  parties,  and  ensure  the  confi 
dence  and  friendship  of  Spain.  Mr  Morris  replied,  that  many 
of  his  colleagues  thought  it  was  time  to  pass  a  law  de  coercendo 
imperio,  that  to  extend  the  territory  of  the  United  States  farther 
to  the  south  and  west  would  be  rather  to  weaken  than  con 
firm  the  union,  and  that  the  poverty  and  vigor  of  the  north 
were  the  best  safeguards  of  the  Republic.  He  said  these 
same  persons  considered  it  for  the  interest  of  the  Confedera 
tion,  that  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  as  high  up  as  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio,  should  appertain  exclusively  to  his  Catho 
lic  Majesty,  because  it  would  be  the  only  means  of  retaining 
under  dependance  to  the  Republic  the  mass  of  population, 
which  would  spring  up  between  the  Ohio  and  the  Lakes,  and 
in  the  eastern  settlements  of  Virginia  ;  that  the  inhabitants  of 
these  immense  regions,  whether  English  or  Americans,  having 
an  outlet  clown  the  St  Lawrence  on  one  side,  and  the  Mis 
sissippi  on  the  other,  would  be  in  a  condition  to  domineer 
over  the  power  of  the  United  States,  and  even  of  Spain,  and 
would  in  the  end  render  themselves  independent. 

M.  Gerard  asked  if  this  was  the  general  sense  of  Congress, 
for  he  knew  several  members,  who  thought  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi  should  belong  equally  to  the  English  and 
Americans.  Mr  Morris  answered,  that  these  topics  had  not 
been  agitated  in  such  a  manner,  as  to  come  to  any  positive 
result,  but  the  prevalent  feeling  was,  that  it  would  not  be  expe 
dient  to  extend  dominion  to  the  south,  and  he  believed  the 
persons,  who  wished  to  take  possession  of  the  Floridas,  had  a 
scheme  of  ceding  them  to  Spain  for  a  pecuniary  consideration  ; 
and  that  some  of  those  at  least,  who  were  bent  on  securing 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  were  interested  in  the  new 
establishments  in  that  quarter.* 


*  It  is  ] /roper  to  state,  perhaps,  that  the  substance  of  this  conversation 
has  been  drawn  from  a  despatch  of  M.  Gerard  to  the  Count  de  Vcr- 
gcnnes,  •  uted  at  Philadelphia,  October  twentieth)  1778,  and  nowdepos- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  193 

The  most  essential  article  in  the  instructions  to  Dr  Franklin  was 
that,  which  enjoined  on  him  the  necessity  of  procuring  pecunf" 
ary  aid  from  the  French  Court,  and  of  representing  in  their 
strong  and  true  features  the  distresses  of  the  country,  on  ac 
count  of  the  deranged  state  of  the  finances,  and  the  impossibili 
ty  of  prosecuting  the  war  to  any  good  effect,  unless  supplies  of 
money  from  some  quarter  could  be  obtained.  To  put  Dr 
Franklin  in  possession  of  facts  and  arguments  on  this  subject  of 
vital  importance,  Mr  Morris  wrote  Observations  on  the  Finances 
of  America,  designed  to  illustrate  and  accompany  the  article  in 
question,  and  which  Dr  Franklin  was  ordered  by  a  letter  from 
the  President  of  Congress  to  lay  before  the  French  Ministry. 


ited  among  the  'American  Papers,'  which  I  examined  in  the  Archives 
of  Foreign  Affairs  in  Paris. 

The  concluding  paragraph  of  this  same  despatch,  although  on  anoth 
er  subject,  will  not  be  the  less  interesting  to  every  American  reader. 
It  was  written  at  the  end  of  the  second  campaign,  in  which  General 
Lafayette  had  been  engaged  in  America.  Eighteen  months  before,  it 
must  be  remembered,  he  escaped  from  France  in  defiance  of  the 
authority  of  the  King,  and  entreaties  of  his  friends,  with  a  determina 
tion  to  fight  the  battles  of  liberty  in  the  new  world.  He  was  now 
about  to  return  to  his  native  country,  honored  with  the  confidence  and 
marked  approbation  of  Congress,  and  the  hearty  applause  of  the 
whole  American  people. 

'I  ought  not  to  terminate  this  long  despatch,'  says  M.  Gerard  to  the 
Count  de  Vergennes,  'without  rendering  10  the  wisdom  and  dexterity 
of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  in  the  part  he  has  taken  in  these  discus 
sions,  the  justice  which  is  due  to  his  merits.  He  has  given  most  salu 
tary  counsels,  authorized  by  his  friendship  and  experience.  The 
Americans  have  strongly  solicited  his  return  with  the  troops,  which 
the  King  will  send.  He  has  replied  with  a  due  sensibility,  but  with 
an  entire  resignation  to  the  will  of  the  King. 

'  I  cannot  forbear  saying,  that  the  conduct  equally  prudent,  cour 
ageous,  and  amiable  of  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  has  made  him  the 
idol  of  the  Congress,  the  army,  and  the  people  of  America.  A  high 
opinion  is  entertained  of  his  military  talents.  You  know  how  little  I 
am  inclined  to  adulation,  but  I  shpuld  be  wanting  in  justice,  if  I  did 
not  transmit  to  you  these  testimonials,  which  are  here  in  the  mouth  of 
the  whole  world.' 

VOL.    I.  17 


194  LIFE    OF 

It  was  the  purpose  of  these  Observations,  to  show  the  causes 
of  the  financial  difficulties  in  the  United  States,  and  to  suggest 
remedies.  The  history  of  the  paper  currency  was  touched 
upon,  and  also  the  reasons  of  its  depreciation,  its  effects  in  pro 
ducing  monopolies,  deranging  prices,  creating  distrust,  and  thus 
gradually  destroying  its  own  value.  Although  the  disease  was 
radical  and  complicated,  the  remedies  were  simple.  Taxa 
tion,  subsidies,  and  loans  were  the  three  prescriptions,  each  of 
which,  if  duly  applied,  would  work  a  cure.  The  first  was  im 
possible  in  the  existing  state  of  ihings,  because  the  absolute 
amount  of  money  in  the  country  was  not  adequate  to  the  pay 
ment  of  taxes,  and  new  emissions  of  paper  would  only  in 
crease  the  evil.  Domestic  loans  were  equally  fallacious,  because 
they  must  be  paid  in  the  defective  currency,  subject  to  fluctua 
tion,  which  would  not  tempt  money  holders  to  risk  atransaction 
of  this  sort.  The  only  remaining  resource  was  in  foreign  loans 
or  subsidies,  and,  after  coming  to  this  point,  the  business  was 
turned  over  as  usual  to  Dr  Franklin,  to  be  managed  by  such 
address,  ingenuity,  and  force  of  argument,  as  he  should  find 
at  his  command. 

Notwithstanding  the  coldness  of  M.  Gerard,  Congress  could 
not  forego  their  splendid  scheme  of  attacking  Canada  in  con 
cert  with  France,  and  it  accordingly  found  its  way  into  the 
instructions  to  Dr  Franklin,  explained  at  large  by  a  copy  of 
the  plan  proposed  for  conducting  the  attack.  Meantime  the 
scheme  was  submitted  to  General  Washington,  whose  letter  in 
reply,  pointing  out  many  objections  and  discouragements,  was 
referred  to  a  committee,  of  which  Mr  Morris  was  chairman. 
The  committee  concurred  in  the  views  of  Washington,  and 
reported  to  that  effect,  at  no  small  sacrifice  of  their  own  bright 
anticipations.  The  Canada  project  was  thus  laid  aside,  not 
seasonably  enough  to  keep  it  out  of  the  instructions  to  Dr 
Franklin,  but  in  time  to  transmit  to  France  by  General  Lafay 
ette  the  ultimate  decision  of  Congress,  and  prevent  any  steps 
being  taken  in  the  affair  under  those  instructions. 

During  the  winter  General  Washington  visited  Philadelphia, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  195 

in  compliance  with  a  request  from  Congress,  for  the  purpose 
of  consulting  and  agreeing  on  the  operations  of  the  next  cam 
paign.  Mr  Morris's  long  residence  in  the  camp  at  Valley 
Forge,  and  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  arrangement  and 
concerns  of  the  army,  indicated  him  as  a  suitable  member  to 
be  one  of  the  committee,  for  holding  conferences  with  the  com 
mander  in  chief  on  {he  present  occasion.  The  interminable 
Canada  plan  came  up  again,  underwent  a  new  investigation, 
and  was  dismissed  without  grace.  Various  modes  of  operation 
were  then  examined,  future  contingences  weighed,  means 
estimated,  chances  balanced,  the  probable  force  of  the  enemy 
discussed,  as  well  as  that  which  Congress  could  bring  into  the 
field,  the  most  feasible  points  of  attack  considered,  and  at  last 
a  general  system  was  struck  out,  which  was  to  serve  as  the 
prominent  aim  both  of  Congress  and  the  commander  in  chief, 
and  to  guide  them  into  the  same  train  of  design  and  action. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

DEBATES    IN    CONGRESS     ON    THE     TERMS     OF    PEACE. MR     MORRIS     DRAFTS 

THE    INSTRUCTIONS    ON    THIS      SUBJECT. SIT. AS      DEANE. THOMAS     PAIN  IT . 

MR    MORRIS'S      SPEECH     Itf    THE    AFFAIR     OF     PAINE. TREATIES     WITH 

FOREIGN    POWERS. 

ALTHOUGH  we  have  hitherto  seen  Mr  Morris  in  Congress 
mainly  devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  army,  and  other  matters 
of  domestic  concern,  yet  he  was  not  less  vigilant  in  becoming 
acquainted  with  the  foreign  relations,  nor  less  active  and  labo 
rious  in  giving  his  services  to  that  department.  As  a  proof  of 
this,  it  needs  only  be  mentioned,  that  in  February,  1779,  when 
a  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  consider  certain  impor 
tant  despatches  from  the  American  Commissioners  abroad,  and 
communications  from  the  French  Minister  in  the  United 
States,  Mr  Morris  was  placed  at  its  head.  The  report  of 


196  LIFE    OF 

this  committee,  in  its  character  and  consequences,  was  perhaps 
the  most  important  that  was  brought  forward  during  the  war. 
It  was  the  basis  of  the  peace,  which  ultimately  ensued,  and 
embraced  all  the  points  then  deemed  essential  or  advisable  to 
be  urged  in  a  treaty  with  England,  when  the  time  for  such  an 
arrangement  should  arrive.  The  question  of  boundaries,  evac 
uation  of  the  posts  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  the 
fisheries,  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  other  topics  of 
moment,  were  introduced  under  distinct  heads,  and  in  a  form 
to  be  examined  and  discussed  in  Congress. 

This  report  was  speedily  called  up,  and  kept  under  debate 
from  time  to  time,  as  other  business  would  allow,  for  the  space 
of  six  months,  that  is,  till  the  middle  of  August,  during  which 
period  all  the  weighty  principles  of  the  expected  treaty  of 
peace  were  thoroughly  canvassed,  and  the  sentiments  of  each 
member  clearly  ascertained  and  openly  expressed.  Much 
unanimity  prevailed,  respecting  the  points  in  which  the  minis 
ters  for  concluding  a  treaty  were  to  be  positively  instructed, 
and  wisely  such  points  only  were  brought  into  serious  discus 
sion,  or  to  a  decisive  issue.  There  would  doubtless  have  been 
differences  and  contending  opinions,  had  the  inquiry  come  up, 
how  far  modifications  or  concessions  should  be  made,  under 
supposable  circumstances,  as  the  price  of  peace.  Questions 
of  this  sort  were  prudently  kept  out  of  sight,  and  the  attention 
of  Congress  fixed  upon  the  principles  considered  fundamental, 
leaving  a  due  latitude  for  contingences  to  the  discretion  of  the 
^^negotiators .  Mr  Morris  took  a  large  share  and  a  prominent 
lead  in  this  long  debate.  When  it  came  to  an  end,  its  results 
were  to  be  embodied  into  a  form  of  instructions  to  the  Minis 
ters,  afterwards  to  be  appointed  for  making  peace.  The  drafts 
of  these  instructions  were  from  the  pen  of  Mr  Morris,  and 
unanimously  adopted  by  Congress  without  change. 

An  affair,  in  which  he  got  deeply  concerned,  in  common  with 
nearly  all  the  members  of  Congress  on  one  side  or  the  other, 
was  the  controversy  emanating  from  Silas  Deane's  agency  and 
negotiations  in  Europe.  Owing  to  particular  circumstances, 


GOUVERNEUll    MORRIS.  197 

this  thing  made  a  great  noise  at  the  time,  being  puffed  into  a 
consequence  wholly   disproportioned   to  its  merits,  or  its  true 
bearing  on  other  events.     Silas   Deane  went  to  France  as  an 
agent  for  certain  mercantile  and  political  purposes,  on  account 
of  Congress.     After  being  there  five  or  six   months,  he  was 
joined  by  Franklin  and  Arthur  Lee,  who,  together  with  him 
self,  ware  appointed  Commissioners,  to  obtain  military  or  pe 
cuniary  aids   from  France,  and  negotiate  a  treaty  of  alliance, 
whenever  that  power  should  be  ready  for  such  a  measure. 
At  the  end  of  a  year  and  a  half  Deane  was  recalled,  ostensi 
bly  to  give  Congress  intelligence  of  their  foreign  affairs,  but  in 
reality  through  the  machinations  of  his  enemies.     It  was  urg 
ed,  that  he  had  transcended  his  powers  in  engaging   French 
officers  to  come  to  the  United  States,  with  promises  of  milita 
ry  rank  and   pay  in  the  army.     From  the  facts  of  the  case, 
this  seems  probable,  but  surely  this  was  a  pardonable  error  of 
judgment,  since  he  could  have  no  other  motive  in  the  transac 
tion,  than  that  of  advancing  the  interests  of  his  country.    Con 
gress  were  much  perplexed,  however,  with  his  engagement Sj 
and  lost  their  patience  when  it  was  too  late  for  their  agent 'to 
remedy  his  mistakes.     It  should  be  remembered,  nevertheless, 
that  the  services  of  Lafayette  and  the  Baron  de  Kalb  were  se 
cured  to  the  United  States,  by  one  of  these  unauthorized  stip 
ulations  of  Deane. 

Long  before  the  arrival  of  this  Commissioner  in  Philadel 
phia,  there  began  to  spring  up  divisions  and  personal  antipa 
thies  in  Congress,  connected  with  the  management  of  their 
foreign  affairs,  and  the  coals  of  discord  were  kept  alive,  and 
almost  blown  into  a  flame,  by  the  ill  advised  and  intemperate 
letters,  which  soine  of  their  agents  abroad  wrote  home,  not 
only  to  individuals  in  that  Assembly,  but  under  the  gnise  of 
public  despatches.  In  short,  there  was  already  a  party  in 
Congress,  who  had  unconsciously  prejudged  his  case,  and 
whose  opinions  were  embittered  by  the  bold  insinuations  and 
acrimonious  censure,  that  had  proceeded  with  an  unmeasured 
bounty  from  his  enemies  on  the  other  side  of  the  water. 


198  LIFE    OF 

Hence,  when  Deane  requested  Congress  to  examine  his  official 
conduct,  while  acting  as  a  Commissioner,  and  to  pass  a  reso 
lution  either  of  approval  or  disapproval,  he  met  with  delays, 
and  was  put  off  from  time  to  time  with  a  partial  hearing. 
Kept  in  this  state  of  suspense  for  more  than  four  months, 
he  at  last  resolved  on  the  unwise  step  of  publishing  an  Ad 
dress  to  the  People,  bringing  his  complaints  before  them,  and 
detailing  incidents  in  which  he  showed  a  plentiful  lack  of  dis 
cretion,  and  not  the  highest  purity  of  motive.  He  attacked 
the  character  of  men,  to  be  sure,  who  he  knew  had  injured 
him  deeply  and  intentionally,  but  these  were  men  in  public 
stations,  and  the  facts  sustaining  his  charges  were  not  of  a  kind 
to  be  brought  forward  in  such  a  manner,  and  under  such  cir 
cumstances,  without  the  hazard  of  putting  in  jeopardy  the  pub 
lic  tranquillity,  and  the  best  interests  of  his  country.  * 

At  this  time  Thomas  Paine  was  a  clerk  in  the  office  of  the 
Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called, 
the  secretary  to  that  committee.  Of  course  he  had  access 
to  all  the  foreign  despatches,  being  bound  by  his  oath  of  office 
however,  as  well  as  by  the  laws  of  honor,  not  to  reveal  or  ex 
pose  anything  they  contained.  When  Deane's  Address  came 
out,  Paine  entered  the  lists  in  the  opposition,  and  filled  the 
newspapers  with  columns  of  criticisms  and  confutations,  du 
ly  seasoned  with  that  cool,  but  irritating  kind  of  invective, 
which  he  knew  well  how  to  use. 

In  one  of  those  pieces,  alluding  to  Beaumarchais'  supplies, 
he  had  the  imprudence  to  affirm,  that  they  were  a  gift  from  the 
French  Government,  and  the  more  than  folly  to  add,  that,  if 


*  In  writing  to  Mr  Jay  on  the  sixteenth  of  August,  1778,  Mr  Morris 
says,  *  We  are  at  length  fairly  setting  about  our  finances  and  foreign 
affairs.  I  much  wish  you  were  here.  Many  persons,  whom  you 
know,  are  very  liberal  of  illiberality.  Your  friend  Deane,  who  has 
rendered  most  essential  services,  stands  as  one  accused.  The  storm 
increases,  and  I  think  some  of  the  tall  trees  must  be  torn  up  by  the 
roots.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  199 

any  person  would  come  to  his  office,  he  would  produce  the  ori 
ginal  documents  verifying  his  assertion.  The  French  Minis 
ter  deemed  it  necessary  to  take  notice  of  such  a  declaration, 
in  which  the  King  was  charged  with  openly  sending  aids  to 
the  colonies,  while  he  was  yet  in  alliance  with  England.  As 
the  charge  came  from  a  person  known  to  be  connected  with 
the  public  offices,  M.  Gerard  regarded  it  as  claiming  the  at 
tention  of  Congress,  and  presented  a  memorial  to  that  effect. 
Paine  was  arraigned  in  presence  of  the  House,  and  confessed 
himself  to  be  the  author  of  the  offensive  communications. 
After  he  retired,  various  resolutions  were  offered  and  discussed, 
the  purport  of  which  was,  that  the  declaration  in  regard  to 
France  was  false,  and  that  the  secretary  of  the  Foreign  Com 
mittee  ought  to  be  immediately  dismissed,  not  only  on  this 
ground,  but  for  violating  his  oath  and  misusing  his  trust,  in 
publishing  selections  from  the  secret  correspondence  in  his 
office. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  business  gave  rise  to  a  heat 
ed  debate,  and  no  decision  was  had  respecting  it  at  the  end 
of  the  second  day.  On  the  morning  of  the  third,  Paine  sent 
in  his  resignation.  It  is  to  be  presumed,  that  the  broad  field 
of  Deane's  case,  and  the  foreign  affairs  generally,  came  un 
der  discussion,  otherwise  it  cannot  be  imagined  that  there 
should  have  been  a  difference  of  opinion.  Mr  Morris  had 
early  ranged  himself  on  the  side  of  Deane,  and  sustained  the 
cause  of  ~that  Commissioner,  whenever  it  came  before  Con 
gress,  for  such  was  the  attitude  in  which  it  was  presented  at 
the  beginning,  that  it  was  necessary  for  the  members  to  take 
sides  and  act  in  some  sort  as  partizans,  whether  willingly  or 
not.  On  the  present  occasion  it  is  safe  to  presume,  that 
Deane's  friends  were  Paine's  enemies,  and  vice  versa. 

Among  Mr  Morris's  papers,  there  is  the  copy  of  a  speech 
delivered  by  him  during  the  second  day's  debate,  on  the 
back  of  which  he  has  entered  this  memorandum ;  '  taken 
down  from  memory,  to  obviate  misrepresentation .'  This  hint 
would  imply,  that  it  was  a  warm  contest.  It  is  the  only  in- 


200  LIFE    OF 

stance,  which  I  have  discovered,  of  his  writing  out  a  speech 
pronounced  in  the  old  Congress.     From  the  nature  of  its  con 
tents,  and  as  indicating  the  temper  of  Congress  at  that  time, 
the  performance  is  worth  preserving. 
4  Mr  President, 

'  As  the  several  motions  on  your  table  appear  to  be  founded 
upon  the  same  principle,  I  shall  make  some  few  observations 
which  relate  to  them  all,  without  balancing  their  respective 
merits,  or  taking  notice  of  the  many  inaccuracies  with  which 
they  abound.  It  gave  me  great  pain,  Sir,  to  bear  in  the  de 
bates,  both  of  yesterday  and  this  morning,  the  word  party  made 
use  of.  This  is  a  word  which  can  do  no  good,  but  may  pro 
duce  much  evil.  If  there  be  a  party  among  us,  the  name  is 
unnecessary.  If  there  be  not,  it  is  unjust.  And,  certainly, 
there  is  not.  There  is  indeed  in  this  House  a  chosen  band  of 
patriots,  who  have  a  proper  respect  for  each  other's  opinion, 
a  proper  sense  of  each  other's  feelings,  and  whose  bosoms 
glow  with  equal  ardor  in  the  common  cause,  but  no  party. 

1  Gentlemen  mean  nothing  but  the  public  good,  though  some 
times  they  mistake  their  object.  But  I  would  warn  them 
against  indulging  too  far  this  tenderness  for  each  other.  When 
one  has  in  view  a  favorite  object,  or  has  adopted  a  favorite 
opinion,  others  hastily  catch  the  idea.  The  warm  effusion 
flies  from  breast  to  breast,  and  reason  lags  in  the  pursuit. 
Hence  arises  a  prepossession,  which  reason  combats  in 
vain. 

'1  hope  for  indulgence,  whilst  I  state  the  case  before  us  as 
it  really  exists.  I  know  that  a  gentleman  stands  in  a  disagree 
able  attitude,  whilst  combatting  principles,  which  appear  to  flow 
from  a  regard  to  the  privileges  of  a  citizen,  and  respect  for  the 
rights  of  mankind.  Yesterday  we  were  told  by  an  honorable 
member,  that  these  rights  and  privileges  would  be  drawn  into 
question.  This  he  ventured  to  prophesy  and  warned  us  to  be 
ware.  On  this  occasion  the  honorable  member  was  in  capa 
city  to  be  an  excellent  prophet ;  a  very  excellent  prophet,  Mr 
President.  But  I  am  not  to  be  terrified  by  these  shadows.  I 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  201 

trust  I  shall  be  able  to  show,  that  the  rights  of  a  citizen  are 
nowise  concerned  in  the  determination  on  the  matter  be 
fore  us. 

'  Gentlemen  exclaim,  "  do  not  deprive  Mr  Paine  of  his  of 
fice,  without  giving  him  a  copy  of  the  charge;  do  not  punish  a 
citizen  unheard  !"  I  ask  on  what  tenure  he  holds  that  office. 
Is  it  during  good  behavior  ?  If  it  be,  he  must  be  convicted  of 
malconduct,  before  he  can  be  removed.  But  we  are  not 
the  proper  court  to  take  cognizance  of  such  causes.  We 
have  no  criminal  jurisdiction  clearly  ;  then,  he  ought  not  to 
be  heard  before  us.  But  he  does  not  hold  his  office  during 
good  behavior  ;  it  is  during  pleasure.  And  what  are  we  ? 
The  sovereign  power,  who  appointed,  and  who,  when  he  no 
longer  pleases  us,  may  remove  him.  Nothing  more  is  desired. 
We  do  not  wish  to  punish  him. 

1  What  then  do  we  ask  ?  To  turn  a  man  out  of  office,  who 
ought  never  to  have  been  in  it.  Let  us  examine  the  cir 
cumstances.  Mr  Paine,  Secretary  to  the  Committee  of  Foreign 
Affairs,  styling  himself  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  acknow 
ledges  himself  to  be  the  author  of  a  publication  highly  dishon 
orable  to  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  and  very  injurious  to  him 
and  us.  Dishonorable  to  the  King  of  France,  because  it  is  in 
direct  contradiction  to  repeated  assurances  given  to  the  British 
court.  Injurious  to  our  mutual  interests,  because  it  enables 
the  Ministers  of  Great  Britain  to  charge  France  with  a  breach 
of  the  treaties,  and  call  upon  other  courts  for  the  performance 
of  engagements  entered  into,  upon  a  view  to  that  contingency. 
Gentlemen,  who  know  Mr  Paine,  may  be  unwilling  to  believe 
this.  It  deserves  consideration.  The  Secretary  of  Foreign 
Affairs  is  the  person,  who,  of  all  others,  must  from  the  nature 
of  his  office  be  best  acquainted  with  such  transactions.  His 
assertions,  therefore,  contain  the  fullest  weight,  which  know 
ledge  can  give.  And  not  only  so,  but  from  the  importance  of 
that  office,  none  but  the  most  approved  and  exalted  character 
would  be,  by  a  wise  people,  entrusted  to  fill  it.  And,  therefore, 
the  ideas  annexed  to  such  a  character  will  serve  to  authenti 
cate  his  assertions. 


202  LIFE    OF 

1  Foreigners,  Sir,  have  not  an  adequate  idea  of  the  manner, 
in  which  business  is  conducted  in  this  House,  nor  the  difficul 
ties  we  have  labored  under.  They  are  led  to  compare  every 
thing  on  the  scale  of  their  own  experience.  And  what  would 
be  the  idea  of  a  gentleman  in  Europe  of  this  Mr  Paine? 
Would  he  ot  suppose  im  to  be  a  man  of  the  most  affluent 
fortune,  born  in  this  country  of  a  respectable  family,  with  wide 
and  great  connexions,  and  endued  with  the  nicest  sense  of 
honor?  Certainly  he  would  suppose,  that  all  these  pledges  of 
fidelity  were  necessary  to  a  people  in  our  critical  circumstances. 
But,  alas,  what  would  he  think,  should  he  accidentally  be  in 
formed,  that  this,  our  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs,  was  a 
mere  ad  venturer /row  England,  without  fortune,  without  fam 
ily  or  connexions,  ignorant  even  of  grammar  ?  Could  he  be 
lieve  this  ?  And  if  assured  of  the  fact,  and  if  possessed  of 
common  sense,  would  he  not  think  that  we  were  devoid  of  it? 
And  yet,  Sir,  this  is  the  man  whom  we  would  remove  from 
office,  and  this  is  the  man,  who  has  been  just  now  puffed  as  of 
great  importance.  ^  . 

1  Considering  the  case  as  it  stands  before  us,  there  are  three 
objects  which  require  our  attention.  The  first  is,  to  obviate 
the  ill  effects  of  his  publication.  The  second,  to  remove  him 
from  office.  And  the  third,  to  assign  proper  reasons  for  that 
conduct,  so  as  to  connect  the  two  first  propositions  together, 
and  give  a  greater  weight  to  all  our  measures. 

*  In  order  to  obviate  the  ill  consequences  of  his  mad  asser 
tions,  we  must  pointedly  contradict  them.  I  say  we  must  con 
tradict  them,  for  to  such  a  deplorable  situation  has  this  man 
reduced  us,  that,  although  many  gentlemen  in  the  House 
might  be  of  a  different  opinion,  they  would  find  themselves 
urged  by  irresistible  motives  of  policy  to  conttadict  his  asser 
tions.  Happily,  we  have  on  our  table  the  fullest  evidence  to 
ground  a  declaration,  that  what  he  has  published  is  untrue. 

'  We  must  then  proceed  to  assign  our  reasons  for  removing 
him  from  his  office.  These  cannot  be  wanting.  For,  in  the 
first  place,  he  never  was  fit  for  it ;  and,  in  the  second  place,  he 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  203 

has  abused  it  in  the  instance   before  us  most  flagrantly,  and 
therefore  is  utterly  undeserving  of  any  farther  confidence. 

4  Lastly,  we  must  remove  him,  'or  without  this,  in  contra 
dicting  him,  we  shall  not  be  believed.  Nor  is  this  the  worst 
of  the  matter.  The  presumption  is,  that  he  would  not  have 
written  these  things  without  our  consent,  and  therefore  a  disa 
vowal  of  the  person  becomes  necessary,  not  only  to  give  credit 
to  a  disavowal  of  the  thing,  but  to  convince  our  allies,  that  we 
ourselves  are  not  the  authors  of  this  infamous  falsehood.  And 
here  gentlemen  step  in  and  tell  us  of  Mr  Paine's  importance. 
Sir,  were  he  really  of  importance,  nay,  more,  were  his  asser 
tions  really  true,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment  to  dismiss 
him  from  our  service,  Duty  to  our  ally  requires  it.  Duty  to 
ourselves  requires  it.  Look  at  his  threatening  letter  on  your 
table.  What !  are  we  reduced  to  such  a  situation,  that  our 
servants  shall  abuse  the  confidence  reposed  in  them,  shall 
beard  us  with  insolent  menaces,  and  we  shall  fear  to  dismiss 
them  without  granting  a  trial  forsooth  ?  And  what  are  we  to 
try  ?  Has  he  not  acknowledged  himself  to  be  the  author  of 
those  exceptionable  paragraphs  ?  Are  we  not  able  to  judge 
of  them,  and  to  determine  what  they  mean  ?  Do  we  not 
know,  that  they  contain  a  falsehood  ?  Suppose  Mr  Paine  to 
be  now  standing  at  our  bar,  what  would  you  do?  Would  you 
confess  an  ignorance  of  language,  and  ask  what  those  para 
graphs  mean  ?  Surely  you  would  not.  Would  you  ask  him 
whether  the  idea  contained  in  them  is  true  or  false  ?  It  is  ut 
terly  unnecessary.  His  answer  is  ready  ;  that  they  are  true. 
But  we  know  them  to  be  false,  and  we  can  hardly  be  so 
weak  as  to  balance  in  our  judgment  between  Mr  Paine's  opin 
ion,  and  the  full  evidence  on  our  table. 

'  What  then  remains,  unless  it  be  to  ask  his  advice  as  to  our 
future  conduct !  Sir,  he  will  tell  us  that  he  is  Thomas  Paine, 
author  of  all  the  writings  under  the  signature  of  COMMON  SENSE, 
and  Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  that  he  is  a  man  of  infinite  im 
portance,  far  more  entitled  to  our  respect,  than  the  most  Chris 
tian  King,  and  that  we  must  not  dare  to  dismiss  him  from  our 


204  LIFE    OF 

service,  because  to  his  other  titles  he  adds  that  of  a  l  CITIZEN 
•OF  PENNSYLVANIA.'  And  should  we  take  his  advice  ?  And 
shall  we  be  moved  by  his  threats  ?  And  shall  we  be  amused 
by  paltry  tales  of  this  person's  importance  ?  I  hope  not.  I 
am  confident  we  should  not  have  wasted  so  much  time,  and 
had  so  many  motions  on  this  subject,  but  that  some  gentlemen 
feel  themselves  interested  in  supporting  the  rights  of  a  citizen  ; 
and  but  for  that  mutual  confidence,  and  good  opinion,  and  re 
ciprocal  sentiment,  which  are  too  apt  to  mislead  those,  who 
are  not  constantly  under  the  guard  of  reason.' 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  state,  that,  for  some  time  previous  to 
this  occurrence,  there  had  been  a  good  deal  of  skirmishing  in 
the  newspapers  between  Morris  and  Paine.  The  articles  of 
the  latter  were  known  by  his  usual  signature,  Common  Sense. 
He  had  attacked  Morris,  as  he  did  other  people,  with  an  in 
delicacy  of  censure  amounting  to  a  coarseness,  little  becoming 
a  gentleman,  or  an  honorable  disputant.  In  the  affair  of  the 
British  Commissioners,  and  on  other  subjects,  Morris  had  writ 
ten  under  the  signature  of  AN  AMERICAN.  At  length  there 
appeared  a  series  of  papers  signed  AMERICANUS,  which,  from 
their  ability,  and  the  resemblance  of  the  adopted  names,  were 
supposed  to  come  from  Mr  Morris.  They  were  seized  upon 
by  Paine  with  his  accustomed  acrimony,  and  treated  as  con 
taining  principles  at  variance  with  the  political  interests  of 
America.  Among  other  charges,  the  author  was  accused  of 
having  u  design  to  exclude  the  United  States  from  the  fisheries, 
and  this  charge  was  pressed  in  such  a  manner,  not  only  by 
Paine,  but  also  by  another  writter  following  in  his  track,  and 
calling  himself  Tiberius  Gracchus,  that  Mr  Morris  felt  bound 
to  come  out  with  an  anonymous  disavowal,  signed  CATO,  in' 
which  he  denied  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  articles  in  ques 
tion,  or  had  any  knowledge  of  them  till  they  were  published. 
But  Paine  was  not  silenced  so  easily,  and  he  continued  to 
write  and  affirm  whatever  pleased  his  fancy,  or  suited  his  pur 
pose. 

How  far  this  little  warfare  of  the  quill  might  have  operated 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  205 

on  the  mind  of  Mr  Morris,  and  inclined  him  to  see  the  dark 
shades  in  Paine's  character  and  conduct,  the  reader  can  jud?e. 
It  is  evident  enough,  however,  that  the  offence  merited,  as  its 
least  punishment,  a  suspension  from  office,  and  nothing  more 
was  urged.  Thirty  years  afterwards,  when  Paine;  in  the  midst 
of  his  poverty  and  voluntary  wretchedness,  applied  to  Congress 
for  a  reward  of  his  services  during  the  revolution,  he  remem 
bered  the  above  speech,  and  took  his  revenge  by  calling  the 
author,  in  his  letter  of  application,  'prating  Gouverneur  Mor 
ris.'  He  professed  also  to  have  another  provocation,  as  will 
be  seen  when  we  meet  him  hereafter  in  the  prisons  of  Paris. 

There  was  a  difference  of  opinion  at  this  time  in  Congress, 
as  to  the  expediency  of  seeking  foreign  alliances,  and  formal 
recognitions  of  independence.  Mr  Morris  was  with  the  party, 
who  were  for  maintaining  a  little  reserve  in  this  respect,  and, 
as  he  expresses  it,  '  he  opposed  what  seemed  to  him  a 
rage  for  treaties.'  Like  the  shield  of  the  contending  knights, 
the  question  had  fairly  two  sides,  each  of  which  appeared  of 
a  different  hue  and  quality,  according  to  the  position  from 
which  it  was  viewed,  whilst  the  body  and  substance  of  the 
thing  itself  remained  the  same.  In  the  first  place,  tho  digni 
ty  and  respectability,  which  would  attach  to  the  United  States, 
by  being  admitted  into  the  family  of  nations,  gave  a  tempting 
aspect  to  one  side,  which  was  made  still  more  attractive  by 
the  possibility,  (a  very  slender  ground  it  must  be  confessed) 
that  those,  who  should  have  the  good  nature  to  admit  us 
as  equals,  would  also  have  the  fellow  feeling  to  aid  our  neces 
sities.  The  ardent,  the  aspiring,  the  statesmen  of  sanguineous 
temperament,  and  those  who  were  dazzled  with  the  kindling 
prospect  of  national  glory,  took  this  view  of  the  subject,  and 
urged  it  as  an  essential  act  of  respect  for  ourselves,  to  press 
foreign  courts  to  take  us  by  the  hand,  and  bid  us  even  a  re 
luctant  welcome  into  their  circle.  However  shy  and  cautious 
at  first,  it  was  affirmed,  that  they  would  like  us  uettet  the 
more  they  knew  us,  and  that  in  the  end  we  should  be  gainers 
by  the  connexion. 

VOL.    I.  18 


206 


LIFE    OF 


But  the  other  party  saw  these  things  in  a  different  light. 
As  for  national  dignity,  they  could  not  think  it  was  promoted 
by  going  about  soliciting  alliances,  begging  the  great  powers 
to  take  us  under  their  wings,  cover  us  from  our  enemies,  and 
consent  to  call  us  an  independent  people ;  for,  after  all,  such  a 
recognition  implied  no  more  than  the  name,  since  we  were  al 
ready  de  facto,  dejure  divino,nnd  de  haute  lutte,an  independent 
sovereignty,  let  the  monarchs  of  Europe  think,  say,  or  do  what 
they  would  in  regard  to  us.  Our  true  dignity,  therefore,  re 
quired  that  our  alliance  should  be  sought  by  those,  whom  it 
would  benefit,  and  whose  advances  would  be  a  proof  of  their 
willingness  to  meet  us  on  terms  of  equality. 

Among  our  ministers  abroad,  Dr  Franklin  looked  at  this 
side  of  the  shield,  whilst  Mr  John  Adams  was  as  intent  in  ga 
zing  on  the  opposite.  The  latter  said,  give  us  treaties  with 
all  the  world ;  the  former,  let  us  wait.  It  was  moreover 
doubtful,  whether  as  a  general  principle  treaties  in  any  case 
were  expedient.  They  would  draw  us  into  the  whirlpool  of 
European  politics,  and  involve  us  in  contests  with  which  we 
should  really  have  no  concern ;  fetter  us  with  engagements, 
that  would  essentially  mar  our  interests  in  the  time  of  wars 
between  foreign  powers ;  and  finally  take  away  from  us  the 
advantages,  which  we  might  derive  from  a  state  of  neutrality. 
A  treaty  implies  a  mutual  privilege,  which  each  party  to  the 
contract  is  bound  to  concede  or  bestow.  The  ever  recurring 
wars  of  Europe  derange  the  healthful  order  of  international 
compacts,  and  the  belligerents,  in  retaliating  upon  each  other, 
never  fail  to  encroach  on  the  rights  of  neutrals,  and  seldom 
refrain  from  violating  the  treaties  with  their  friends.  This  is 
the  necessary  consequence  of  war,  and  must  continue  so,  till 
the  code  of  neutral  commerce  is  better  defined  by  the  consent 
and  practice  of  civilized  nations,  than  it  ever  yet  has  been,  or 
perhaps  will  be,  unless  the  passion  for  gain  and  adventures 
shall  be  released,  in  some  degree,  from  its  strong  hold  in  the 
human  breast.  Hence,  separated  as  we  are  by  a  wide  ocean 
from  the  scenes  and  causes  of  turmoil,  we  are  admonished 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  207 

equally  by  reason  and  sound  policy  to  avoid,  as  much  as  pos 
sible,  connexions,  subject  to  be  perpetually  interrupted  by 
events  never  under  our  control,  and  which  entail  upon  us  the 
inevitable  fatality  of  being  the  injured  party.  If  we  receive 
no  benefits  from  treaties,  it  is  a  sufiicient  consolation  that  we 
grant  none.  The  laws  of  nations  afford  to  commerce  all  the 
protection  it  requires,  and  governments  are  too  much  interest 
ed  in  the  profits  and  convenience  of  an  interchange  of  com 
modities,  to  encroach  upon  these  laws  in  the  times  of  peace. 

Such  is  the  spirit  of  the  doctrines  held  by  some  members  in 
the  old  Congress.  Experience  has  proved,  that  they  were  not 
without  wisdom.  Has  a  treaty  yet  been  made,  which  has 
been  respected  by  a  European  power  at  war  ?  Our  first  trea 
ty  with  France  was  violated,  as  soon  as  the  hostile  designs 
of  that  power  made  it  her  interest  to  cramp  the  com 
merce,  and  diminish  the  resources  of  England.  The  first 
treaty  of  peace  with  Great  Britain,  it  is  true,  was  originally  in 
fringed  without  such  a  cause,  but  suffered  equally  afterwards  in 
the  retaliatory  proceedings  against  France.  Of  other  treaties 
it  is  not  necessary  to  speak.  It  will  be  found,  that  in  every 
European  war,  since  our  independence  was  declared,  they 
have  shared  the  same  fate.  But  the  above  remarks,  in  regard 
to  treaties,  do  not  necessarily  apply  to  conventions  for  specific 
purposes,  nor  to  arrangements  for  colonial  trade. 


208  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CONTROVERSY  BETWEEN  NEW  TORK  AND  VERMONT. — VIEWS  OF 
CLINTON,  MORRIS,  AND  HAMILTON  ON  THAT  SUBJECT. MR  MOR 
RIS  RETIRES  FROM  CONGRESS. VALUABLE  PAPERS  WRITTEN  BY 

HIM     ON      AMERICAN     CURRENCY     AND     FINANCE. ACCIDENT     OCCA 
SIONING    THE    LOSS    OF    HIS   LEG. SPAIN   AND   THE    UNITED    STATES. 

BESIDES  the  affairs  of  a  national  bearing,  which  claimed  the 
attention  of  all  the  members  of  Congress  in  common,  there 
was  one  of  special  consideration  devolving  chiefly  on  the  del 
egates  from  New  Yoik.  This  was  the  controversy  between 
that  State  and  Vermont,  respecting  the  independence  and  ju 
risdiction  of  the  people  inhabiting  that  territory. 

For  nearly  thirty  years  before  the  Revolution,  there  had 
been  heart-burnings  and  disputes  between  the  colonies  of  New 
Hampshire  and  New  York,  concerning  the  tract  of  country 
includ  d  between  the  Connecticut  River  and  Lake  Chain  plain, 
then  called  the  New  Hampshire  Grants.  These  first  arose  from 
the  circumstar.se,  of  the  Governor  of  New  Hampshire  assuming 
and  exercising  the  power  of  granting  lands  in  that  territory. 
Many  settlers  from  different  parts  of  New  England  purchased 
lands,  and  established  themselves  there,  under  the  authority  of 
his  warrants.  The  government  of  New  York  considered  this 
an  encroachment  upon  their  limits  and  rights,  and  remonstrated 
with  New  Hampshire  against  such  a  proceeding.  The  contro 
versy  grew  warm,  and  was  at  length  referred  to  the  King. 
After  much  delay  before  that  tribunal,  a  decision  was  finally 
given  in  favor  of  New  York,  confirming  to  that  colony  a  juris 
diction  over  the  whole  country,  as  far  east  as  the  Connecticut 
River. 

This  result  was  far  from  putting  the  question  to  rest,  or 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  209 

quieting  disorders.  The  New  Yorkers  not  only  claimed  juris 
diction  under  this  decision,  but  a  title  to  the  lands,  thus  annull 
ing  all  the  contracts  of  the  Governor  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
requiring  the  settlers  to  pay  for  their  lands  a  second  time,  or 
leave  them.  Warrants  were  issued,  and  purchases  made, 
covering  tracts  already  held  under  the  New  Hampshire  title, 
which  had  heen  paid  for,  and  in  some  instances  cleared  of 
their  timber  and  cultivated  as  farms.  It  is  no  wonder,  that  the 
people,  who  had  now  increased  to  a  respectable  number, 
should  be  indignant  at  such  a  measure,  and  put  themselves  in 
an  attitude  of  self  defence  and  resistance.  In  short,  there 
sprang  up  in  the  hearts  of  these  borderers  a  rancor  and  enmi 
ty  against  New  York,  not  to  be  soothed  by  legislative  enact 
ments,  nor  quelled  by  the  civil  arm.  They  took  into  their  own 
hands  the  task  of  governing  themselves,  and  protecting  their 
lives  and  property,  heedless  of  the  menaces  of  their  powerful 
and  grasping  neighbors.  They  insisted,  and  certainly  with 
more  than  the  show  of  reason,  that,  by  conferring  jurisdiction, 
the  King's  Council  could  never  intend  to  destroy  the  titles  of 
the  inhabitants  to  the  lands,  which  they  had  honestly  bought 
and  paid  for ;  and  if  it  were  possible  that  so  gross  a  piece  of 
injustice  should  have  been  designed,  their  first  duty  to  them 
selves  required  that  they  should  regard  it  neither  with  respect 
nor  obedience.* 


*  The  feelings  of  the  people,  in  regard  to  the  New  Yorkers,  were 
sometimes  displayed  by  a  rather  ludicrous  exhibition.  In  the  town  of 
Bemrington  there  was  an  inn,  called  the  '  Green  Mountain  Tavern? 
which  had  for  its  sign  the  skin  of  a  catamount,  stuffed  and  raised  on  a 
post  twenty-five  feet  from  the  ground,  with  its  head  turned  towards 
New  York,  and  its  teeth  grinning  defiance  to  all  intruders  from  that 
quarter. 

In  this  tavern  the  Committee,  or  board  of  government,  acting  in  the 
triple  capacity  of  a  legislative,  judicial,  and  executive  body,  used  to  sit 
for  the  trial  of  persons  suspected  of  being  hostile  to  the  sovereignty  of 
the  ruling  powers,  or  partiasns  of  New  York.  Such  persons  were 
regarded  much  as  the  tories  were  during  the  war.  One  mode  of 
18* 


210  LIFE    OP 

At  this  juncture  the  revolutionary  war  broke  out,  and  the 
attention  of  all  parties  was  drawn  to  topics  of  weightier  mo 
ment.  But  the  successive  governments  of  New  York  took 
care  not  to  let  the  pretensions  of  their  predecessors  become 
dormant,  and  even  during  the  shortlived  and  unsettled  dynas 
ties  of  Conventions  and  Provincial  Congresses,  they  looked 
with  jealousy  upon  the  forms  of  independence,  which  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys  were  assuming,  and  received  it  in  no 
good  part,  that  the  Continental  Congress  should  sanction  the 
raising  of  a  regiment  of  troops  among  them,  who  were  to  act 
in  some  degree  distinct  from  the  authority  of  New  York.  As 
soon  as  the  constitution  was  established,  and  the  wheels  of  the 
new  machine  began  to  move,  this  business  of  Vermont  was 
again  taken  up  in  earnest.  It  was  referred  to  Congress,  and 
strong  appeals  were  made  against  the  doings  and  claims  of 
these  refractory  citizens.  The  mountaineers  also  sent  on 
their  agents  to  Congress,  and  demanded  to  be  made  a  State, 
and  to  be  taken  into  the  fraternity,  as  an  integral  part  of  the 
Union. 

Meantime  Ethan  Allen,  being  exchanged  and  released  from 
captivity,  returned  home.  He  had  been  the  champion  of  this 
cause  from  its  origin,  and  now  resumed  it  with  his  accustomed 
ardor  and  energy.  He  penned  a  vindication  of  the  people  of 
Vermont,  and  of  their  right  to  become  an  independent  State. 
Mr  Jay  wrote  to  Morris,  in  allusion  to  this  performance ; 
*  Ethan  Allen  has  commenced  author  and  orator.  A  Philippic 
of  his  against  New  York  is  handed  about.  There  is  quaint- 
ness,  impudence,  and  art  in  it.'  But  Ethan  Allen  did  not 
confine  himself  to  his. pen.  He  talked,  and  harangued,  and 


punishing  an  offender  of  this  sort  was  to  tie  him  in  an  armed-chair, 
hoist  him  by  a  rope  up  the  signpost,  and  cause  him  to  be  suspended 
there  for  two  hours  under  the  catamount's  claws,  in  the  sight  of  the 
people.  See  Vermont  State  Papers,  p.  36.  This  was  more  conve 
nient,  more  expeditious,  and  probably  quite  as  effectual,  as  the  tar  and 
feathers  of  a  later  time. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  211 

made  himself  busy  among  the  people,  and  kept  the  tone  of 
popular  sentiment  up  to  the  pitch  he  desired. 

The  legislature  of  New  York  seemed  resolved  on  carrying 
their  point,  and  ministered  fuel  to  the  flame  by  their  discus 
sions  and  resolves.  Governor  Clinton,  prompted  by  his  for 
mer  impressions,  his  private  feelings,  and  his  official  duty, 
wrote  repeatedly  and  in  pressing  terms  to  the  President  of 
Congress  and  the  New  York  delegates,  calling  their  attention 
to  this  subject  as  one  vitally  important  to  the  State. 

It  is  to  be  presumed,  that  the  New  England  members 
generally,  for  wise  political  reasons,  preferred  that  Vermont 
should  become  an  independent  State  ;  but  from  the  sketch  of 
a  debate  on  the  subject,  preserved  in  Mr  Morris's  handwriting, 
it  appears  that  they  did  not  avow  this  ground  openly.  Roger 
Sherman,  who  was  thought  secretly  to  encourage  the  Vermont 
party,  declared  in  this  debate  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  de 
cide  the  controversy,  that  the  confederation  was  not  complete, 
and  if  it  were,  they  could  do  no  more  than  act  as  meditators, 
that  Vermont  ought  to  be  heard  in  the  case  as  well  as  New 
York,  that  if  both  parties  left  it  to  the  decision  of  Congress, 
after  a  full  hearing,  it  might  then  be  taken  up  with  propriety, 
that  the  people  of  the  Grants  were  never  subject  to  New  York 
by  their  own  consent,  that  when  independence  was  declared 
they  were  as  much  included  in  the  declaration,  as  any  other 
persons  in  the  United  States,  and  if  they  now  had  any  differ 
ences  to  settle  with  their  neighbors,  it  did  not  belong  to  Con 
gress  to  interfere.  Mr  Gerry  maintained  nearly  the  same  doc 
trine,  denied  the  power  of  Congress  to  intermeddle,  regarded 
the  inhabitants  of  Vermont  as  extra  provincial,  who,  as  such, 
might  set  up  for  themselves,  and  believed  an  arbitrary  decis 
ion  by  Congress  would  give  fresh  discontent  and  increase  the 
difficulty.  Some  of  the  southern  members  accorded  with 
these  sentiments,  and  argued  that  nothing  could  be  done  at 
any  rate,  without  definite  instructions  from  the  several  States. 
From  some  circumstances  it  may  be  inferred,  that  Mr  Mor 
ris's  views  did  not  differ  widely  from  those  just  enumerated. 


212 


LIFE    OF 


He  wrote  to  Mr  Jay ;  {  Vermont  is  yet  Vermont,  and  I 
think  no  wise  man  will  pretend  to  say  when  it  will  cease  to  be 
so.  The  local  situation  of  that  country  is  critical,  and  there 
are  in  it  some  ardent  spirits,  whose  termiganl  quality  has  been 
too  little  attended  to.  Strange  that  men,  in  the  very  act  of 
revolting,  should  so  little  consider  the  temper  of  revolters. 
But  this  is  eternally  the  case.  We  can  reason  well  in  our 
closets  about  past  events ;  we  come  out  into  the  world  and  act 
blindly  ;  we  look  towards  the  future  and  are  bewildered.'  To 
Governor  Clinton  he  also  wrote  ;  '  I  wish  the  business  of  Ver 
mont  were  settled.  I  fear  we  are  pursuing  a  shadow,  with  re 
spect  to  that  matter,  and  every  day  I  live,  and  everything  I 
see,  give  to  my  fears  the  consistence  of  opinion.  It  is  a 
mighty  arduous  business  to  compel  the  submission  of  men  to  a 
political  or  religious  government.  Jt  appears  to  me  very 
doubtful  whether  Vermont,  if  independent,  would  not  be  more 
useful  to  New  York,  than  as  the  Eastern  District.'  He  ad 
ded  his  belief,  moreover,  that  the  government  of  the  State 
would  be  more  manageable,  and  greater  benefits  derived  to 
the  people,  from  a  less  extent  of  territory ;  that  the  security 
of  a  republic  is  the  diffusion  of  knowledge,  and  the  vigor 
and  spirit  of  a  common  sentiment,  which  may  persuade  and 
animate  every  heart ;  that  '  the  attempt  would  be  more  virtu 
ous,  and  more  honorable,  to  force  cultivation  through  the  bar 
rier  of  a  land  monopoly,  and  to  spread  its  influence  over  a 
hoarded  wilderness,  than  vainly  to  subdue  or  acquire,  or  more 
vainly  to  covet,  a  wide  dominion  extensively  useless.'  These 
opinions  were  not  relished  by  his  friend,  the  Governor,  nor 
by  ihe  other  prominent  characters  in  his  own  State.  At  a 
later  period,  in  writing  to  Governor  Clinton,  he  recurred  to 
the  same  topics  as  follows. 

( If  I  differ  with  you  in  sentiment  on  any  occasion,  it  must 
be  because  we  have  a  different  view  of  the  subject.  Neither 
of  us  can  be  influenced  by  improper  motives,  especially  on  the 
present  occasion.  You  speak  of  submitting  cheerfully  to  the 
decision  of  Congress.  Two  questions  arise  here.  Will  Con- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  213 

gress  decide  ?  Will  the  disaffected  submit  ?  I  doubt,  both  as 
to  the  one  and  the  other.  When  I  had  the  honor  of  a  seat  in 
Congress,  I  knew  tolerably  well  the  sentiments  and  dispositions 
on  those  subjects.  Depend  on  it,  time  has  not  given  you  any 
strength  there.  You  certainly  cannot  dictate  to  them.  When 
I  say  you,  I  mean  the  State,  or  if  you  please  its  delegates. 
Whether  you  have  not  even  less  influence  is  a  problem,  which 
I  will  not  resolve. 

'  Again,  the  revolt  has  daily  less  in  it  of  novelty,  and, man 
kind  have  a  reluctance  at  shaking  what  looks  like  establish 
ment.  We  contemplate  effects,  and  seldom  concern  ourselves 
about  causes.  In  a  hundred  years  not  above  one  American  in" 
a  hundred  will  care  about  the  tea  act,  or  stamp  act,  or  examine 
whether  the  declaration  of  independence  was  justifiable  or  un 
justifiable.  Further,  the  Congress  have  daily  less  weight  and 
more  embarrassments.  It  is  needless  to  ask  why,  supposing 
the  fact.  The  Congress,  therefore,  will  not,  I  believe,  make 
any  decision.  Indeed,  if  all  other  obstacles  were  removed, 
still  a  great  question  will  remain.  Can  Congress  interfere 
between  a  State  and  its  subjects?  Admitting,  however,  their 
decision  in  all  its  force,  would  it  be  obeyed  ?  No  more  nor 
sooner  than  the  pope's  bull.  What  then  remains  ?  Just  what 
is  now  before  us,  either  compulsion  or  neglect.  Either  let 
these  people  alone,  or  conquer  them.  1  prefer  the  latter,  but 
I  doubt  the  means.  If  we  have  the  means,  let  them  be  used, 
and  let  Congress  deliberate  and  decide,  or  deliberate  without 
deciding,  it  is  of  no  consequence.  Success  will  sanctify  every 
operation.  Forty  victims  to  public  justice  or  wrath,  and  sub 
mission  from  the  rest  of  the  people,  will  convince  everybody. 
These  are  arguments,  which  are  perfectly  irresistible. 

'  If  we  have  not  the  means  of  conquering  these  people,  we 
must  let  them  quite  alone.  We  must  continue  our  impotent 
threats,  or  we  must  make  a  treaty.  If  we  let  them  alone,  they 
become  independent  de  facto  at  least.  Hundreds  will  resort 
to  them  for  different  reasons.  They  will  receive  lands  from 


214  LIFE    OF 

them,  and  cultivate  them  under  of  the  powers  which  are.  When 
the  dispute  is  again  renewed,  these  cultivators  will  I  believe 
be  better  soldiers  than  logicians,  and  more  inclined  to  defend 
their  possessions,  than  examine  their  titles.  If  we  continue 
our  threats,  they  will  either  hate  or  despise  us,  and  perhaps 
both.  We  shall  thoroughly  alienate  their  affections.  They 
will  become,  in  the  unphilosophic  language  of  politicians,  our 
natural  enemies,  and  always  prove  a  most  troublesome  and 
disagreeable  neighbor.  On  the  whole,  then,  my  conclusion  is 
here,  as  on  most  other  human  affairs,  act  decisively,  fight  or 
submit — conquer  or  treat.' 

Here  the  idea  of  a  power  in  Congress  to  decide  the  contro 
versy  is  abandoned.  Indeed  this  idea  gradually  lost  ground 
on  all  hands,  and  the  New  Yorkers  began  to  talk  of  force,  and 
compulsory  measures.  But  the  prudent  were  willing  to  pause 
at  the  threshold  of  such  a  design.  When  Hamilton  was  in 
Congress  from  New  York,  as  late  as  July,  1783,  he  said,  in 
writing  to  the  Governor  about  the  Vermont  affair,  <  it  is  a  bu 
siness  in  which  nobody  cares  to  act  with  decision.  As  intima 
ted  before,  I  much  doubt  the  perseverance  of  Congress,  if  mil 
itary  coercion  should  become  necessary.  I  am  clear  that  the  on 
ly  chance  the  legislature  have  for  receiving  any  part  of  the  re 
volted  territory,  is  by  a  compromise  with  New  Hampshire, 
and  this  compromise  must  originate  between  the  States  them 
selves.  I  hope  the  legislature  will  revise  the  late  act  for  con 
firming  the  possessions  of  those,  who  hold  lands  in  that  coun 
try.  I  am  certain  there  are  doubts  upon  the  subject,  and  it 
were  much  to  be  wished  such  doubts  did  not  exist.  The 
present  dissatisfaction  of  the  army  is  much  opposed  to  any  ex 
periment  of  force  in  a  service,  where  scruples  of  interest 
or  prejudice  may  operate.' 

What  is  here  meant,  by  '  scruples  of  interest,'  may  be  ex 
plained  by  the  fact,  that  a  chief  cause  of  the  deep  hostility  of 
a  party  in  New  York  towards  their  neighbors  of  the  Green 
Mountains,  originated  in  the  purchase  of  lands,  which  the  for- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  215 

mer  had  made,  in  consequence  of  the  decision  of  the  King's 
Council  against  the  claims  of  New  Hampshire.  It  was  of 
course  the  interest  of  these  proprietors  to  keep  the  contest 
alive,  and  if  possible  to  subdue  the  refractory  inhabitants,  who 
had  the  hardihood  to  cling  to  the  soil  by  the  right  of  previous 
purchase  and  long  possession.  Things  remained  in  the  same 
unsettled  state,  after  the  war  was  closed ;  nor  was  anything 
decisive  effected,  till  the  constitution  of  the  United  States  had 
been  adopted  by  New  York,  when  the  difficulties  with  Ver 
mont  were  at  length  amicably  adjusted  between  the  two  par 
ties  ;  Vermont  agreeing  to  pay  thirty  thousand  dollars,  as  a  full 
indemnity  to  persons  in  New  York  holding  titles  to  lands  with 
in  its  boundaries. 

The  time  at  length  approached,  when  the  term  for  which 
Mr  Morris  had  been  elected  to  Congress  was  to  expire.  The 
members  from  New  York  were  chosen  annually  by  the  legis 
lature,  and  he  had  been  twice  returned.  Meantime  his  duties 
in  the  national  councils  had  confined  him  so  closely,  that  he 
had  not  found  leisure  to  visit  his  native  State,  nor  scarcely  to 
be  absent  for  a  day  from  active  service,  during  a  period  of 
nearly  two  years.  Rumors  reached  him,  that  his  enemies 
were  busy  in  framing  a  scheme  to  defeat  his  re-election,  and — 
some  of  his  friends,  among  whom  were  Duer  and  Livingston, 
advised  him  to  make  a  jaunt  to  the  State  of  New  York,  while 
the  legislature  was  in  session,  and  attend  to  his  interests  in  that 
quarter  before  the  new  election  came  round.  He  listened  to 
their  advice,  and  obtained  leave  of  absence  from  Congress. 
His  visit  was  too  late,  however,  to  counteract  the  aims  and 
arts  of  his  opponents,  and  he  was  superseded  by  another  can 
didate. 

The  reason  of  this  change,  in  the  favorable  opinion  of  the 
electors,  is  not  manifest  from  any  documents  or  records  now 
remaining.  The  tradition  is,  that  he  was  charged  with  neg 
lecting  the  concerns  of  his  State,  and  giving  himself  too  much 
to  the  business  and  politics  of  the  nation.  Considering  that 
there  was  commonly  two  or  three  other  members  present  from 


2J6  LIFE    OF 

New  York,  who  were  not  accused  of  any  such  deficiency,  and 
in  whose  hands  the  comparatively  subordinate  affairs  of  the 
State  might  be  presumed  to  receive  their  due  share  of  notice, 
this  must  appear,  as  it  really  was,  a  very  frivolous  pretext.  It 
redounded  rather  to  his  credit  than  reproach,  and  should  have 
been  an  irresistible  argument,  in  the  estimation  of  all  true  pat 
riots,  for  his  being  continued  in  a  post,  which  his  talents  and 
habits  rendered  him  so  peculiarly  well  qualified  to  fill. 

The  policy  of  turning  out  an  able  representative,  because  he 
is  better  suited  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  whole  nation,  than 
those  of  a  fragment,  is  like  saving  the  mast,  but  letting  the  ship 
sink. 

This  pretext  was  a  convenient  handle  to  be  laid  hold  of, 
however,  by  the  ambitious  and  intriguing,  to  work  upon  narrow 
minds  and  politicians  of  the  village  stamp.  To  gain  the  men 
of  this  cast,  in  a  contested  election,  is  not  unfrequently  to  gain 
the  point  at  issue.  Morris's  lukewarmness  about  Vermont,  and 
his  heretical  doctrines  on  that  head,  were  doubtless  numbered 
among  his  sins  of  neglect,  if  not  of  absolute  malfeasance.  A 
report  also  went  about,  that  he  was  looking  to  a  foreign  mis 
sion,  and  was  disposed  to  accept  the  place  of  Secretary  of 
Legation  under  Dr  Franklin  in  Paris.  This  was  true  at  one 
time,  though  he  afterwards  changed  his  views,  and  declined 
being  considered  a  candidate. 

All  these  offences,  and  perhaps  a  much  longer  catalogue  of 
a  similar  complexion,  would  seem  to  have  been  put  forward 
by  his  zealous  adversaries,  as  proofs  of  his  indifference  to  the 
interests  of  his  constituents,  and  of  his  unsuitableness  to  repre 
sent  the  State  of  New  York  in  Congress. 

The  very  imperfect  sketch  of  his  career  in  that  Assembly, 
which  has  been  given  above,  will  show  with  what  extreme  in 
justice  he  could  be  charged  with  neglect  of  duty,  and  any  one 
who  will  take  the  trouble  of  examining,  even  the  meagre  jour 
nals  of  Congress  within  that  space,  will  find  his  conviction  of 
this  truth  doubly  enforced.  He  will  be  satisfied,  that  nothing 
but  a  prodigious  industry,  firm  health  of  body,  and  a  wide 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  217 

grasp  of  mental  powers,  could  have  enabled  him  to  endure 
and  perform  so  much.  If  he  was  fond  of  society  and  relaxa 
tion,  gayety  and  amusements,  as  is  generally  reported  and 
believed,  this  is  only  another  testimony  to  the  remarkable 
energy  of  his  character,  the  quickness  of  his  conceptions,  the 
fertility  of  his  resources,  his  patience  and  self  command.  He 
never  shrunk  from  any  task  ;  he  never  commenced  one,  which 
he  left  unfinished. 

Not  many  years  before  his  death,  a  person  applied  to  him 
for  written  materials,  respecting  events  of  the  revolution  in 
which  he  had  been  personally  engaged.  His  reply  will  add 
light  to  this  subject.  *  I  have  no  notes,'  said  he,  '  or  memo 
randums  of  what  passed  during  the  war.  I  led  then  the  most 
laborious  life,  which  can  be  imagined.  This  you  will  readily 
suppose  to  have  been  the  case,  when  I  was  engaged  with  my 
departed  friend,  Robert  Morris,  in  the  office  of  finance.  But 
what  you  will  not  so  readily  suppose  is,  that  I  was  still  more 
harassed  while  a  member  of  Congress.  Not  to  mention  the 
attendance  from  eleven  to  four  in  the  House,  which  was  com 
mon  to  all,  and  the  appointment  to  special  committees,  of 
which  I  had  a  full  share,  I  was  at  the  same  time  chairman,  and 
of  course  did  the  business,  of  three  standing  committees,  viz. 
on  the  commissary's,  quartermaster's,  and  medical  depart 
ments.  You  must  not  imagine,  that  the  members  of  these 
committees  took  any  charge  or  burden  of  the  affairs.  Neces 
sity,  preserving  the  democratical  forms,  assumed  the  monarch 
ical  substance  of  business.  The  chairman  received  and  an 
swered  all  letters  and  other  applications,  took  every  step 
which  he  deemed  essential,  prepared  reports,  gave  orders,  and 
the  like,  and  merely  took  the  members  of  a  committee  into  a 
chamber,  and  for  the  form's  sake  made  the  needful  communi 
cations,  and  received  their  approbation,  which  was  given  of 
course.  I  was  moreover  obliged  to  labor  occasionally  in  my 
profession,  as  my  wages  were  insufficient  for  my  support.  1 
would  not  trouble  you  with  this  abstract  of  my  situation,  if  it 
did  not  appear  necessary  to  show  you  why  I  kept  no  notes  of 

VOL.    I.  19 


218  LIFE    OF 

my  services,  and  why  I  arn  perhaps  the  most  ignorant  man 
alive  of  what  concerns  them.'  All  the  papers  he  has  left  per 
taining  to  that  period,  as  well  as  the  printed  records,  confirm 
the  accuracy  of  this  picture  of  his  life  in  Congress. 
S  Being  no  longer  in  a  public  station,  he  became  a  citizen  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  established  himself  as  a  lawyer  in  Philadel 
phia,  where  he  had  already  gained  a  respectable  standing  in 
his  profession.  During  the  five  years  of  service,  however, 
which  he  had  rendered  to  the  great  cause  of  the  country  at 
that  trying  period,  his  mind  had  become  so  much  imbued  with 
the  spirit  of  the  time,  and  so  deeply  interested  in  national  affairs, 
that  the  mere  change  from  an  official  to  a  private  situation 
was  not  enough  to  turn  his  thoughts  from  their  accustomed 
channel,  nor  to  weaken  his  efforts  for  the  general  good.  On 
the  contrary,  it  was  at  this  crisis,  that  he  exhibited  a  most 
creditable  proof  of  his  patriotism  and  talents. 
-  At  no  time  during  the  war  did  the  finances  of  the  country 
put  on  so  gloomy  an  aspect,  and  its  fiscal  energies  seem  so 
completely  prostrate,  as  in  the  year  1780.  The  machinery  of 
credit,  paper  circulation,  and  forced  certificates,  had  run  its 
rounds,  till  it  could  move  no  longer,  and  the  whole  fabric 
threatened  speedily  to  tumble  in  pieces,  and  involve  the  ex 
istence  of  the  nation  in  its  ruins.  The  impending  danger  was 
manifest  to  all,  but  how  to  avert  it  was  a  problem,  which  none 
ventured  to  solve.  To  submit  to  the  fatality  of  circumstances, 
and  be  carried  along  with  the  train  of  events,  encouraged  on 
ly  by  the  feeble  taper  of  expiring  hope,  was  all  that  was  left  to 
the  bravest,  the  wisest,  and  the  best.  In  a  righteous  cause, 
the  justice  of  Heaven,  and  a  calm  endurance,  were  their  con 
fidence  and  strength. 

uring  the  months  of  February  and  March,  of  the  year 
above  named,  Mr  Morris  wrote  a  series  of  essays  on  the  con 
tinental  currency  and  finance,  which  were  published  in  the 
Pennsylvania  Packet,  and  signed  AN  AMERICAN.  In  these  pa 
pers  he  takes  a  wide  view  of  the  subject,  and  at  the  same 
time  in  a  manner  so  methodical  and  condensed,  as  to  be  intel- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  219 

ligible  to  all  readers.  He  begins  by  discussing,  with  great 
clearness  and  precision,  the  nature  of  money  as  a  medium  of 
exchange,  the  origin  and  utility  of  a  paper  substitute  for  specie, 
the  mutual  dependence  of  money  and  credit,  the  sources  and 
foundation  of  credit,  the  causes  of  its  decline,  and  the  conse 
quent  depreciation  of  that  sign  of  wealth,  which  relies  exclu 
sively  on  opinion  for  its  support. 

One  of  the  devices  of  Congress  to  keep  up  a  falling  curren 
cy,  or  rather  of  the  States  upon  the  recommendation  of  Con 
gress,  was  to  bring  it  under  the  control  of  legislation,  and,  by 
compulsory  enactments,  to  make  it  a  legal  tender  at  a  specified 
value  in  payment  of  debts,  thus  adopting  the  principle,  which 
has  been  at  the  bottom  of  all  the  knavery  in  the  dealings 
among  men  since  the  world  began,  namely,  an  attempt  to 
get  something  for  nothing.  Laws  of  this  sort  M  r  Morris  at 
tacks  with  keen  severity,  showing  them  to  be  useless  and,  un 
just.  Before  the  paper  depreciates  they  are  useless,  because 
it  will  then  pass  without  them  ;  afterwards  they  are  unjust,  for 
it  defrauds  the  creditor  of  the  whole  amount  of  the  deprecia 
tion,  from  the  time  the  credit  was  given.  Not  only  so,  but  the 
necessary  effect  of  these  laws  is  to  destroy,  and  not  to  sustain, 
the  value  of  the  declining  currency.  If  a  square  dollar  of  pa 
per  is  as  good  as  a  round  one  of  silver,  why  compel  the  holder 
of  the  latter  to  exchange  it  for  the  former  ?  The  plea  of  ne 
cessity  will  not  stop  the  clamorous  mouth  of  inquiry,  nor  soft 
en  the  iniquity  of  injustice.  It  will  destroy  the  confidence  of 
the  people  in  the  integrity,  as  well  as  the  wisdom,  of  the  gov 
ernment. 

Another  phantom,  which  haunted  the  dreams  of  the  states 
men  of  that  day,  was  the  regulation  of  prices  by  law.  We 
have  heretofore  seen  what  was  done  to  that  effect  in  New 
England.  This  scheme  Mr  Morris  classes  with  the  tender 
laws,  in  its  futility  and  unjustifiableness,  and  combats  it  upon 
the  same  principles.  He  discards  the  idea,  that  depreciation 
is  a  proper  tax  on  the  community,  or  a  fit  mode  of  collecting 
a  tax,  and  shows  that  it  falls  chiefly  on  those,  who,  from  their 


220  LIFE    OF 

attachment  to  the  government,  or  confidence  in  it,  receive  the 
paper,  and  are  thus  ruined  by  the  patriotic  spirit,  which  it 
should  be  the  aim  of  government  to  excite  and  cherish. 

He  next  considers  a  tax  on  money,  and  argues  against  it  as 
impolitic  and  iniquitous.  "Tt  tends  to  drive  money  from  circu 
lation,  or  from  the  country,  thus  rendering  it  more  difficult  to 
collect  a  certain  amount  of  it  in  the  shape  of  a  tax,  and  it  in 
duces  the  necessity  of  selling  a  greater  quantity  of  commodi 
ties  to  produce  that  amoumV  l  Add  to  this,'  he  says,  { that  the 
tax  can  never  be  rendered  effectual.  Money  is  of  too  subtle 
and  spiritual  a  nature  to  be  caught  by  the  rude  hand  of  the 
law.  How  will  you  find  a  man's  money  ?  I  know  there  is  a 
trite  reply  very  ready  with  some  folks.  But  what  should  we 
think  of  a  government,  that  would  offer  to  every  one  of  its 
subjects  a  reward  for  perjury,  exactly  proportioned  to  his 
wealth  ?  And  what  difference  is  there,  except  in  name,  be 
tween  such  an  offer  and  laying  a  tax,  the  quantum  of  which  is 
to  be  determined  by  the  oath  of  the  party.  It  must  be  admit 
ted,  lhat  some  men  would  by  perjury  elude  the  law,  and  this 
being  admitted,  it  follows  that  the  law  would  be  a  tax  upon 
honesty  and  not  upon  money.  A  tax  then  on  specie  is  unjust 
and  unwise ;  a  tax  on  paper  is  more  unwise  and  more  unjust ; 
and  of  all  modes,  in  which  it  can  be  laid  or  collected,  depre 
ciation  is  the  worst.' 

After  thus  discussing  the  topics  of  money,  paper  circulation, 
and  taxes,  he  proceeds  to  that  of  monopoly,  or  the  purchasing 
of  articles  in  large  quantities,  with  the  view  of  speculating  on 
an  advance  in  the  price,  a  practice  much  followed  during  the 
war,  and  against  which  the  people  had  taken  up  strong  preju 
dices,  regarding  it  as  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  calamity  and 
distress.  Mr  Morris  entertained  an  opposite  opinion,  and 
pursued  the  subject  through  an  ingenious  train  of  reasoning 
and  facts.  Putting  out  of  the  question  the  motives  of  monop 
olizers,  which  were  like  the  motives  of  all  other  dealers, 
namely,  to  make  money  by  selling  at  a  higher  price  than  the 
one  at  which  they  bought,  he  shows  with  great  clearness  that, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  221 

under  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  times,  this  method  was 
productive  of  advantages  to  the  community,  which  could  have 
arisen  in  no  other  way,  such  as  economy  gradually  introduced 
in  consumption,  the  activity  imparted  to  commerce,  and  the 
comparative  steadiness  of  prices.  Monopoly,  to  any  dangerous 
extent,  was  moreover  impossible,  and  as  far  as  it  could  be 
practised  was  useful.  To  the  people  generally,  who  suffered 
without  looking  deeply  into  causes,  this  was  a  new  doctrine, 
but  it  was  set  forth  with  an  ability,  which,  if  it  did  not  in  all 
cases  produce  a  conviction,  must  have  awakened  reflection, 
and  made  them  more  contented  with  the  necessary  state  of 
things. 

Having  explained  and  defended  these  principles,  he  applies 
them  to  the  plans  adopted  and  course  pursued  by  Congress 
and  the  States,  and  exhibits  the  errors  into  which  he  con 
ceives  they  had  fallen  in  matters  of  finance,  especially  by 
obstructions  thrown  in  the  way  of  trade,  and  by  futile  at 
tempts  to  regulate  by  law  the  business  of  barter  and  ex 
change,  in  the  common  articles  of  necessity  and  convenience, 
which  no  human  power  can  control. 

Difficulties  having  been  thus  stated  and  discussed,  he  next 
proceeds  to  suggest  a  remedy,  and  to  show  how  public  credit 
may  be  re-established,  the  whole  amount  of  debt  funded,  and 
taxes  raised  for  its  payment.  As  this  last  point  was  the  basis" 
of  the  whole  structure,  he  draws  out  a  scheme  of  taxation, 
very  ingeniously  and  plausibly  framed,  and  we  may  believe,  in 
the  main,  practicable,  had  anything  been  practicable  in  over 
coming  the  obstacles,  which  pressed  so  heavily  against  every 
project  for  raising  money,  or  taking  out  of  the  people's  pockets 
what  nobody  was  willing  to  spare,  and  what  few  had  to  give. 
But  the  truth  is,  the  powers  of  Congress  were  so  limited  and 
feeble,  that  no  plan,  however  sagaciously  devised,  or  well  ma 
tured,  could  be  carried  into  effect.  The  people  thought  their 
work  done,  when  they  had  suffered,  murmured,  and  com 
plained.  Loud  calls  to  duty  that  were  not  heard,  recommen 
dations  not  heeded,  and  reproaches  not  felt,  were  the  only  and 
19* 


222  LIFE    OF 

the  unavailing  resort  of  the  patriot  statesmen,  whose  task  it 
was  in  the  midst  of  peril  and  uncertainty  to  establish  the  exist 
ence,  and  wield  the  destinies,  of  the  nascent  empire. 

In  one  of  the  essays  is  a  passage,  which  suggests  reflections 
at  all  times  important,  and  which  may  frequently  be  presented 
with  advantage  to  the  public  men  of  the  United  States. 

'The  last  object  I  shall  mention,'  he  observes,  'is  the  pre 
servation  of  our  federal  union,  which,  in  my  poor  opinion,  will 
greatly  depend  on  the  management  of  our  revenue.  The  arti 
cles  of  confederation  were  formed,  when  the  attachment  to 
Congress  was  great  and  warm.  The  framers  of  it,  therefore, 
seem  to  have  been  only  solicitous  how  to  provide  against  the 
power  of  that  body,  which,  by  means  of  their  foresight  and  care, 
now  exists  by  mere  courtesy  and  sufferance.  This  is  an  evil, 
which  cannot  at  present  be  remedied,  but  if,  in  addition  to 
this,  a  number  of  long  accounts,  and  quotas,  and  proportions  be 
left  for  settlement,  until  the  enemy  be  removed  at  a  distance, 
and  the  fear  of  them  also  removed,  these  will  afford  so  much 
matter  for  litigation,  and  occasion  such  heart-burnings,  and  give 
such  room  for  the  intrigues,  which  Great  Britain  has  already 
attempted,  and  which  will  doubtless  be  carried  on  by  her  or 
some  other  foreign  power,  that  our  union  will  become,  what 
our  enemies  long  since  declared  it  was,  a  mere  rope  of  sand. 
Congress  then,  like  the  traveller's  coat  in  the  fable,  after  hav 
ing  been  hugged  close  through  the  stormy  hour  of  danger,  will 
be  cast  aside  as  a  useless  burden,  in  the  calm  and  sunshine  of 
peace  and  victory.  Surely  the  consequences  of  such  a  meas 
ure,  the  struggles,  the  convulsions,  the  miseries,  need  not  be 
pictured  to  a  sensible  and  discerning  people.' 

Throughout  these  papers  there  is  a  tone  of  disinterested 
public  spirit,  a  vein  of  profound  and  sagacious  reflection,  a 
practical  wisdom,  and  a  high  moral  feeling,  which  give4 a  most 
favorable  impression  of  the  author's  talents  and  good  sense, 
and  entitle  him,  even  at  that  early  period  of  his  life,  to  an  hon 
orable  rank  among  the  distinguished  men  of  the  day.  Indeed 
it  is  not  likely,  that  there  can  anywhere  else  be  found  a  view, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  223 

so  complete  and  comprehensive,  of  the  financial  proceedings  of 
the  old  Congress,  the  nature,  operations,  and  effects  of  the 
paper  currency,  as  in  these  essays. 

In  the  month  of  May,  1780,  an  accident  happened  to  Mi- 
Morris,  the  severe  effects  of  which  continued  through  his  life. 
While  driving  his  phaeton  in  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  the 
horses  took  fright  and  ran  off,  and,  in  endeavoring  to  control 
them,  he  was  thrown  with  such  violence  upon  the  pavement,  as 
to  dislocate  the  ankle  joint  and  fracture  the  bones  of  his  left 
leg.  His  friend  and  favorite  physician  Dr  Jones  was  out  of 
town,  but  two  others  were  called,  who  recommended  an  imme 
diate  amputation,  as  affording  the  best  prospect  of  saving  his 
life.  This  operation  was  accordingly  performed,  and  the  leg 
was  taken  off  below  the  knee.  He  was  confined  three  or  four 
months,  before  he  gained  strength  to  go  abroad,  but  he  was  in 
the  family  of  Mr  Plater,  a  member  of  Congress  from  Maryland 
then  residing  in  Philadelphia,  where  he  received  every  atten 
tion,  which  kindness  and  sympathy  could  dictate,  and  for 
which  he  ever  after  manifested  the  strongest  sense  of  grati 
tude. 

It  has  been  affirmed,  that  Dr  Jones  was  never  satisfied  with 
the  precipitancy  of  the  attending  physicians,  in  advising  an 
amputation,  believing  the  fracture  was  not  such  as  to  render 
that  extreme  process  necessary,  and  it  is  said  the  case  has 
been  commonly  cited  by  surgical  lecturers,  acquainted  with 
the  particulars,  as  a  proof  of  unskilful  management  and  the 
rashness  of  hasty  decision.  Be  this  as  it  may,  he  submitted 
without  remonstrance  to  an  immediate  operation.  A  gentle 
man  present,  who  informed  his  mother  of  the  event  by  letter, 
on  the  day  it  happened,  wrote  thus;  'Your  son,  with  that 
firmness  of  mind,  which  accompanies  him  on  all  occasions, 
convinced  of  the  necessity  there  was  for  it,  consented  to  the 
amputation  being  instantly  performed.'  It  is  remarked,  that 
his  elasticity  of  spirits  and  cheerfulness  of  temper  did  not 
desert  him,  even  in  times  of  acute  pain.  An  anecdote  is 
related  illustrative  of  this  fact,  and  somewhat  characteristic  of 


224  LIFE    OF 

the  man.  The  day  after  the  accident  occurred,  a  friend  called 
to  see  him,  who  thought  it  his  duty  to  offer  as  much  consola 
tion  as  he  could,  on  an  event  so  melancholy.  He  dwelt  upon 
the  good  effects,  which  such  a  trial  would  produce  on  his 
character  and  moral  temperament,  and  the  diminished  induce 
ments  it  would  leave  for  seeking  the  pleasures  and  dissipations 
of  life,  into  which  young  men  are  too  apt  to  be  led.  '  My 
good  Sir,'  replied  Mr  Morris,  'you  argue  the  matter  so  hand 
somely,  and  point  out  so  clearly  the  advantages  of  being  with 
out  legs,  that  I  am  almost  tempted  to  part  with  the  other.' 

To  another  person,  who  visited  him  on  the  same  occasion, 
and  gave  utterance  to  his  feelings  of  sympathy  and  regret,  he 
replied  ;  '  O,  Sir,  the  loss  is  much  less  than  you  imagine  ;  I 
shall  doubtless  be  a  steadier  man  with  one  leg  than  with  two.' 

A  plain  wooden  leg,  or  what  was  scarcely  more  than  a 
rough  stick  properly  fitted  to  the  limb,  was  the  remedy  for 
this  loss,  and  he  soon  acquired  such  a  facility  in  its  use,  that 
it  gave  him  little  trouble,  either  |in  walking  or  in  other  move 
ments  of  his  body.  After  he  arrived  in  Europe,  he  saw  peo 
ple  walking  about  with  cork  legs,  and  making  a  figure  as  he 
conceived  so  much  more  graceful  than  his  limb  of  oak,  that 
he  resolved  to  try  the  experiment.  A  leg  maker  was  sent 
for,  and  various  contrivances  fabricated,  but  he  found  fault 
with  them  all,  and,  after  a  short  trial,  he  dismissed  the  artist 
and  his  cork  inventions,  and  returned  to  the  simplicity  of  his 
original  substitute,  which  he  never  again  laid  aside.  On  one 
occasion  he  asked  a  favor  for  his  wooden  leg,  which  was 
readily  granted,  although  a  serious  encroachment  on  court  eti 
quette  ;  and  this  was,  that  when  he  should  be  introduced  to 
the  King  of  France,  as  Minister  from  the  United  States,  he 
should  be  allowed  to  appear  without  a  sword. 

The  following  extracts  from  a  letter  to  Mr  Jay,  who  was 
then  at  Madrid  as  Minister  from  the  United  States  to  Spain, 
contain  opinions  respecting  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi. 
Congress  were  much  divided  on  that  subject,  but  the  majority 
were  not  inclined  to  insist  on  the  right  of  navigation,  provided 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  225 

such  a  demand  should  be  a  decided  bar  against  any  treaty  or 
arrangement  with  Spain,  by  which  that  power  should  be  led  to 
aid  the  United  States  in  the  war.  Mr  Morris  was  among  that 
number. 

4  We  stand  in  need  of  assistance,  and  you  must  procure  it.  1 
am  very  sensible  that  Spain,  under  her  present  circumstances, 
cannot  advance  money  at  Madrid.  She  wants  there  the  pow 
er,  and  everywhere  the  will.  The  difference  between  us  ap 
pears  to  me  absurd,  in  every  point  of  view,  at  least  on  our  part. 
Two  persons  contend  together  about  the  property  and  posses 
sions  of  a  third.  This,  under  any  civil  or  municipal  law,  would 
be  absurd;  surely,  it  is  as  absurd  under  the  law  of  nations,  un 
less  there  is  a  clause  in  that  law,  which  declares  that  red  men 
are  not  entitled  to  the  same  rights  as  white  men.  We  ask  a 
territory  arid  a  navigation.  The  territory  we  cannot  occupy, 
the  navigation  we  cannot  enjoy.  We  cannot  occupy  the  terri 
tory  at  present,  or  in  future ;  at  present,  because  we  have  not 
men  5  in  future,  because  we  cannot  govern  it.  The  most  we 
can  expect  is,  that  an  emigration  from  the  whole  world,  where 
of  one  hundredth  or  perhaps  not  so  much  shall  be  our  descen 
dants,  will  claim  title  under  us  to  a  part  of  the  soil,  and  then  set 
up  independence.  It  is  impossible  to  monopolize  theorems  and 
corollaries.  The  principles,  which  caused  and  which  justify 
the  present  revolution,  will  cause  and  justify  as  many  more,  as 
time  and  circumstances  may  furnish  occasion  for.  The  ques 
tion  then  resolves  itself  into  this  ;  shall  we  be  bounded  by  a 
wilderness,  or  a  rival  nation  ?  Reason  says  the  former,  and 
bids  us  pursue  the  path  which  leads  to  it.  The  blind  avarice 
of  dominion  may  propel  us  into  another  road,  but  it  leads  to 
ruin. 

;  As  to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  everybody  knows 
that  the  rapidity  of  the  current  will  forever  prevent  ships  from 
sailing  up,  however  easily  they  may  float  down.  Now,  unless 
some  new  dragon  shall  be  found,  whose  teeth,  sown  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  will  produce  seamen,  I  know  not  where 
else  they  will  be  obtained  to  navigate  ships  abroad,  which  can 


226  LIFE    OF 

never  return  home.  But  if  this  navigation  were  as  easy,  and 
advantageous,  as  it  is  useless  and  impracticable,  its  effect 
would  be  only  the  soonei  to  dissever  the  ultramontane  coun 
try,  the  sooner  to  dissolve  all  commercial  connexion  between 
us,  and  the  sooner  to  produce  every  unhappy  consequence  of 
it.  The  foregoing  arguments  are  brought  to  operate  in  a  very 
oblique  line,  for  the  conclusion  is  admitted,  and  then  comes 
the  question,  is  not  Spain  sensible  of  this,  and  being  sensible 
of  it,  why  will  she  refuse  us  a  right,  which  it  is  demonstrated 
we  can  never  exercise  ?  Is  not  this  to  take  advantage  of  our 
distress,  and  to  treat  on  principles  of  inequality  ?  I  may  be 
mistaken,  but  I  find  something  very  futile  in  this  question.  I 
do  not  see  the  right,  on  which  the  whole  matter  turns.  I  dis 
cover  it  neither  by  my  own  reasoning,  nor  by  those  of  any 
good  writers,  nor  in  the  history  of  human  affairs. 

*  We  must  lament,  that  some  circumstances  in  our  finance 
and  policy  have  given  colorable  ground  to  inculpate  us.  What 
then  must  be  the  effect  of  our  requisition  on  that  jealous  pow 
er,  who  has  more  to  hope  and  to  fear  from  us,  than  all  the 
world  besides  ?  The  faithful  guarantee  of  our  union  would  in 
sure  to  Spain  her  American  dominions,  and  our  ambition  or 
avarice  would  tear  them  away  from  her,  and  ruin  us  by  the 
possession.  We  are  poor,  and  Spain  can  serve  us  now ;  we 
can  serve  her  always  ;  our  mutual  interests  are  therefore  unit 
ed;  they  are  indeed  the  same.  Embarked  in  the  same  cause 
we  are  brethren,  and  the  precept,  "  take  heed  that  ye  fall  not 
out  by  the  way,"  should  be  read,  understood,  and  felt  by  both. 
The  present  difference  is  madness.  Great  caution  on  her 
part,  and  great  pride  on  ours,  which  I  conscientiously  believe 
to  be  mistaken  pride,  these  impede  us  both  in  the  prosecution 
of  a  common  object.  Let  me  add,  on  the  whole,  that  a  near 
neighborhood  is  never  a  good  neighborhood.' 

In  regard  to  what  is  here  said  of  Spain,  it  is  demonstrable, 
that  she  did  not  intend  to  treat  on  any  terms,  and  Mr  Jay  was 
amused  and  deceived,  during  the  two  years  and  a  half  that  he 
remained  in  that  kingdom,  by  the  duplicity  of  an  artful  Minis- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  27 

try,  till  he  was  called  away  to  assist  in  making  the  peace  of 
Paris.  The  records  of  his  acts,  in  conducting  the  fruitless  ne 
gotiation  in  Madrid,  are  among  the  fairest  testimonies  of  his 
firmness,  address,  and  talents,  and  are  equally  dishonorable  to 
the  sincerity,  and  disgraceful  to  the  dignity  of  Spain.  There 
were  perhaps  good  reasons,  why  that  cabinet  should  be  tar 
dy  in  recognising  the  independence  of  the  United  States, 
considering  the  circumstances  of  the  Spanish  possessions  on 
this  continent,  but  there  was  no  reason,  there  could  be  none, 
why  they  should  practise  deceit,  excite  delusive  hopes,  and 
make  promises  with  which  they  never  intended  to  comply.  A 
slender  but  insidious  encouragement  was  held  out,  nt  the  first 
stage  of  the  revolutionary  contest,  enough  to  raise  expecta 
tions  and  elicit  confidence,  which  was  succeeded  by  heartless 
professions  and  idle  pretences,  till  the  end  of  the  war.  The 
United  States  are  in  no  degree  indebted  for  their  existence  as  a 
nation,  either  to  the  good  will  or  good  wishes  of  Spain,  to  say 
nothing  of  more  substantial  benefits,  that  would  have  done 
them  infinite  service  in  their  time  of  need. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

ORGANIZATION  OF  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENTS  IN  CONGRESS. — ROBERT  R, 
LIVINGSTON. — ROBERT  MORRIS,  AT  THE  HEAD  OF  THE  FINANCE  DE 
PARTMENT. — GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  ASSISTANT  FINANCIER. — BANK  OF 
NORTH  AMERICA. — NEW  INSTRUCTIONS  FOR  NEGOTIATING  PEACE. — MR, 
MORRIS'S  OPINIONS  RESPECTING  THEM. — FIRST  SECRETARY  OF  WAR. — 

M.  RENDON. 

THE  manner  of  transacting  the  various  forms  of  government 
in  Congress  by  committees,  adopted  at  first  from  necessity, 
and  continued  because  it  was  difficult  afterwards  to  effect  a 
change,  became  at  length  so  complicated  and  perplexing,  as 
to  demand  serious  attention  and  a  speedy  remedy.  Congress 


LIFE    OF 

exercised  at  the  same  time  legislative  and  executive  powers ; 
they  passed  resolves  in  their  capacity  of  representatives,  and 
executed  them  by  committees  chosen  from  their  own  numbers. 
This  mode  introduced  a  multiplicity  of  affairs,  and  a  pressure 
of  business,  suited  neither  to  regularity  nor  despatch.  The 
committees  were  in  a  measure  irresponsible  bodies;  much  was 
left  undone,  and  more  was  done  imperfectly.  This  remark 
applies  with  particular  force  to  the  foreign  affairs  and  fi 
nance,  each  of  which  required  great  ability,  as  well  as  the  un 
divided  care  of  an  individual  officer,  for  its  proper  management. 

These  evils  were  early  perceived  by  Congress,  and  they 
grew  more  and  more  apparent  daily.  Much  time  was  ex 
pended  in  discussing  the  subject  of  a  new  arrangement,  but 
the  workings  of  party  spirit,  the  interested  views  of  some  mem 
bers,  the  doubts,  and  fears,  and  divided  opinions  of  others, 
caused  delays  injurious  to  the  public  welfare.  It  was  finally 
resolved  to  institute  a  department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  three 
civil  executive  departments,  that  is,  of  Finance,  War,  and  Ma 
rine,  with  a  Secretary  at  the  head  of  each. 

While  the  subject  was  under  discussion  in  Congress,  the 
qualifications  necessary  in  the  persons,  who  should  fill  these  of 
fices,  naturally  became  a  topic  of  general  interest  and  inquiry. 
At  this  time  Mr  Morris  wrote  the  following  sketch. 

4  To  determine  who  should  be  appointed  Minister  either  of 
the  Finances,  of  War,  of  the  Marine,  or  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
may  be  difficult ;  but  it  may  not  be  so  difficult  to  determine 
the  qualities  requisite  for  each  of  these  departments,  and  hav 
ing  thereby  established  a  rule,  the  proper  persons  will  be 
more  easily  ascertained.  These  qualities  will  be  classed 
under  the  different  heads  of  genius,  temper,  knowledge,  edu 
cation,  principles,  manners,  and  circumstances. 

1  Our  Minister  of  the  Finances  should  have  a  strong  under 
standing,  be  persevering,  industrious,  and  severe  in  exacting 
from  all  a  rigid  compliance  with  their  duty.  He  should  pos 
sess  a  knowledge  of  mankind,  and  of  the  culture  and  com 
merce,  produce  and  resources,  temper  and  manners  of  the  dif- 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS. 

ferent  States ;  habituated  to  business  on  the  most  extensive 
scale,  particularly  that  which  is  usually  denominated  money 
matters  ;  and,  therefore,  not  only  a  regular  bred  merchant,  but 
one  who  has  been  long  and  deeply  engaged  in  that  profession. 
At  the  same  time,  he  should  be  practically  acquainted  with  our 
political  affairs,  and  the  management  of  public  business; 
warmly  and  thoroughly  attached  to  America,  not  bigoted  to 
any  particular  State  ;  and  his  attachment  founded  not  on  whim, 
caprice,  resentment,  or  a  weak  compliance  with  the  current  of 
opinion,  but  on  a  manly  and  rational  conviction  of  the  benefits 
of  independence,  his  manners  plain  and  simple,  sincere  and 
honest,  his  morals  pure,  his  integrity  unblemished  ;  and  he 
should  enjoy  general  credit  and  reputation,  both  at  home  and 
abroad . 

'  Our  Minister  of  War  should  have  a  mind  penetrating,  clear, 
methodical,  comprehensive,  joined  with  a  firm  and  indefatiga 
ble  spirit.  He  should  be  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  sol 
diery,  know  the  resources  of  the  country,  be  most  intimately 
informed  of  the  geography  of  America,  and  the  means  of  march 
ing  and  subsisting  armies  in  every  part  of  it.  He  should  be 
taken  from  the  army,  and  have  acted  at  some  time  or  other 
as  a  quartermaster  general,  if  not  as  a  commander  in  a  sep 
arate  department.  He  should  be  attached  to  the  civil  head  of 
the  empire,  and  not  envious  of  the  glory  of  others,  but  ambi 
tious  of  honest  fame  ;  his  manners  those  of  a  generous  soldier, 
and  not  of  an  intriguing  politician  ;  disagreeable  to  no  consid 
erable  body  or  denomination  of  men,  and  by  all  means  agree 
able  to  the  commander  in  chief. 

'  A  Minister  of  the  Marine  should  be  a  man  of  plain  good 
sense,  and  a  good  economist,  firm  but  not  harsh  ;  well  ac 
quainted  with  sea  affairs,  such  as  the  construction,  fitting,  and 
victualing  of  ships,  the  conduct  and  manoeuvre  on  a  cruise  and 
in  action,  the  nautical  face  of  the  earth,  and  maritime  pheno 
mena.  He  should  also  know  the  temper,  manners,  and  dispo 
sition  of  sailors  ;  for  all  which  purposes  it  is  proper,  that  he 
should  hive  been  bred  to  that  business,  and  have  followed  it, 
VOL.  i.  20 


230  LIFE    OF 

in  peace  and  in  war,  in  a  military,  and  commercial  capacity. 
His  principles  and  manners  should  be  absolutely  republican, 
and  his  circumstances  not  indigent. 

4  A  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  should  have  a  genius  quick, 
lively,  penetrating  ;  should  write  on  all  occasions  with  clear 
ness  and  perspicuity  ;  be  capable  of  expressing  his  sentiments 
with  dignity,  and  conveying  strong  sense  and  argument  in  easy 
and  agreeable  diction ;  his  temper  mild,  cool,  and  placid ; 
festive,  insinuating,  and  pliant,  yet  obstinate  ;  communicative, 
and  yet  reserved.  He  should  know  the  human  face  and  heart, 
and  the  connexions  between  them ;  should  be  versed  in  the 
laws  of  nature  and  nations,  and  not  ignorant  of  the  civil  and 
municipal  law  ;  should  be  acquainted  with  the  history  of  Eu 
rope,  and  with  the  interests,  views,  commerce,  and  productions 
of  the  commercial  and  maritime  powers ;  should  know  the 
interests  and  commerce  of  America,  understand  the  French 
and  Spanish  languages,  at  least  the  former,  and  be  skilled  in 
the  modes  and  forms  of  public  business  ;  a  man  educated  more 
in  the  world,  than  in  the  closet,  that  by  use,  as  well  as  by 
nature,  he  may  give  proper  attention  to  great  objects,  and  have 
proper  contempt  for  small  ones.  He  should  be  attached  to 
the  independence  of  America,  and  the  alliance  with  France,  as 
the  great  pillars  of  our  politics  ;  and  this  attachment  should 
not  be  slight  and  accidental,  but  regular,  consistent,  and  foun 
ded  in  strong  conviction.  His  manners  gentle  and  polite  ; 
above  all  things  honest,  and  least  of  all  things  avaricious.  His 
circumstances  and  connexions  should  be  such,  as  to  give  solid 
pledges  for  his  fidelity ;  and  he  should  by  no  means  be  dis 
agreeable  to  the  Prince,  with  whom  we  are  in  alliance,  his 
Ministers,  or  subjects.' 

The  two  important  departments  were  those  of  foreign  affairs 
and  finance.  Robert  R.  Livingston,  the  early  and  intimate 
friend  of  Mr  Morris,  was  appointed  to  the  former.  Whether 
he  came  up  in  all  respects  to  the  portrait  drawn  above,  it  would 
be  inapposite  to  inquire.  It  may  be  affirmed,  however,  that 
he  filled  the  office  with  dignity,  and  executed  its  duties  with 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  231 

ability,  promptness,  and  complete  success.  Congress  were 
divided  in  his  election.  There  was  a  party  for  Arthur  Lee, 
but  whoever  has  attended  to  that  Commissioner's  correspon 
dence  in  France,  and  has  witnessed  there  the  exhibitions  of 
his  mind  and  temper,  must  think  it  a  fortunate  circumstance 
for  the  public,  that  so  important  a  station  was  reserved  for 
a  person  possessing  other  and  very  different  qualities.  To 
talents  of  a  high  order,  and  a  cool  judgment,  Mr  Livingston 
added  zeal,  energy,  and  a  facility  in  affairs,  not  often  com 
bined  in  the  same  individual.  He  remained  at  the  head  of 
this  department  till  the  war  was  over,  a  position  novel  in  its 
character,  and  difficult  in  its  complicated  relations,  but  sus 
tained  in  a  manner  that  reflects  equal  honor  upon  his  patri 
otism  and  discretion,  his  discernmeut  as  a  statesman,  and  his 
integrity  as  a  faithful  and  efficient  officer. 

But  whatever  may  have  been  thought,  in  regard  to  the 
candidates  suitable  for  the  other  departments,  there  was  but 
one  opinion  in  Congress  and  in  the  nation,  as  to  the  proper 
person  for  taking  charge  of  the  finances,  then  in  a  dilapidated 
and  most  deplorable  condition.  The  public  sentiment  every 
where  pointed  to  Robert  Morris,  whose  great  experience  and 
success  as  a  merchant,  his  ardor  in  the  cause  of  American 
liberty,  his  firmness  of  character,  fertility  of  mental  resources, 
and  profound  knowledge  of  pecuniary  operations,  qualified 
him  in  a  degree  far  beyond  any  other  person  for  this  arduous 
and  responsible  station.  There  is  no  doubt,  that  he  was  the 
original  in  the  eye  of  the  writer,  when  he  sketched  the 
above  traits  of  a  minister  of  finance.* 


*  Robert  Morris  was  one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  and  a  warm  advocate  for  that  measure  after  it  was  estab 
lished,  though,  with  some  other  true  and  tried  patriots  of  that  day,  he 
considered  the  time  at  which  it  was  done  premature  and  inappropriate, 
On  the  twenty  seventh  of  October,  1777,  he  wrote  to  General  Gates  as 
follows. 

'  Mr  Johnson,  and,  indeed,  all  the  other  Maryland  delegates,  are  at 


232  LIFE    OF 

After  his  appointment  by  Congress,  there  was  a  little  diffi 
cult  in  arranging  the  details  of  his  office,  and  some  scrupu 
lous  members  hesitated  in  yielding  him  the  powers  he  requir 
ed.  He  well  knew,  that  unless  he  could  act  with  decision  and 
authority,  he  could  effect  nothing,  which  would  satisfy  general 
expectation,  or  enable  him  to  execute  his  designs.  For  his  own 
security,  therefore,  as  well  as  for  the  public  good,  he  demanded 
that  the  choice  of  all  officers,  who  were  in-any  way  connected 
with  his  department,  and  for  whose  conduct  he  was  at  least 
indirectly  responsible,  should  be  in  himself,  and  their  remo 
val  at  his  discretion.  This  was  a  startling  proposition  to  those 
prudent  members  of  Congress,  who  were  always  looking  for  the 
downfall  of  the  republic  to  the  ambitious  aims  of  its  leaders, 
and  whose  dreams  were  peopled  with  the  phantoms  of  tyrants 
made  giddy  by  the  intoxicating  draught  of  power.  The  army 


home,  forming  a  Constitution.  This  seems  to  be  the  present  business 
of  all  America,  except  the  army.  It  is  the  fruit  of  a  certain  premature 
declaration,  which  you  know  I  always  opposed.  My  opposition  was 
founded  on  the  evil  consequences  I  foresaw,  or  thought  I  foresaw, 
and  the  present  state  of  several  of  the  colonies  justifies  my  appre 
hension.  We  are  disputing  about  liberties,  privileges,  posts,  and  pla 
ces,  at  the  very  time  we  ought  to  have  nothing  in  view,  but  the  secur 
ing  of  those  objects,  and  placing  them  on  such  a  footing,  as  to  make 
them  worth  contending  for  amongst  ourselves  hereafter.  But,  instead 
of  that,  the  vigor  of  this  and  several  other  States  is  lost  in  intestine 
divisions ;  and,  unless  this  spirit  of  contention  is  checked  by  some 
other  means,  I  fear  it  will  have  a  baneful  influence  on  the  measures 
of  America. 

'Nothing  do  I  wish  for  more  than  a  peace,  on  terms  honorable  and 
beneficial  to  both  countries ;  and  I  arn  convinced  it  is  more  consistent 
with  the  interest  of  Great  Britain  to  acknowledge  our  independence, 
and  enter  into  commercial  treaties  with  us,  than  to  persist  in  attempt 
ing  to  reduce  us  to  unconditional  submission.  I  hope  we  shall  never 
be  reduced  to  such  a  vile  situation,  whilst  a  true  friend  of  America  and 
freedom  exists.  Life  would  not  be  worth  having,  and  it  is  better  to 
perish  by  the  sword,  than  to  drag  out  our  remaining  days  in  misery 
and  scorn ;  but  I  hope  Heaven  has  better  things  in  store  for  the  vota 
ries  of  such  a  cause.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  233 

suffered  throughout  the  war  from  this  trembling  timidity  of  the 
civil  fathers,  this  fearful  distrust  of  the  strength  of  purpose  and 
self-control  of  the  leading  agents  of  their  will.  In  the  exam 
ples  of  other  times  and  countries,  it  is  true,  they  had  read 
monitory  lessons,  and  they  felt  themselves  more  safe  in  cau 
tion  than  confidence.  Within  certain  bounds,  this  was  wise. 
The  fault  was  in  narrowing  the  bounds,  and  curtailing  powers, 
till  effort  was  cramped  and  great  ends  often  defeated.  Good 
sense  got  the  better  of  suspicion,  however,  in  the  case  of 
Robert  Morris,  and  conceded,  although  by  a  tardy  acquies 
cence,  the  terms  he  required. 

As  soon  as  Congress  had  made  provision  for  an  assistant 
officer  in  his  department,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Gouverneur  Morris. 

'Office  of  Finance,  July  6th,  1781. 
'  Dear  Sir, 

f  The  cheerful  manner  in  whicK  you  agreed  to  render  me  the 
assistance  I  solicited,  soon  after  my  appointment  to  the  super- 
intendency  of  the  Finances  of  the  United  States,  gave  me  great 
pleasure  on  my  own  account,  and  a  still  more  solid  satisfaction 
on  account  of  my  country.  Depending  solely  on  myself,  I 
trembled  at  the  arduous  task  I  had  reluctantly  undertaken ; 
aided  by  your  talents  and  abilities  I  feel  better  courage,  and 
dare  indulge  the  fond  hope,  that,  uniting  our  utmost  exertions 
in  the  service  of  our  country,  we  may  be  able  to  extricate  it 
from  the  present  embarrassments,  and  dispel  those  only  clouds, 
that  seem  to  hang  destructive  over  it. 

1  The  honorable  Congress,  by  their  act  of  this  date,  have 
fixed  a  salary  for  the  assistant,  whom  I  may  appoint,  agreeable 
to  the  powers  annexed  to  my  office  by  a  former  act  of  Con 
gress.  My  entire  conviction  of  the  great  and  essential  servi 
ces,  which  your  genius,  talents,  and  capacity  enable  you  to 
render  to  your  country,  and  of  that  aid,  ease,  and  confidence 
you  can  and  will  administer  to  my  own  exertions  and  feelings, 
never  left  me  one  moment  to  hesitate  about  the  choice  I  should 
make.  I  only  lament,  that  the  provision  allowed  by  Congress 
20* 


234 


LIFE    OF 


is  not  more  adequate  to  your  deserts,  but  as  I  know  you  are 
incapable  of  mercenary  views  and  considerations,  this  circum 
stance  shall  be  overlooked  for  the  present,  in  expectation  that 
the  utility  of  our  measures  may  draw  a  proper  attention  from 
those,  who  employ  us.  •  At  any  rate  we  will  hav;e  the  conso 
lation  to  pursue  the  interest  of  the  United  States  to  the  best  of 
our  judgment  and  abilities,  whether  we  meet  with  suitable 
rewards  or  not. 

(  Therefore,  it  is  with  the  utmost  satisfaction,  that  I  do  here 
by  appoint  you  assistant  to  the  Superintendent  of  the  Finances 
of  the  United  States  of  North  America,  and  I  do  assure  you, 
that  nothing  will  make  me  more  happy,  than  to  acquire  and  di 
vide  with  you  the  thanks  of  our  country,  and  applause  of  the 
world  ;  ford  am,  with  esteem  and  affection,  your  sincere  friend 
and  obedient  servant, 

4  ROBERT  MORRIS/ 

In  his  reply  Mr  Morris  observes  ;  '  you  estimate  my  talents 
more  highly  than  they  deserve,  but  such  as  they  are,  my  coun 
try  may  command  them.  Greatly  to  curtail  salaries  is  a  false 
economy,  because  it  brings  men  into  office,  who  are  incapable 
of  the  duties,  or  unworthy  of  confidence.  On  the  present  oc 
casion,  I  am  not  sorry  the  allowance  is  so  moderate.  I  will 
demonstrate,  that  the  partiality  of  friendship  has  not  influenced 
your  choice,  nor  the  motives  of  interest  induced  my  accept 
ance.'  Immediately  after  the  date  of  these  letters,  he  entered 
publicly  upon  the  duties  of  his  office.  Indeed,  he  had  been 
performing  the  same  duties  for  about  two  months,  ever  since 
the  Superintendent  took  charge  of  his  post.  He  wrote  to  Mr 
Jay  ; — '  Finance,  my  friend,  the  whole  of  what  remains  of  the 
American  revolution  grounds  there.  The  States  begin  more 
and  more  to  see  the  necessity  of  complying  with  the  requisi 
tions  of  Congress.  This  is  good.  Congress  will  by  necessity 
be  pressed  to  something  like  urgency  and  vigor.  This  is  also 
good.  But  necessity  is  a  severe  preceptor  and  sometimes 
spoils  the  scholar.  However,  on  this  subject  I  will  be  silent.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  235 

The  salary  allowed  for  the  services  of  the  Assistant  Financier 
was  eighteen  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  a  year.  * 

One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  was  to 
propose  the  plan  of  a  bank  ;  which  was  incorporated  by  Con 
gress  under  the  name  of  the  Bank  of  North  America.  Mr 
Gouverneur  Morris  says  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  written  not  long 
before  his  death,  '  the  first  bank  in  this  country  was  planned  by 
your  humble  servant.'  By  this  he  probably  meant,  that  he 
drew  up  the  plan  of  the  bank,  and  the  observations  accompa 
nying  it,  which  were  presented  to  Congress,  and  not  that  he 
individually  originated  the  scheme.  This  was  doubtless  ma 
tured  in  conjunction  with  the  Superintendent.  A  warm  friend 
ship  had  existed  between  them  for  some  time,  which  it  may 
be  presumed  was  increased  by  a  similarity  in  their  turn  of  mind 
for  financial  pursuits.  To  Hamilton,  also,  may  properly  be 
ascribed  a  portion  of  the  merit  in  forming  this  bank.  About 
two  weeks  before  the  plan  was  sent  to  Congress,  Hamilton  wrote 
a  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  enclosing  an  elaborate  project  for  a 
bank.  In  a  letter  acknowledging  the  reception  of  this  paper 
the  Financier  speaks  of  it  with  commendation.  He  says, 
'I  have  read  your  performance  with  that  attention,  which  it 
justly  deserves,  and  finding  many  parts  of  it  to  coincide  with 
my  own  opinions  on  the  subject,  it  naturally  strengthened  that 
confidence,  which  every  man  ought  to  possess  to  a  certain  de 
gree  in  hi's  own  judgment.'  He  then  tells  him,  that  he  shall 
communicate  it  to  the  directors  of  the  bank,  to  aid  them  in 
their  deliberation  on  certain  points,  which  it  was  not  thought 
expedient  to  embrace  in  the  plan  itself,  particularly  that  of  in 
terweaving  a  security  with  the  capital. 

This  bank  had  an  extraordinary  effect  in  restoring  public 


*  It  may  be  worth  while  here  to  remark,  that  there  was  no  relation 
ship  of  family  between  Robert  Morris  and  Gouverneur  Morris ;  at  least 
none  which  could  be  traced  by  them.  Robert  Morris  was  born  in  Eng 
land,  and  came  to  America  when  he  was  thirteen  years  old,  his  father 
having  emigrated  some  time  before. 


236  LIFE    OF 

and  private  credit  in  the  country,  and  was  of  immense  utility 
in  aiding  the  future  operations  of  the  Financier,  although  it 
was  begun  with  the  small  capital  of  four  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars.  Hamilton's  project  contemplated  a  vastly  larger  sum,  in 
which  Mr  Morris  agreed  with  him,  but  its  immmediate  success 
on  so  large  a  scale  was  doubtful,  and  if  it  failed  in  the  outset, 
it  could  not  be  revived  ;  whereas,  by  beginning  with  a  small 
capital,  and  establishing  a  credit  with  the  public  gradually,  it 
would  be  easy  afterwards  to  increase  the  amount,  and  in  the 
end  all  needful  advantages  would  be  derived,  to  the  utmost 
extent  of  banking  facilities.* 

During  the  three  years  and  a  half,  in  which  Mr  Morris  act 
ed  as  Assistant  Financier,  he  was  so  closely  devoted  to  the  af« 
fairs  of  that  department,  that  his  life  afforded  few  incidents  of 
much  biographical  interest.  From  fragments  which  remain  it 
would  appear,  that  his  correspondence  was  kept  up  with  a  good 
deal  of  regularity,  but  he  was  so  negligent  at  that  time  in  retain 
ing  copies  of  his  letters,  and  preserving  papers,  that  I  have  not 
succeeded  in  gathering  many  particulars  illustrative  of  his  do 
ings  or  opinions.  A  few  brief  memorandums  of  causes,  and 
heads  of  arguments,  which  still  exist,  indicate  that  he  was  oc 
casionally  engaged  in  the  business  of  his  profession,  notwith 
standing  his  financial  duties.  Just  before  his  appointment  as 
assistant,  he  went  to  head  quarters  on  a  mission  to  confer 
with  General  Washington,  respecting  supplies  for  the  army, 
which  Robert  Morris  had  undertaken  to  provide  in  a  time  of 
great  distress,  by  pledging  his  own  credit,  a  rare  and  lofty 
proof  of  patriotism,  exhibited  by  him  on  more  occasions  than 
one  to  relieve  the  pressing  wants  of  his  country. 

About  this  time,  Congress  appointed  four  additional  Com 
missioners  for  negotiating  peace,  to  be  joined  with  Mr  Adams, 


*  The  Plan  of  this  Bank  may  be  seen  in  the  Diplomatic  Correspon 
dence  of  the  American  Revolution,  Vol.  vii.  p.  444.  The  Bank  did  not 
go  into  actual  operation  for  the  transaction  of  business,  tillJanuary  3d, 
1782.  See  Vol.  xii.  p.  76. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  237 

who  bad  already  been  sent  out  for  that  purpose.  There  was 
a  clause  in  the  instructions,  which,  although  approved  by  a 
large  majority  of  Congress,  was  much  disrelished  by  others, 
and  considered  derogatory  to  the  national  dignity.  The 
Commissioners  were  directed  to  ;  undertake  nothing  in  the  ne 
gotiations  for  peace,  or  truce,  without  the  knowledge  and  con 
currence  of  the  French  cabinet,  and  ultimately  to  govern  them 
selves  by  their  advice  and  operation.'  This  condescension  to 
France,  and  submission  to  the  will  and  guidance  of  her  Minis 
ters,  in  the  all  important  affair  of  treating  for  peace,  were  look 
ed  upon  as  a  token  of  humiliation  unworthy  of  the  spirit  of  an 
independent  nation,  and  not  to  be  justified  by  any  ties  of  alli 
ance,  or  any  debt  of  gratitude.  Mr  Jay  was  one  of  the  new 
Commissioners,  and,  in  writing  to  him  immediately  after  the 
instructions  had  passed  through  Congress,  Mr  Morris  uttered 
his  opinions  on  the  subject  freely  and  forcibly. 

'Although  I  believe  myself  thoroughly  acquainted  with  you, 
yet  I  cannot  tell  whether  I  ought  to  congratulate  or  condole 
with  you  on  your  late  appointment.  Ere  this  reaches  you, 
you  will  have  learnt,  that  you  are  on  the  part  of  this  country 
one  of  the  Commissioners  for  negotiating  a  peace.  So  far  is 
well,  but  when  you  come  to  find  by  your  instructions,  that  you 
must  ultimately  obey  the  dictates  of  the  French  Ministers,  I 
am  sure  there  is  something  in  your  bosom,  that  will  revolt  at 
the  servility  of  the  situation.  To  have  relaxed  on  all  sides,  to 
have  given  up  all  things,  might  easily  have  been  expected 
from  those  minds,  which,  softened  by  wealth  and  debased  by 
fear,  are  unable  to  gain  and  unworthy  to  enjoy  the  blessings  of 
freedom.  But  that  the  proud  should  prostitute  the  very  little 
dignity  this  poor  country  was  possessed  of,  would  be  indeed 
astonishing,  if  we  did  not  know  the  near  alliance  between 
pride  and  meanness. 

'  Men,  who  have  too  little  spirit  to  demand  of  their  constitu 
ents  that  they  do  their  duty,  who  have  sufficient  humility  to 
beg  a  paltry  pittance  at  the  hands  of  any  and  every  sovereign 
such  men  will  always  be  ready  to  pay  the  prices,  which  vanity 


LIFE    OF 

shall  demand  from  the  vain.  Do  I  not  know  you  well  enough 
to  believe,  that  you  will  not  act  in  this  new  capacity  ?  I  think 
I  do,  and  therefore  I  will  express  my  concern,  that  you  must 
decline  the  proffered  honor,  if  that  name  can  indeed  he  ap 
plied  to  such  an  office.  Decline  it,  however,  with  decency  and 
dignity.  I  mean  always  if  no  alteration  shall  take  place,  which, 
if  1  can  effect  it,  shall  be  done,  though  I  almost  despair.' 

Mr  Jay  and  the  other  Commissioners  accepted  their  appoint 
ments,  nevertheless,  and  no  change  was  made  in  the  instruc 
tions,  but  they  took  care  to  quiet  the  clamors  of  conscience, 
and  save  the  wounded  dignity  of  their  country,  by  breaking 
them  as  soon  as  they  came  to  act.  They  cut  the  Gordian 
knot  in  the  way,  in  which  all  such  knots  are  usually  cut.  In 
this  they  did  partly  right  and  partly  wrong.  They  did  right 
to  act  for  themselves,  and  on  their  own  responsibility,  and 
make  as  good  a  treaty  as  they  could ;  they  did  wrong  in  sign 
ing  the  treaty  without  the  knowledge  and  concurrence  of  their 
friends  and  allies,  who  were  still  their  friends,  and  wished 
them  all  the  success  they  could  gain,  in  spite  of  their  jealou 
sies,  suspicions,  and  surmises.  But  this  is  trenching  on  the 
ground  of  history,  a  task  more  fitting  to  be  pursued  on  some 
other  occasion  than  the  present. 

The  appointment  of  a  secretary  at  war  was  deferred  for 
some  months  after  those  of  the  finance  department  and  of 
foreign  affairs.  Mr  Morris  wrote  to  General  Greene,  urging 
him  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  office,  or  at  least  to  accept  it  if 
appointed.  But  he  declined  on  various  grounds,  though  it 
would  seem,  from  the  following  letter,  that  Mr  Morris  did  not 
think  his  determination  had  been  unalterably  fixed. 

'  Philadelphia,  December  24th,  1781, 

*  Dear  Sir, 

'  Lincoln  is  our  Minister  of  War,  and  the  election  to  that 
office  has  been  to  you  most  honorable,  for  all  agreed  that  you 
were  the  proper  person,  and  nothing  prevented  your  unani 
mous  appointment,  but  an  opinion  almost  as  unanimous,  that,  if 
recalled  from  your  command,  you  could  not  be  replaced. 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  239 

That  you  were  not  chosen  I  do  truly  lament,  for  I  can  with 
great  truth  assure  you,  that  I  know  not  a  man  who  is  in  my 
opinion  equal  to  the  office  except  yourself.  It  is,  however, 
much  consolation  to  me,  that  General  Lincoln  is  an  honest 
and  a  sensible  man,  and,  what  is  also  of  importance,  that  he  is  an 
industrious  man.  These  are  qualities,  which  will  make  him 
a  good  Minister,  if  not  a  great  one,  and  these  qualities  will 
go  far  towards  restoring  or  rather  creating  that  order  and  reg 
ularity,  without  which  a  Minister  of  the  most  superior  genius 
and  talents  would  be  only  a  lion  in  the  toils,  and  be  the  soon 
er  exhausted  in  proportion  to  his  superior  strength  and  more 
vigorous  struggles. 

'I  shall  not  now  attempt  to  remove  your  obstacles  to  the 
acceptance,  though  it  is  right  that  they  shoulcf  not  weigh  with 
you  too  heavily,  because  it  is  not  impossible  that  your  country 
may  still  call  you  from  the  field  to  serve  in  the  cabinet.  I 
cannot,  however,  omit  the  present  opportunity  of  lodging  in 
the  bosom  of  friendly  confidence  my  sentiments  of  our  interior 
political  situation.  That  Congress  have  not  proper  powers  I  see, 
T  feel,  and  I  lament.  Their  Ministers  have  the  arduous  task 
before  them  to  govern  without  power,  nay,  more,  to  obtain  the 
power  necessary  to  govern.  They  must  persuade  where  oth 
ers  command,  and  the  strong  phalanx  of  private  interest,  with 
the  impetuous  sallies  of  private  politics  and  party,  encounters 
them  at  every  step. 

'  These  features  of  our  character  and  situation  are  very  dis 
agreeable,  but  are  not  these  the  distinguishing  marks  of  gov 
ernment  in  its  infancy,  in  every  age  and  in  every  clime  ?  To 
reinforce  the  reasonings,  to  impress  the  arguments,  and  to 
sweeten  the  persuasions  of  the  public  servants,  we  have  that 
great  friend  to  sovereign  authority,  a  foreign  war.  Conviction 
goes  but  very  slowly  to  the  popular  mind,  but  it  goes.  The 
advantages  of  union  and  decision  in  carrying  on  a  war,  the 
disadvantages,  which  flow  from  the  want  of  them,  the  waste, 
the  expense,  and  inefficacy  of  disjointed  efforts  over  the  face 
of  an  immense  region,  the  incornpetency  of  determining  what 
is  best  for  the  whole  through  thirteen  different  communities, 


240  LIFE    OF 

whose  rulers  are  yet  ignorant  of  what  is  best  even  for  the  sin 
gle  one  which  they  govern ;  these,  with  the  thousand  others, 
which  it  is  hardly  in  language  to  enumerate  or  in  genius  to 
conceive,  or  in  anything  but  experience  to  show,  these  must 
at  last  induce  the  people  of  America,  if  the  war  continues,  to 
entrust  proper  powers  to  the  American  sovereign,  as  they  have 
already  compelled  that  sovereign  reluctantly  to  relinquish  the 
administration,  and  entrust  to  their  Ministers  the  care  of 
this  immense  republic.  I  say,  if  the  war  continues,  or  if  it 
does  not  continue,  I  have  no  hope,  no  expectation,  that  the 
government  will  acquire  force  ;  and  I  will  go  further,  I  have 
no  hope,  that  our  union  can  subsist,  except  in  the  form  of  an 
absolute  monarchy,  and  this  does  not  seem  to  consist  with 
the  taste  and  temper  of  the  people.  The  necessary  conse 
quence,  if  I  am  right,  is,  that  a  separation  must  take  place, 
and  consequently  wars,  for  near  neighbors  are  very  rarely,  if 
ever,  good  neighbors.  But  all  political  reasonings  are  liable  to 
very  great  uncertainty,  and  it  is  only  the  Supreme  Intelligence, 
who  can  determine  sufficiently,  even  on  facts  to  ground  reason 
ings.  Still,  our  conduct  must  be  swayed  by  our  opinions,  and 
therefore  from  the  same  attachment  to  the  happiness  of  man 
kind,  which  prompted  my  first  efforts  in  this  revolution,  I  am 
now  induced  to  wish,  that  Congress  may  be  possessed  of  more, 
much  more  authority,  than  has  hitherto  been  delegated  to 
them. 

'  Though  you  are  not  Minister  of  War,  you  must  act  in  some 
measure  as  such,  and  you  will  see  that  you  are  also  to  be  a 
kind  of  financier.  Indeed  the  distance  of  the  Southern  States, 
the  interruptions  in  communications  with  them,  the  changes 
which  take  place  before  facts  can  be  known  here,  and  determi 
nations  on  them  transmitted  from  hence,  all  require  that  a  man 
of  sense  and  integrity  should  act  on  liberal  principles,  as  circum 
stances  may  require.  From  considerations  like  these,  I  have 
been  induced  to  think,  that  there  was  wisdom  in  leaving  you 
where  you  are,  and  I  might  have  agreed  in  opinion  on  that 
subject  with  other  people,  only  I  am  inclined  to  think,  that 
the  Southern  States  will  be  evacuated. 


COUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  241 

'You  have,  I  am  convinced,  very  much  the  confidence  of 
those  States,  and  I  rely  that  you  will  press  them  hard  on  the 
score  of  revenue.  You  remember  the  story  of  Archimedes, 
who  said  to  the  king  of  Syracuse,  give  me  a  place  to  stand  on 
and  I  will  move  the  earth.  It  may  with  great  truth.be  said  to 
the  several  States,  give  money  to  support  us  and  we  will  es 
tablish  your  independence.  With  great  regard  and  sincerity, 
I  am  yours, 

'GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

At  this  time  there  was  a  Spanish  agent  in  Philadelphia,  by 
the  name  of  Rendori,  acting  in  a  kind  of  demi-official  capacity, 
stationed  there  ostensibly  to  watch  over  the  commerce  of  his 
countrymen,  and  protect  them  from  the  undue  freedoms  of 
American  privateers,  but  in  reality  to  keep  his  eye  on  the 
doings  of  Congress,  to  penetrate  their  designs  in  regard  to  the 
Mississippi  country,  to  observe  the  political  aspect  of  affairs,  to 
collect  information  of  various  kinds,  and  to  communicate  the 
results  of  the  whole  to  his  government.  Mr  Rendon  was  a 
faithful  agent  to  his  employers,  and  were  it  not  for  the  habitual 
insincerity  of  the  Spanish  cabinet  in  all  their  proceedings  to 
wards  America,  his  mission  might  be  thought  to  have  been  a 
token  of  friendship  and  respectful  consideration.  At  any  rate 
it  was  desirable  to  keep  the  agent  in  good  humor,  and  pains 
were  not  spared  to  give  him  knowledge  and  fix  just  impressions. 

On  the  subjects  of  the  paper  money  and  finance  of  the 
United  States,  Mr  Rendon  put  a  series  of  questions  to  Mr 
Morris,  which  he  requested  might  receive  such  answers,  as  he 
could  send  to  the  King,  and  as  would  be  easily  understood  by 
him  and  his  Ministers.  In  his  note  of  queries  he  says,  '  Mr 
Rendon  is  infinitely  desirous  of  making  his  Court  acquainted 
how  much  America  is  indebted  to  the  particular  care  of  the 
Messrs  Morrises,  and  with  what  is  to  be  expected  from  an 
administration,  which  already  enjoys  so  much  credit.'  He 
requests  a  history  of  American  Snance  from  the  beginning  of 
the  revolution,  the  plan  and  present  state  of  the  bank,  an 

VOL.    L  21 


242  LIFE    OF 

account  of  the  national  debt  and  means  of  paying  it,  and  the 
amount  of  annual  expenses,  adding  that  '  Mr  Morris  will  see 
how  necessary  it  is  for  the  King  to  be  informed,  as  to  the  last 
point  in  particular,  which  will  enable  hirn  to  judge  both  of  the 
wants  and  resources  of  America,  and  perhaps  determine  him 
to  afford  her  effectual  aid.' 

In  reply  to  these  queries  Mr  Morris  wrote  an  able  paper, 
containing  a  brief  but  clear  and  forcible  exposition  of  each 
topic  by  itself.  This  he  could  easily  do,  as  no  man  in  the 
nation  had  surveyed  the  whole  ground  with  a  more  exact 
scrutiny,  or  was  better  informed  in  all  its  details.  It  is  not 
known  whether  Mr  Rendon  sent  the  paper  to  the  Spanish  Cab 
inet  as  he  proposed,  but  it  is  quite  certain  that  nothing  was 
ever  heard  of  the  f  effectual  aid,'  at  which  he  had  hinted.  A 
copy  was  forwarded  to  Mr  Jay,  and  left  to  his  discretion  for 
such  use,  as  circumstances  might  render  expedient  in  his 
negotiation. 


CHAPTER   XV. 

MR   MORRIS    AND    GENERAL    KNOX  COMMISSIONERS    FOR  EXCHANGE   OF  PRIS 
ONERS. FRANCE     AND      THE      UNITED       STATES. COUNT     VERGENNES. 

CORRESPONDENCE      BETWEEN     MR.    MORRIS     AND      GENERAL     GREENE. 

NEWBURGH      LETTERS. CLOSE       OF     THE      WAR. BRITISH     COMMERCIAL 

RESTRICTIONS. TRADE    BETWEEN    THE     UNITED    STATES    AND     FRENCH 

WEST    INDIA    ISLANDS. 

BY  an  agreement  between  General  Washington  and  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  Commissioners  were  appointed  to  meet  for 
the  purpose  of  consulting  on  the  exchange  of  prisoners.  Gen 
eral  Knox  and  Gouverneur  Morris  were  delegated  on  the  part 
of  General  Washington,  and  General  Dalrymple  and  Andrew 
Elliott  on  that  of  the  British  commander.  They  met  and  ex 
changed  powers  at  Elizabeth  Town,  in  New  Jersey,  on  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  243 

31st  of  March,  1782.  They  had  a  wide  scope  of  business  en 
trusted  to  them,  extending  both  to  military  and  naval  prison 
ers.  Mr  Morris  wrote  to  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  on 
the  first  day  of  their  meeting. 

'  We  exchanged  powers  with  the  Commissioners  of  Sir  Hen 
ry  Clinton,  viz.  General  Dalrymple  and  Andrew  Elliott,  this 
morning,  and  shall  proceed  to  business  tomorrow.  I  fancy 
we  shall  be  engaged  for  some  time,  though  I  cannot  positively 
determine.  But  you  shall  know,  as  soon  as  I  do,  the  events, 
which  may  be  important.  With  respect  to  the  designs  of  the 
enemy  on  our  commerce,  I  am  as  yet  ignorant  of  them,  but 
shall  probably  gain  some  intelligence  before  long.  I  believe 
you  may  rely  that  Germain  and  Sandwich  give  place  to  Shel- 
burne  and  Howe.  Clinton  will,  I  believe,  go  home.  As  to 
their  situation  here,  I  think  it  is  not  yet  decided  among  them 
selves. 

1 1  have  had  some  very  free  conversation  on  these  subjects, 
and  shall  have  more.  If  you  can  let  me  know  anything  very 
recent  of  English  politics,  I  wish  you  to  do  it,  as  it  may  be 
useful.  General  Dalrymple  wishes  to  know  how  the  change 
has  been  operated  in  our  finances,  so  as  to  have  avoided  the 
convulsions  apprehended,  which  he  considers  as  a  prodigy.  I 
tell  him  it  is  the  age  and  country  of  miracles,  and  he  will  see 
more  and  greater  ones  ere  long.  I  shall  give  him  at  a  con 
venient  opportunity  some  little  details  on  this  subject  with  great 
candor.  He  this  morning  asked  my  sentiments,  as  to  the 
change  in  their  Ministry.  I  told  him  candidly,  that  I  had  sup 
posed  Great  Britain  would  change  Ministers  before  they  offer 
ed  treaty  with  us,  but  I  did  not  expect  a  change  so  soon,  for 
that  I  really  did  not  expect  they  would  think  of  treating  with 
us  on  the  ground  of  independence  as  yet.  This,  said  he,  is 
another  affair.  I  told  him  I  was  sorry  Lord  Howe  was  ap 
pointed,  because  he  is  a  great  marine  officer.  "It  might,"  said 
he,  "  have  done  some  time  ago,  but" — "  Oh,  Sir,  you  are  still  a 
great  people,  a  very  great  people."  "  Why  yes,  if  we  had  five 
or  six  years  to  bring  our  finances  in  order  again,  we  might 


244  LIFE    OF 

perhaps  still  hold  our  rank  in  Europe."  "  You  undoubtedly 
will,  notwithstanding  the  loss  of  this  country."  "  Why  we 
shall  be  more  compact." : 

The  Commissioners  had  before  them  three  specific  objects 
of  consultation  and  arrangement;  a  cartel  for  the  exchange  of 
prisoners,  a  liquidation  of  all  accounts  for  the  maintenance  of 
prisoners  on  both  sides,  and  provision  for  their  future  support. 
Unluckily  they  could  not  agree  upon  any  one  point.  The 
demands  and  terms  on  each  side  were  such,  as  the  other  would 
not  accede  to,  and  after  two  weeks'  deliberation  they  separated 
without  having  decided  upon  anything.  The  truth  is,  the 
subject  had  become  a  very  delicate  and  a  very  difficult  one  to 
handle.  Mutual  complaints  about  prisoners  had  existed  from 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  The  cruel  treatment  of  those,  who 
were  first  taken  by  the  British  in  New  York,  had  exasperated 
the  minds  of  the  Americans,  and  the  detention  afterwards  of 
the  Convention  troops  of  Saratoga,  as  the  English  always  in 
sisted  against  the  rules  of  war,  had  equally  roused  the  indig 
nation  of  the  enemy.  Various  other  incidents  contributed  to 
keep  alive  this  feeling  on  both  sides,  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
the  unfortunate  prisoners  were  detained,  the  victims  of  British 
pride  on  the  one  hand,  and  American  obstinacy  on  the  other. 

An  intimate  correspondence  was  still  kept  up  between  Mr 
Morris  and  Mr  Jay.  That  Commissioner  had  repaired  to  Paris 
in  June,  and  was  engaged  with  Dr  Franklin  in  negotiating  the 
treaty  of  peace. 

JOHN  JAY  TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

'  Paris,  October  13lh,  1782. 

4  Dear  Morris, 

'  I  have  received  your  festina  Jente  letter,  but  wish  it  had 
been,  at  least  partly,,  in  cyphers.  You  need  not  be  informed  of 
my  reasons  for  this  wish,,  as  by  this  time  you  must  know,  that 
seals  are  on  this  side  of  the  water  rather  matters  of  decora 
tion,  than  of  use.  It  gave  me  nevertheless  great  pleasure  to 
receive  that  letter,  it  being  the  first  from  you  that  had  reach 
ed  me,  the  Lord  knows  when  ;  except,  indeed,  a  few  lines 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  245 

covering  your  correspondence  with  a  Don.  I  find  you  are 
industrious,  and  of  consequence  useful.  So  much  the  better 
for  yourself,  for  the  public,  and  for  our  friend  Morris,  whom  I 
consider  as  the  pillar  of  American  credit. 

<  The  King  of  Great  Britain,  by  letters  patent  under  the 
great  seal,  «nas  authorized  Mr  Oswald  to  treat  with  the  Com 
missioners  of  the  United  States  of  America.  His  first  commis 
sion  literally  pursued  the  Enabling  Act,  and  the  authority  it  gave 
him  was  expressed  in  the  very  forms  of  that  act,  viz.  to  treat 
with  the  colonies,  and  with  any  or  either  of  them,  and  any 
part  of  them,  and  with  any  description  of  men  in  them,  and 
with  any  person  whatsoever,  of  and  concerning  peace,  &LC. 

'  Had  I  not  violated  the  instructions  of  Congress,  their  digni 
ty  would  have  been  in  the  dust,  for  the  French  Minister  even 
took  pains  not  only  to  persuade  us  to  treat  under  that  commis 
sion,  but  to  prevent  the  second  by  telling  Fitzherbert  that  the 
first  was  sufficient.  I  told  the  Minister,  that  we  neither  could 
nor  would  treat  with  any  nation  in  the  world,  on  any  other 
than  an  equal  footing. 

'  We  may,  and  we  may  not,  have  a  peace  this  winter.  Act 
as  if  the  war  would  certainly  continue  ;  keep  proper  garrisons 
in  your  strong  posts,  and  preserve  your  army  sufficiently  numer 
ous  and  well  appointed,  until  every  idea  of  hostility  and  sur 
prise  shall  have  completely  vanished. 

1 1  am,  dear  Morris,  very  much  yours, 

4  JOHN  JAY.' 

Mr  Jay's  well  known  impressions,  respecting  the  motives  of 
the  French  Cabinet  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  are  strongly  hint 
ed  in  this  letter.  The  form  of  Mr  Oswald's  commission  was 
indeed  faulty,  and  ought  to  have  been  disapproved  by  the  Ame 
rican  Commissioners,  as  it  was  both  by  Mr  Jay  and  Dr  Frank 
lin,  but  it  must  be  remembered,  that  it  was  the  form  only,  and 
not  the  substance,  which  was  objected  to.  Mr  Oswald  was 
authorized  to  negotiate  with  the  American  Commissioners  a 
treaty  of  peace,  which  was  virtually  acknowledging  them  to 
21* 


246  LIFE    OF 

represent  an  independent  power.  This  was  Mr  Adams's 
view  of  the  subject,  when  he  wrote  from  Holland  to  Dr  Frank 
lin  a  short  time  before;  *  If  they  make  a  treaty  of  peace  with 
the  United  States  of  America,  this  is  acknowledgment  enough 
for  me/  But  Mr  Jay  insisted,  that  the  commission  should  be 
so  worded,  as  to  imply  an  express  acknowledgment  of  inde 
pendence,  before  they  proceeded  to  treat.  This  was  fair,  it 
was  what  the  Commissioners  might  justly  demand,  it  was  due 
to  the  dignity  of  their  country ;  but  the  question  was,  whether 
it  would  be  advisable  to  interrupt  the  negotiation  at  the  outset, 
and  perhaps  endanger  its  progress,  by  a  punctilious  regard  for 
mere  forms.  Count  Vergennes  thought  not ;  he  considered, 
like  Mr  Adams,  the  act  of  treating  to  be  an  avowed  acknowl 
edgment  of  independence,  and  he  advised  the  Commissioners 
to  make  everything  secure,  by  introducing  proper  articles  into 
the  treaty  itself,  and  fixing  bounds  to  further  claims  and  pre 
tensions. 

it  was  a  harsh  censure  upon  the  French  Minister,  to  charge 
him  with  a  design  to  degrade  the  dignity  of  the  American  na 
tion,  or  to  put  obstacles  in  the  way  of  their  independence.  It 
was  a  censure,  which,  however  justified  by  appearances  or  sus 
picion  at  the  time,  is  neither  borne  out  nor  in  any  degree  sus 
tained  by  more  recent  and  exact  investigations.  And,  indeed, 
nothing  could  be  less  probable  in  itself.  France,  it  is  well 
known,  went  into  the  war  for  the  sole  object  of  severing  Amer 
ica  from  England,  and  she  came  out  of  it  with  no  other  gain,  than 
the  independence  of  the  United  States.  In  all  the  secret  over 
tures  for  a  separate  treaty,  that  were  made  to  Count  Vergen 
nes,  (and  they  were  several)  by  emissaries  from  the  British 
Court  during  the  war,  he  invariably  insisted  on  the  recogni 
tion  of  American  independence  as  a  preliminary  step.  When 
Russia  and  Austria  proposed  to  mediate  between  England  and 
France,  Count  Vergennes  accepted  the  offer,  but  imposed  as 
a  condition,  that  commissioners  should  be  admitted  from  the 
United  States,  and  take  part  as  the  representatives  of  an  inde 
pendent  power  in  the  negotiations  for  peace.  He  maintained 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  247 

the.  same  ground  when  Spain  came  forward  as  a  mediator. 
And  what  is  more,  in  a  secret  Convention  between  France  and 
Spain,  entered  into  a  short  time  before  the  latter  declared  war 
against  England,  there  is  a  clause,  in  which  France  exacts  a 
promise  from  Spain  not  to  oppose  the  independence  of  the 
United  States. 

This  is  a  very  important  fact,  inasmuch  as  it  has  gene 
rally  been  believed,  by  those  who  have  doubted  the  sincerity 
of  France  in  her  professions  to  America,  that  she  never  de 
sired  Spain  to  acknowledge  American  independence,  hut  had 
her  own  motives  for  discouraging  such  an  act,  and  used  her 
influence  accordingly.  The  contrary  is  the  truth,  as  will  gen 
erally  be  the  case,  where  suspicion  of  one's  friend  is  made  the 
groundwork  of  an  opinion.  In  the  preamble  to  this  Conven 
tion  it  appears,  that  France  used  strong  and  pressing  arguments 
to  induce  Spain  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  United 
States,  and,  failing  in  this  object,  she  required  in  the  first  arti 
cle  of  the  instrument  itself  the  stipulation  above  mentioned. 
Spain  agreed  to  carry  on  the  contest  jointly  with  France 
against  England,  but  refused  to  take  any  part  directly  in  favor 
of  the  American  States,  although  earnestly  solicited  to  make 
common  cause  with  her  ally  in  all  the  objects  of  the  war.  * 

Count  Vergennes  was  the  earliest  and  most  decided  friend 
America  had  in  the  French  councils.  The  cabinet  was  orig 
inally  divided  on  the  subject  of  aiding  the  colonies  against 
England,  and  the  King  was  pointedly  opposed  to  such  a  step. 
Vergennes  took  his  position  and  maintained  it.  He  brought 
over  the  King  by  degrees  to  his  views.  The  resolution  of  the 
government  was  taken,  and  steadily  pursued,  till  the  great 
object  was  effected.  Tbe  burden  of  the  undertaking,  the 
weight  of  responsibility,  rested  mainly  on  the  shoulders  of 


*  This  secret  Convention  bears  date,  April  12th  1779.  It  was 
never  printed.  I  saw  the  recorded  copy  of  it  in  the  Archives  of  the 
Office  of  Fore  ign  Affairs  in  Paris. 


£48  LIFE    OF 

Count  Vergennes.  A  failure  would  have  ruined  him.  The 
independence  of  America  was  an  aim,  upon  the  success  of 
which,  his  reputation,  his  existence  as  a  public  minister,  de 
pended.  He  was  aware  of  this,  and  adhered  to  his  purpose 
steadily  to  the  last.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  Count  Ver 
gennes'  talents  or  character  as  a  man,  of  his  general  policy 
or  practice  as  a  statesman,  he  must  ever  be  regarded,  by 
those  who  will  diligently  examine  the  history  of  his  ministerial 
career,  as  a  true  and  valuable  friend  to  the  United  States,  and 
as  deserving  the  lasting  gratitude  of  the  American  people.* 

GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS    TO    JOHN  JAY. 

'  Philadelphia,  January  1st,  1783. 
'  Dear  Jay, 

'  I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  13th  of  October,  from 
Paris.  That  part  of  it  in  cypher,  (relating  to  Oswald's  com 
mission,)  I  have  communicated  only  to  Mr  Morris  and  Mr 
Livingston  ;  to  them,  and  to  them  only,  for  reasons  which 
will  be  obvious  to  you.  Your  letters  to  Congress,  for 
such  1  call  those  you  write  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
are  what  they  ought  to  be,  and  have  the  effect  you  would 
wish.  You  should  remember,  however,  that  the  back  lands 
are  as  important  in  the  eyes  of  some,  as  the  fisheries  are  in 
those  of  others.  Men  are  forgetful,  and  therefore  it  will  be 
well  by  timely  declarations  of  your  sentiments  to  recall  your 


*  See  a  further  examination  of  this  subject  in  the  North  American 
Review,  No.  Ixvi.  pp.  15 — 25;  No.  Ixvii.  pp.  454 — 511; — No.  Ixxiii.  pp. 
449 — 484.  Also  in  the  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American 
Revolution,  Vol.  viii.  p.  208. 

Mr  Jefferson  speaks  as  follows  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes.  '  He  had 
the  reputation  with  the  diplomatic  corps,  of  being  wary  and  slippery  in 
his  diplomatic  intercourse;  and  so  he  might  be  with  those,  whom  he 
knew  to  be  slippery  and  double-fitted  themselves.  As  he  saw  that  I 
had  no  indirect  views,  practised  no  subtleties,  meddled  in  no  intrigues, 
pursued  no  concealed  cbject,  I  found  him  as  easy,  as  frank,  as  easy  of 
access  to  reason,  as  any  man  with  whom  I  had  ever  done  business. 
Jefferson's  Writings,  Vol.  i.  p.  52. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  249 

conduct  while  in  Congress.  You  and  I  differ  about  the  west 
ern  country,  but  you  and  your  sovereign  are  of  the  same  opin 
ion. 

'  General  Me  Dougall,  Colonel  Brooks  of  the  Massachusetts, 
and  Colonel  Ogden  of  the  Jersey  line,  are  now  here,  with  a 
petition  to  Congress  from  the  army  for  pay.  The  army  are 
now  disciplined,  and  their  wants  as  to  food  and  clothing  are 
relieved,  but  they  are  not  paid.  Their  back  accounts  are 
not  settled.  If  settled,  the  balances  are  not  secured  by  com 
petent  funds.  No  provision  is  made  for  the  half-pay  promised 
them.  Some  persons,  and  indeed  some  States,  pretend  to  dis 
pute  their  claim  to  it.  The  army  have  swords  in  their  hands. 
You  know  enough  of  the  history  of  mankind  to  know  much 
more  than  I  have  said,  and  possibly  much  more  than  they 
themselves  yet  think  of.  I  will  add,  however^  that  I  am  glad 
to  see  things  in  their  present  train.  Depend  on  it,  good  will 
arise  from  the  situation  to  which  we  are  hastening.  And  this 
you  may  rely  on,  that  my  efforts  will  not  be  wanting.  I  pledge 
myself  to  you  on  the  present  occasion,  and  although  1  think  it 
probable,  that  much  of  convulsion  will  ensue,  yet  it  must  ter 
minate  in  giving  to  government  that  power,  without  which 
government  is  but  a  name. 

'  Accept  my  sincere  wishes,  that  the  year  now  commencing 
may  prove  to  you  and  yours  the  kind  dispenser  of  every 
human  felicity.  All  your  friends  are  well,  and  rejoice  that  you 
are  in  a  situation  so  essential  to  America,  as  that  which  you 
now  hold.  Some  persons  have  hinted  to  me,  that  you  are  too 
suspicious.  I  think  they  are  much  mistaken.  The  observa 
tion,  if  it  proceeds  from  the  heart,  shows  only  that  they  are 
not  so  well  acquainted  with  human  nature  as  you  are.  Go  on, 
my  good  friend,  continue  to  merit  the  esteem  of  all  good  men, 
and  give  to  envy  her  favorite  food.  When  you  are  tired  of 
Europe,  and  have  completed  your  business  there,  I  will  invite 
you,  in  the  language  of  Shenstone, 

"  Come,  come,  my  friend,  with  taste,  with  genius  blest, 
Ere  age  impair  thee,  and  ere  gold  allure." 

'  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 


250  LIFE    OF 

Mr  Johnson,  in  his  Life  of  General  Greene,  has  advanced 
two  or  three  charges  against  the  opinions  and  character  of 
Gouverneur  Morris,  which  it  seems  proper  to  notice  as  we  go 
along.  The  friendship  and  confidence,  that  subsisted  between 
Morris  and  Greene,  induced  them  to  correspond  without  re 
serve  on  subjects  of  the  greatest  political  moment.  Of  this 
fact  the  reader  has  already  been  apprized.  Two  more  letters 
will  here  be  inserted. 

GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  TO  GENERAL  GREENE. 

'  Philadelphia,  February  15th,  17S3. 

«  Dear  Sir, 

*  I  cannot  omit  so  good  an  opportunity  of  communicating  to 
you  my  thoughts  on  the  present  situation  of  affairs.     Knowing 
as  I  do,  that  your  heart  is  actuated  by  the  same   principles  of 
justice,  and  the  same  sentiments  of  policy,  which,  influence  my 
own,  I  can  venture  on  a  freedom  of  communication   which,  to 
most  men,  would  be  imprudent.     The  approach  of  peace  can 
not  but  give  very  serious  thoughts  to  every  officer  and  soldier 
of  the  American  army.     The  promises  made  by  the  public 
will,  if  performed,  be  of  beneficial  importance,  and,  if  broken, 
extremely  injurious.     The  main  army  have  had  anxieties  on 
this  subject ;  and  though  I  do  not  pretend   to  guess  precisely 
their  sentiments,  I  am  convinced  they  will  not  easily  forego 
their  expectations.     Their  murmurs,    though    not  loud,   are 
deep ;  and  I  do   not  think  that  the  committee  they  have  sent 
hither  will,  from  their   report,  allay  the  apprehensions  which 
were  excited. 

*  From  this  committee,  however,  I  learn  that  they  were  pre 
cipitating  themselves  in  the  road  to  ruin.     I  mean  by  pursuing 
a    recommendation   to  the  several   States  for  compensation. 
This,  which   would  have  divided  them  into  thirteen  different 
parts,  would  have  made  it  easy  to  elude  the  force  of  their  ap 
plications,  or,   after  their  compliance,  to  have  resumed  any 
grants  made   in   consequence  of  them,  when  the  army  should 
have  been  disbanded.  At  present,  however,  the  committee  have 
become  so  thoroughly  persuaded,  that  the  army  will  be  de- 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  251 

frauded,  unless  they  unitedly  pursue  a  common  object,  that  I 
believe  it  will  soon  become  the  general  sentiment.  If  the  ar 
my,  in  common  with  all  other  public  creditors,  insist  on  the 
grant  of  general  permanent  funds  for  liquidating  all  the  public 
debts,  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  such  revenues  will  be  ob 
tained  ;  and  there  can  be  no  doubt,  that,  when  they  are  obtain 
ed,  they  will  afford  to  every  order  of  public  creditors  a  solid 
security.  The  half-pay  promised  the  officers  is  estimated  to 
be  worth  five  and  a  half  years'  full  pay  in  hand. 

c  Admitting,  then,  that  the  proper  revenues  were  obtained, 
the  officer  would  be  able  always  to  sell  his  stock  for  the  value. 
It  is  needless  to  say,  that  the  United  States  have  no  other  mode 
of  paying  the  arrearages  due  to  the  army.  It  is  also  unneces 
sary  to  mention,  that  this  kind  of  provision  ought  to  be  made 
for  debts  of  every  description.  The  effect  of  it,  in  all  its 
parts,  you  will,  I  am  sure,  be  at  no  loss  to  trace  ;  and  you  will 
agree  with  me  in  opinion,  that  Congress  can,  by  that  means, 
obtain  a  degree  of  influence  essential  to  the  happiness  of  this 
country.  Now,  my  dear  Sir,  I  am  most  perfectly  convinced, 
that,  with  the  due  exception  of  miracles,  there  is  no  probability 
that  the  States  will  ever  make  such  grants,  unless  the  army  be 
united  and  determined  in  the  pursuit  of  it ;  and  unless  they  be 
firmly  supported,  and  as  firmly  support  the  other  public  credi 
tors.  That  this  may  happen  must  be  the  entire  wish  of  every 
intelligently  just  man,  and  of  every  real  friend  to  our  glorious 
revolution. 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

GENERAL  GREENE  TO  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS. 

*  Charleston,  April  3d,  1783. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

1  The  subject  of  your  letter  by  Major  Edwards  is  impor 
tant  to  the  public,  and  interesting  to  the  army.  The  dispo 
sition  of  the  latter  here  is  much  the  same  as  it  is  to  the  north 
ward,  but  I  am  afraid  of  both.  When  soldiers  advance  with 
out  authority,  who  can  halt  them  ?  We  have  many  Clodiuses 


252  LIFE    OF 

and  Catilines  in  America,  who  may  give  a  different  direction 
to  this  business,  than  either  you  or  I  expect.  It  is  a  critical 
business,  and  pregnant  with  dangerous  consequences.  Con 
gress  are  fast  declining,  and  lheirpo,ver  and  authority  must  ex 
pire,  without  more  effectual  support.  What  this  may  produce, 
time  will  manifest.  I  have  done  rny  duty,  and  wait  events. 

c  I  wrote  a  letter  to  the  Governor  of  this  State  on  the  sub 
ject  of  finance,  and  the  discontents  of  the  army.  It  gave  some 
alarm  and  much  disgust.  Continental  authority  and  the  finan 
cier  are  looked  upon  with  a  jealous  eye  here.  No  people 
were  ever  more  blind  to  their  true  interest.  Time  and  further 
experience  will  produce  what  reason  and  persuasion  can 
not.  I  send  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the  Assembly,  and  a 
couple  of  papers  with  some  strictures  thereon.  More  will  he 
said  upon  the  subject  hereafter.  Plain  dealing  will  soon  be 
come  necessary. 

'Within  a  day  a  report  prevails  that  Mr  Morris  will  resign 
in  May.  Public  credit  will  receive  a  fatal  stab  should  it  take 
place.  No  more  bills  can  be  negotiated,  and  I  expect  tiie 
contractor  will  decline  the  business.  How  we  are  to  be  sup 
ported  I  cannot  imagine.  Every  mind  seems  to  be  impress 
ed  with  a  kind  of  awful  suspense.  The  doubts  upon  war  and 
peace,  the  hopes  and  fears  in  matters  of  revenue,  the  discon 
tents  of  the  army,  and  the  consequences  that  all  these  may  pro 
duce  upon  our  own  internal  policy,  and  in  the  measures  of 
British  administration,  must  fill  every  mind,  which  feels  for 
the  tranquillity  of  this  country,  with  no  small  anxiety.  Most 
part  of  the  force  in  this  quarter  will  march  northwardly  in 
about  a  fortnight.  I  am,  &c. 

'NATHANAEL  GREENE.' 

From  two  of  Mr  Morris's  letters  to  General  Greene,  printed 
above,  Mr  Johnson  infers,  first,  that  he  was  the  author  of  the 
celebrated  Newburgh  letters,  or  addresses ;  and  secondly,  that 
he  was  an  advocate  for  an  absolute  monarchy,  and  wished  to 
establish  such  a  system  in  America  by  an  improper  use  of  the 
army. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  £53 

As  to  the  first  charge,  it  has  been  happily  put  to  rest  by 
General  Armstrong,  who  has  declared  himself  the  author  of  the 
Addresses,  and  that  he  wrote  them  at  Newburgh,  in  General 
Gates's  quarters,  at  the  request  of  several  officers,  he  being 
a  Major  in  the  army  of  the  United  States,  and  aid  to  Gen 
eral  Gates.  Here  then  is  an  end  of  this  matter.* 

To  those,  who  have  read  Mr  Morris's  letters,  on  which 
Mr  Johnson  relies  for  his  proofs  of  the  second  charge,  very 
little  needs  be  said  to  show,  that  his  deductions  are  not  well 
sustained.  Most  persons  indeed  would  infertile  contrary.  So 
far  from  exhibiting  any  evidence,  that  he  was  a  friend  of  mon 
archy,  and  wished  to  set  up  such  a  form  of  government  in 
the  United  States,  Mr  Morris  expresses  his  fears,  that  such  a 
calamity  would  be  the  consequence  of  the  disordered  condL 
tion  of  the  country,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  finances, 
unless  some  powerful  and  speedy  remedy  should  be  applied. 
So  little  power  was  lodged  in  the  hands  of  Congress,  and  so 
little  influence  possessed  by  that  Assembly  over  the  States, 
that  when  the  pressure  of  a  foreign  war  should  cease  to  con 
solidate  a  union  for  mutual  defence,  his  serious  and  alarming 
apprehensions  were,  that  civil  dissensions  and  a  weak  govern 
ment  would  lead  to  their  natural  results,  anarchy  in  the  first 
instance,  and  monarchy  in  the  last.  There  was  nothing  new 
or  singular  in  this  doctrine.  It  was  probably  the  sentiment  of 
every  patriot  in  the  nation,  who  looked  deeply  into  the  state  of 
public  affairs,  and  foresaw  the  impending  dangers. 

It  would  be  idle  to  discuss  this  subject.  All  Mr  Morris's 
writings,  all  his  actions,  vindicate  him  from  the  charge  of 
seeking  to  establish  a  monarchy  in  America.  It  was  a  favorite 
maxim  with  him,  as  it  must  be  with  every  wise  man,  that 
forms  of  government  should  be  suited  to  the  condition,  charac 
ter,  manners,  and  habits  of  the  people.  In  France,  therefore, 


*  See  an  article,  understood  to  have  been  written  by  General  Arm 
strong,  in  the  United  States  Magazine,  for  January  1,  1823,  New  York. 
VOL.  i.         22 


254  LIFE    OF 

and  reasoning  as  a  Frenchman,  he  was  a  monarchist,  be 
cause  he  believed  the  monarchical  form  the  only  one  adapted 
to  that  nation  ;  and  from  the  very  commencement  of  the  rev 
olution  in  that  country,  he  predicted  the  inefficiency  of  the 
French  Republic,  and  the  final  issue  of  a  military  despotism. 
This  he  conceived  to  be  the  natural  order  of  things,  and  so  it 
turned  out.  The  same  idea  appears,  where  he  expresses  his 
apprehensions  of  a  monarchy  in  the  United  States,  adding 
that '  this  does  not  seem  to  consist  with  the  taste  and  temper  of 
the  people.'*  His  wish  was,  that  such  a  plan  of  government 
should  be  established  in  America,  as  would  be  received  and 
obeyed,  secure  strength  from  union,  and  prosperity  and  happi 
ness  from  its  suitableness  to  the  social  and  political  condition 
of  the  inhabitants. 

Mr  Johnson  says  further,  that  '  General  Greene  was  not  de 
ceived  by  the  specious  affectation  of  disinterestedness  and 
public  spirit,'  in  Mr  Morris's  letter,  and  adds,  'it  so  happened, 
also,  that  he  was  fully  apprized  of  the  writer's  intimate  con 
nexion  with  the  public  creditors,  to  a  greater  amount  probably 
than  any  other  man  in  the  union.'  This  is  a  very  grave  in 
sinuation,  meaning,  as  I  presume,  that  Mr  Morris  was  improp- 


*  For  some  reason  not  given,  Mr  Johnson  omits  this  clause  of  the 
letter,  hi  the  extract  published  by  him.  He  quotes  Mr  Morris  as  say 
ing,  that  if  war  does  not  continue,  'I  have  no  hope,  no  expectation, 
that  the  government  will  acquire  force  ;  and  I  will  go  further,  I  have 
no  hope,  that  our  union  can  subsist,  except  in  the  form  of  an  abso 
lute  monarchy, — (Here  Mr  Johnson  stops,  and  cuts  off  the  sentence 
in  the  middle,  but  Mr  Morris  goes  on  to  say) — and  this  does  not  seem 
to  consist  ivith  the  taste  and  temper  of  the  people?  It  is  evident,  that 
this  last  part  of  the  clause  gives  a  turn  to  the  author's  ideas,  essential 
ly  different  from  what  would  be  derived  from  the  former  part  alone. 

Again  it  is  remarkable,  that  the  letter,  in  which  this  passage  is  con 
tained,  is  printed  by  Mr  Johnson  without  date,  and  in  connexion  with 
that  of  February  eleventh,  1783,  as  if  they  related  to  the  same  subject, 
and  were  intended  to  support  each  other ;  whereas,  the  former  was 
written  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  December,  1781. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  255 

erly  concerned  in  speculating  projects  with  public  creditors, 
and  had  his  private  ends  to  answer,  in  bringing  about  violent 
measures  to  operate  on  the  government.  I  feel  bound  to  de 
clare,  that  I  have  discovered  nothing  in  any  records  of  Mr 
Morris's  private  or  public  transactions,  that  gives  a  shadow  of 
probability  to  such  a  suspicion.  There  is  not  a  glimpse  of 
evidence,  that  he  had  any  personal  concern  with  those  cre 
ditors,  or  took  any  other  interest  in  their  affairs,  than  what 
was  prompted  by  generous  motives  for  the  public  good,  and 
desire  to  see  justice  done  to  all  parties.  He  was  devoted  to  his 
duties  as  Assistant  Financier,  and  had  no  income  or  means,  ex 
cept  his  salary  in  that  office.  From  the  time  he  ceased  to  be  a 
member  of  Congress,  till  he  received  his  new  appointment,  he 
was  supported  by  occasional  allowances  from  his  mother,  and 
such  precarious  receipts  as  he  derived  from  his  profession.  As 
yet  nothing  had  corne  to  him  from  his  father's  estate.  Hence 
it  is  clear,  if  other  circumstances  were  not  conclusive,  that, 
destitute  as  he  was  of  means  and  of  credit,  he  could  not 
meddle  in  such  deep  speculating  projects,  and  that  the  bi 
ographer  of  Greene  must  be  mistaken  on  this  point. 

If  he  means  by  the  insinuation  a  political  intrigue,  and  that 
Morris  was  to  be  rewarded  for  his  services  in  that  line,  the 
proof  is  equally  wanting,  and  the  thing  itself  still  more  im 
probable.  He  quotes  a  passage  from  Gordon,  in  which  that 
writer  says,  Gouverneur  Morris  was  suspected  of  being  at  the 
bottom  of  an  extraordinary  scheme,  which  was  to  '  throw  the 
officers  and  soldiers  into  such  a  paroxysm  of  rage  and  resent 
ment,  as  should  drive  them  into  an  attempt  of  compelling 
Congress  to  comply  with  their  own  demands,  and  those  of 
the  public  creditors,  who  were  to  arm  and  join  them.'  This 
description  itself  is  too  ludicrous  to  require  a  formal  reply,  and 
it  is  enough  to  add,  that  Gordon  suspected  many  things,  which 
never  happened,  as  he  wrote  many  things  not  worth  recording. 

There  is  a  letter  from  General  Knox  to  Mr  Morris  on  this 
subject,  written  but  a  few  days  before  the  Newburgh  addresses 
appeared,  in  reply  to  one  brought  to  him  by  the  committee 


256  LIFE    OF 

of  the  army,  on  their  return  from  Philadelphia  to  camp.  The 
letter  of  Mr  Morris,  to  which  this  is  an  answer,  has  not  been 
found. 

'  West  Point,  February  21st,  1783. 
1  My  Dear  Morris, 

'  I  thank  you  for  your  kind  favor  of  the  seventh  instant  by 
Colonel  Brooks.  I  am  convinced  your  ideas  of  the  general 
state  of  our  affairs  must  be  just,  as  they  are  the  result  of  ex 
perience.  The  army  generally  have  always  reprobated  be 
ing  thirteen  armies.  Their  ardent  desires  have  been,  to  be 
one  continental  body,  looking  up  to  one  sovereign.  This  would 
have  prevented  much  heart-burning  at  the  partialities,  which 
have  been  practised  by  the  respective  States.  They  know  of 
no  way  of  bringing  this  about,  at  a  period  when  peace  appears 
to  be  in  full  view.  Certain  it  is,  they  are  good  patriots  and 
would  forward  everything,  that  would  tend  to  produce  union, 
and  a  permanent  general  constitution.  But  they  are  yet  to 
be  taught  how  their  influence  is  to  effect  this  matter.  They 
may  assist,  but  they  must  be  directed  in  the  mode  by  proper 
authority. 

<  It  is  a  favorite  toast  in  the  army,  "  a  hoop  to  the  bar 
rel,"  or,  "  cement  to  the  union."  America  will  have  fought  and 
bled  to  little  purpose,  if  the  powers  of  government  shall  be  in 
sufficient  to  preserve  the  peace,  and  this  must  be  the  case  with 
out  general  funds.  As  the  present  constitution  is  so  defective, 
why  do  not  you  great  men  call  the  people  together,  and  tell 
them  so.  That  is,  to  have  a  convention  of  the  States  to  form 
a  better  constitution  ?  This  appears  to  us,  who  have  a  super 
ficial  view  only,  to  be  the  most  efficacious  remedy.  Let  some 
thing  be  done  before  a  peace  takes  place,  or  we  shall  be  in  a 
worse  situation  than  we  were  at  the  commencement  of  the 
war. 

1  Your  affectionate 

<H.  KNOX.' 

The  whole  matter  amounts  to  this.  A  certain  number  of 
gentlemen,  among  whom  was  Mr  Morris,  looked  with  much 


GOUVERNEUR    MORHIS.  257 

alarm  on  the  feeble  state  of  the  national  government,  and  fore 
boded  the  melancholy  consequences  of  this  weakness  after  the 
peace,  when  a  separation  of  interests  and  powers  would  inevit 
ably  lead  to  disunion  and  civil  disorders.     To  prevent  such  a 
catastrophe,  these  gentlemen   wished  to  secure  a  more  solid, 
government,   while  there  was  yet  any  means  of  effecting  it. 
To  consolidate  the  public  debts,  embracing  those  to  the  army 
as  well  as  to  private  citizens,  and  to  make  the  United    States, 
and  not  ihe  States  individually,  responsible  for  the  payment  of 
the  whole  mass,  would  be  to  create  a  bond  of  union  more  firm 
and  durable,  than  could  be  devised  in  any  other  manner.     The 
army  was  about  to  be  disbanded,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers 
sent  home  to  the  States  to  obtain  their  pay,  or  lose  it,  accord 
ing  to  the   caprice  of  circumstances.     Thus  disappointed  and 
left  at  the  mercy  of  events,  was  it  to  be  expected,  that  they 
would  retain  any  attachment  for  that  body  of  rulers,  by  whom, 
after  fighting  the  battles  of  their  country   in  the  times  of  her 
greatest  peril,  they  were  now  neglected  and  turned  off?     \Vas 
it  to  be  expected,  that  they  would  cherish  a -single  sentiment 
of  regard  for  a  national   government,   which  was  too  weak  to 
render  justice  to  its  servants,  too  low  in  public  estimation  to 
maintain  its  own  dignity  ? 

Setting  aside  the  score  of  equity,  therefore,  and  placing  the 
subject  merely  on   the  ground  of  patriotism,  the  course  pur 
sued  by  Mr  Morris  and  his  coadjutors  will  claim   approbation, 
rather  than  censure.     Their   design   was  to  strengthen   and 
perpetuate  the  national  government,  by  combining   as  many 
interests  as  possible  in  its  support.     The  army  and  the  public 
creditors  happened  to  be  two  large  classes  of  citizens,  respect 
able  for  their  character  and  numbers,  who  had  the  same  pow 
erful  and  stimulating  cause  for  working  together  in  the  attain 
ment  of  the  same  end,  that  of  procuring  their  just  dues,  and 
sustaining   a  government  that  could   command  the  means  of 
paying  them.     While  kept  up  by  these  two  pillars,  the  gov 
ernment  might  still  hold  together,  and  perform  its  functions, 
although  tottering  with  premature  decay  in  some  of  its  parts. 
22* 


258  LIFE    OF 

Such,  it  is  conceived,  were  the  motives,  such  the  efforts  of 
those,  who  united  (in  this  conspiracy  as  it  has  been  called)  to 
save  the  Republic  from  ruin. 

On  the  seventeenth  of  July,  Mr  Jay  wrote  to  Mr  Morris 
from  Passy, — '  Orders  are  gone  out  to  evacuate  N&v  York. 
The  present  British  Ministry  are  duped,  I  believe,  by  an  opin 
ion  of  our  not  having  union  and  energy  sufficient  to  regulate 
our  trade,  so  as  to  retaliate  their  restrictions.  Our  ports  were 
opened  too  soon.  Let  us  however  be  teinperate}  as  well  as 
firm.5  And  again  on  the  twenty-fourth  of  September. 

'  While  there  are  knaves  and  fools  in  the  world,  there  will 
be  wars  in  it:  and  that  nations  should  make  war  against 
nations,  is  less  surprising,  than  their  living  in  uninterrupted 
peace  and  harmony.  You  have  heard  that  the  Ottoman  and 
Russian  empires  are  on  the  point  of  unsheathing  the  sword. 
The  objects  of  the  contest  are  more  easy  to  discern  than  the 
issue  ;  but  if  Russia  should  extend  her  navigation  to  Constan 
tinople,  we  may  be  the  better  for  it ;  that  circumstance  is  an 
additional  motive %to  our  forming  a  treaty  of  commerce  with 
her.  Your  commercial  and  geographical  knowledge  render  it 
unnecessary  for  me  to  enlarge  on  this  subject. 

'  But  whatever  we  may  have  to  do  abroad,  it  is  of  little  im 
portance  when  compared  with  what  we  have  to  do  at  home. 
1  am  perfectly  convinced  that  no  time  is  to  be  lost  in  raising 
and  maintaining  a  national  spirit  in  America.  Power  to  gov 
ern  the  confederacy,  as  to  all  general  purposes,  should  be 
granted  and  exercised.  The  government  of  the  different 
States  should  be  wound  up  and  become  vigorous.  America 
is  beheld  with  jealousy,  and  jealousy  is  seldom  idle.  Settle 
your  boundaries  without  delay;  it  is  better  that  some  improp 
er  limits  should  be  fixed,  than  any  left  in  dispute.  In  a  word, 
everything  conducive  to  union,  and  constitutional  energy  of 
government,  should  be  cultivated,  cherished,  and  protected  ; 
and  all  counsels  and  measures  of  a  contrary  complexion  should 
at  least  be  suspected  of  impolitic  views  and  objects. 

(  The  rapid  progress  of  luxury  at  Philadelphia  is  a  frequent 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  259 

topic  of  conversation  here,  and  what  is  a  little  remarkabl  le, 
have  not  heard  a  single  person  speak  of  it  in  terms  of  appro 
bation.' 

GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  TO  JOHN  JAY. 

'  Philadelphia,  September  24th,  1783. 

«  Dear  Sir, 

1  The  British  employ  themselves  about  the  evacuation  of 
New  York,  but  that  business  goes  on  slowly.  I  am  however 
informed  from  tolerable  authority,  that  they  will  be  gone  by  the 
beginning  of  November.  Tf,  as  you  suppose,  the  Brijtish  Min 
istry  imagine  that  we  cannot  retaliate  their  restrictions,  they 
are  deceived,  for  their  conduct  will  itself  give  Congress  a  pow 
er,  which  they  might  not  otherwise  be  possessed  of.  Indeed, 
my  friend,  nothing  can  do  us  so  much  good,  as  to  convince  the 
Eastern  and  Southern  States  how  necessary  it  is  to  give  pro 
per  force  to  the  federal  government,  and  nothing  will  so  soon 
operate  that  conviction  as  foreign  efforts  to  restrain  the  naviga 
tion  of  the  one,  and  the  commerce  of  the  other. 

'  But  for  my  own  part,  I  have  no  desire  to  retaliate  commer 
cial  restrictions.  It  is  my  fixed  opinion,  that  a  nation  can  by 
such  restrictions  do  nothing  more  than  injure  herself,  nor  is  an 
injury  the  less  so  because  it  affects  more  the  remote  members, 
than  it  does  the  head  of  an  empire.  The  sovereign  may  col 
lect  and  ought  to  have  revenue  from  all  his  dominions,  which 
are  in  condition  to  afford  it,  but  he  acts  weakly,  as  well  as 
wickedly,  if  he  cramps  one  part  of  the  community,  that  he  may 
draw  more  easily  the  blood  and  juices  from  another  part. 
The  late  prohibition  to  trade  with  the  British  Islands,  unless  in 
British  bottoms,  can  do  us  no  harm,  and  can  do  them  no 
good.  Our  produce  they  must  and  will  have,  and  if  they 
employ  half  a  million  in  carrying  on  the  navigation  at  a  great 
expense,  which  we  should  have  performed  at  a  less  expense 
for  two  hundred  thousand,  our  two  hundred  thousand  will  be 
left  for  other  operations,  even  to  speculate  on  their  produce 
and  our  own,  so  as  to  make  them  pay  the  speculator  a  profit 


260  LIFE    OF 

on  every  gallon  of  rum  they  sell,  and  every  barrel  of  flour  they 
buy  in  our  ports.  By  making  the  subsistence  of  their  people 
in  the  Islands  more  expensive,  they  aid  the  efforts  of  rival  na 
tions  to  furnish  the  commodities  of  their  Islands  to  others,  and 
even  to  their  own  subjects.  This  kind  of  policy  is  so  bad,  that 
I  am  persuaded  the  British  Ministers  cannot  seriously  intend 
the  prohibition,  although  I  am  equally  convinced,  that  a  regard 
to  the  national  prejudices  renders  it  unavoidable  at  present. 
I  do  not,  therefore,  think  we  should  labor  to  undo  what  is 
done,  but  leave  things  a  while  to  their  own  course.  And  as  to 
a  treaty  of  commerce,  I  think  the  best  way  is  to  make  no 
treaty  for  some  time  to  come,  and  if  we  tell  them  that  we 
will  make  no  treaty,  they  will  be  much  more  desirous  of  it 
than  we  ought  to  be. 

1  Mr  Adams  seems  to  be  in  opinion  with  you,  as  to  the  ne 
cessity  of  sending  a  Minister  to  England,  as  indeed  he  does  on 
some  other  points.  He  will,  I  suppose,  be  the  man,  for  sundry 
reasons,  which  I  might  assign,  but  he  will  have  serious  cause 
to  repent  of  the  appointment  under  present  circumstances. 
Nothing  would  have  more  unfavorable  effects,  than  to  send  a 
Minister,  who  should  feel  himself  attached  or  opposed  to  any  of 
the  parties,  by  which  that  nation  is  rent  asunder.  We  should 
hold  them  in  equal  indifference  of  sentiment,  with  equal  ap 
pearance  of  confidence,  paying  to  the  Ins  a  respect  due  to 
their  places,  but  which  neither  Ins  or  Outs  are,  or  can  be,  enti 
tled  to  on  the  score  of  their  merit  and  virtue,  at  least  from  us. 
As  we  may  not  easily  find  a  man  capable  of  this  conduct,  per 
haps  the  best  Minister  is  no  Minister,  for  the  want  of  one  will 
show,  that  we  are  not  precipitate  in  a  desire  of  close  connex 
ion,  and  that,  however  the  old  mercantile  habits  may  have  re 
vived  commercial  intercourse,  the  government  has  a  proper 
jealousy  and  caution.  This  circumstance,  also,  must  work  fa 
vorably  on  our  politics  with  other  powers,  and  give  weight 
and  dignity  to  the  Ministers  we  do  send.  I  am,  &c. 

'  GOUVERNEUR  MoRRIS.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  261 

On  the  second  of  October  he  wrote  to  an  American  gentle 
man,  who  had  lately  gone  to  London.  *  You  will,  I  suppose, 
have  found  the  government  rather  indisposed  towards  us,  and 
by  what  we  have  seen  of  their  conduct,  it  appears  not  improb 
able  that,  in  our  turn,  we  shall  become  indisposed  towards 
them.  My  consolation  on  the  present  system  of  the  Europe 
an  powers,  is,  that  they  will  operate  as  a  band  to  our  union. 
We  read  fables  in  youth,  and  have  not  in  age  the  temper  to 
profit  by  them.  Nay,  we  almost  forget,  when  charged  with 
great  affairs,  that  it  was  the  sun,  and  not  the  wind,  which  made 
the  old  man  throw  off  his  great  coat.  France,  not  liable  as 
England  is  to  mercantile  influence  in  the  operations  of  state, 
would  be  mad  to  imitate  that  imperious  rival.  But  it  is  not 
impossible  that  she  may  be  so  mad,  for  T  believe  her  rulers 
have  not  the  best  information  from  this  quarter.  I  judge  by 
the  conversation  of  M.  de  Marbois,  who  is  as  much  and  as 
blindly  attached  to  a  restrictive  system  for  their  Islands,  as 
you  can  easily  conceive.' 

From  the  time  that  there  had  been  a  prospect  of  peace, 
Mr  Morris  had  given  much  attention  to  the  subject  of  West 
India  trade,  and  had  convinced  himself  of  the  impolicy  of  restric 
tive  regulations,  both  in  regard  to  England  and  France.  In 
deed,  when  he  wrote  the  above  letter,  he  was  engaged  in  draw 
ing  up  a  paper  for  the  consideration  of  the  French  Minister, 
M.  dela  Luzerne,  entitled,  l  Ideas  of  an  American  on  the  Com 
merce  between  the  United  States  and  the  French  Islands.1 
The  point  of  his  argument  is,  that  it  will  be  advantageous  alike 
to  France  and  her  Islands,  to  leave  the  commerce  of  the  latter 
open  to  the  United  States. 

He  lays  it  down  as  an  axiom,  that  the  Islands  themselves 
must  flourish,  in  proportion  to  the  facility  with  which  they  can 
obtain  the  means  "of  subsistence.  Make  subsistence  cheap  to 
the  inhabitants,  and  their  produce  will  be  cheap  in  the  same 
proportion,  more  lands  will  be  cultivated,  the  population  and 
the  amount  of  produce  increased.  Hence  a  greater  demand 
for  the  commodities  of  France,  and  the  means  of  paying  for 


262  LIFE    OF 

them  ;  and  hence  an  increase  to  the  internal  wealth,  revenue, 
and  navigation  of  that  country. 

But  the  question  occurs,  whether  it  will  be  expedient  for 
France  to  permit  this  commerce  with  America  to  be  carried 
on  in  American  bottoms?  The  advocates  for  restriction  say 
no.  The  objection  is  advanced,  that  if  the  Americans  are 
permitted  to  carry  away  the  produce  of  the  Islands  for  their 
own  use,  they  will  not  be  contented  with  the  privilege  to  this 
extent,  but  will  take  away  more  than  they  want,  and  thus  elude 
the  commercial  regulations  with  reference  to  France  and  her 
Islands,  and  become  the  sole  carriers  of  the  Islands  to  all  parts 
of  the  world.  To  obviate  this  objection,  according  to  the 
doctrine  of  the  restr-ictionists,  the  trade  between  the  Isl 
ands  and  the  United  States  must  be  carried  on  in  French 
bottoms  only. 

This  doctrine  is  at  variance  with  the  fact,  that  the  commerce 
cannot  be  carried  on  with  any  chance  of  advantage  by  vessels 
sailing  from  Europe  to  America,  thence  to  the  Islands,  and 
thence  again  to  Europe.  Owing  to  the  nature  of  the  navigation 
among  the  Islands,  and  on  the  American  coast,  the  articles 
from  the  United  States  must  be  carried  in  small  vessels,  navi 
gated  by  few  men.  This  has  been  proved  by  long  experi 
ence.  But  this  kind  of  craft  is  not  suited  to  the  commerce 
from  the  Islands  to  Europe,  any  more  than  the  large  ones  are 
from  America  to  the  Islands.  It  follows,  that  if  the  Islands 
are  to  be  supplied  by  the  intervention  of  large  vessels  from 
Europe,  the  price  of  the  supplies  will  be  increased,  and  the 
prosperity  of  the  Islands,  and  the  value  of  their  commerce  to 
France,  proportionately  diminished. 

This  may  be  illustrated  by  an  example.  The  produce 
shipped  directly  from  America  to  Europe  employs  many  more 
vessels,  than  are  wanted  to  bring  back  articles  from  Europe  to 
America.  Two  hundred  large  ships  are  required  to  transport 
the  tobacco  from  the  Chesapeake,  and  these  two  hundred  are 
sufficient  to  bring  the  annual  supplies  from  Europe  for  all 
America  ;  but  tobacco  does  not  employ  more  than  one  fifth  of 
the  shipping  engaged  in  the  commerce  between  America  and 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  263 

Europe.  It  follows  that  a  large  portion  of  the  returning  ships 
come  empty.  And  heretofore  this  has  been  so  remarkably 
the  case,  in  regard  to  the  tobacco  ships,  that  goods  have  been 
freighted  from  Great  Britain  for  a  mere  trifle,  and  sometimes 
for  nothing. 

It  must  be  considered,  also,  that  a  voyage  from  France  to 
the  West  Indies  can  be  performed  with  great  certainty  in  a 
given  time,  by  reason  of  the  tropical  winds,  but  to  the  United 
States  it  will  be  more  uncertain  and  longer.  Of  two  vessels, 
therefore,  sailing  at  the  same  time,  one  for  the  United  States 
and  the  other  for  the  Islands,  the  expenses  of  the  former  at 
the  end  of  the  voyage,  taking  into  consideration  the  risk  of  the 
ship,  the  crew,  repairs,  and  provisions,  will  exceed  those  of 
the  latter  in  the  amount  of  one  fourth  of  the  cargo,  which  she 
is  to  receive  in  the  United  States  for  the  Islands,  and  still  she 
has  another  voyage  to  perform  before  she  arrives  at  the  point 
of  destination.  The  result  is,  that  the  price  of  supplies  thus 
carried  to  the  Islands,  is  enhanced,  at  least  one  fourth,  beyond 
what  it  would  be,  if  the  same  supplies  were  transported  direct 
ly  from  the  United  States  in  American  bottoms.  This  ex 
pense  must  be  borne  by  the  merchant,  who  fits  out  the  ship, 
or  the  planter  who  consumes  the  produce,  and  it  yields  no  re 
turns  to  anybody. 

But  allow  a  free  competition,  and  this  expense  will  not  be 
incurred  at  all ;  in  other  words,  no  merchant  will  send  a  ship 
frum  Europe  to  take  American  produce  to  the  Islands.  For 
the  same  reason,  no  one  will  send  a  ship  from  the  United 
States  to  the  Islands,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  freight  there  for 
Europe,  and  returning  thence  to  America.  The  circle  is  the 
same,  let  it  commence -at  whatever  point  it  may.  And  this  is 
a  conclusive  answer  to  the  objection,  that  if  the  trade  is  thrown 
open  to  the  Americans,  they  will  take  away  more  produce 
than  their  own  market  demands,  and  become  the  carriers  from 
the  Islands  to  Europe.  Natural  causes  prevent  it.  Moreover, 
if  it  is  hoped  or  expected  to  increase  the  number  of  French 
seamen,  by  undue  restrictions  on  the  colonial  commerce,  the 


264  LIFE    OF 

end  will  be  defeated  by  the  very  means  used  to  attain  it ;  for, 
if  a  free  trade  be  allowed,  the  produce  of  the  Islands  will 
become  so  much  more  abundant,  that,  after  deducting  all  that 
can  possibly  be  carried  away  by  Americans,  there  must  still 
remain  such  a  surplus,  as  will  require  a  great  increase  of 
French  shipping  to  take  it  to  Europe. 

Such  is  a  summary  of  the  facts  and  reasonings  used  to  con 
vince  the  French  Minister,  that  the  restrictive  policy  of  his 
government  was  founded  on  erroneous  principles,  and  that  a 
system  of  free  trade,  between  the  French  West  India  Islands 
and  the  United  States,  would  be  mutually  advantageous  to 
the  two  nations. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MR     MORRIS     VISITS     MORRISANIA     AFTER     THE      PEACE. — ILLUMINATION     IN 
PHILADELPHIA. — HIS    ARGUMENTS    FOR   THE    BANK    OF    NORTH     AMERICA. 

CONDITION      OF      THE       TORIES. COMMERCIAL      RESTRICTIONS. M.      DE 

CHASTELLUX.— PAMPHLET     ON     THE     BANK. — MR     MORRIS'S     PLAN     OF     A 
NEW    COINAGE. — PURCHASES    THE    ESTATE    OF    MORRISANIA. 

THE  preliminary  articles  of  peace  having  been  signed,  and 
hostilities  suspended,  Mr  Morris  returned  to  New  York,  and 
visited  his  mother  at  Morrisania,  after  an  absence  of  almost 
seven  years.  He  writes  to  Mr  Robert  Morris  ;  :  I  arrived  at 
this  place  last  evening,  in  company  with  my  uncle,  and  after 
making  a  dinner  at  six  o'clock  we  drank  your  health  in  Cape 
wine,  which  has  stood  on  a  shelf  in  this  house  twenty  years  to 
my  knowledge,  and  how  much  longer  I  know  not.  We  will 
drink  no  more  of  it,  but  leave  the  remnant  till  you  and  Mrs 
Morris  can  accompany  me  hither.'  He  reached  home  in  sea 
son  to  advise  and  assist  his  mother,  in  presenting  her  claims 
for  depredations  committed  at  Morrisania  by  the  British  army 
during  the  war.  The  estate  was  within  the  British  lines,  and 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  265 

when  the  army  first  came  to  New  York,  they  took  from  it 
sixty-five  head  of  horned  cattle,  ninety  four  sheep,  and  other 
provisions,  and  in  the  course  of  the  war,  the  timber  had  been 
cut  on  four  hundred  and  seventy  acres  of  woodland,  and  used 
for  various  purposes  of  ship-building,  artillery,  and  fire-wood. 
Colonel  de  Lancey's  regiment  of  refugees  was  also  stationed 
there,  for  nearly  two  years,  erected  above  seventy  huts  in 
which  they  dwelt,  cultivating  the  land  in  the  mean  time,  and 
cutting  the  wood  for  fuel. 

Papers  and  affidavits  certifying  all  these  particulars,  with 
estimates  of  the  damages,  were  presented  to  the  British  board 
of  claims,  who  examined  them,  and  reported  that  the  facts 
were  proved  and  the  charges  reasonable,  and  that,  as  the  tim 
ber  and  other  articles  had  been  used  in  his  Majesty's  service, 
the  claimant  ought  to  be  paid  to  the  full  amount  of  her  de 
mands.  It  is  but  just  to  add,  that  the  records  of  these  trans 
actions  show  the  British  commander,  and  the  other  officers 
concerned,  to  have  acted  apparently  on  principles  honorable 
and  generous.  The  claim,  amounting  to  more  than  eight 
thousand  pounds,  was  sent  to  England  and  entrusted  for  col 
lection  to  General  Staats  Long  Morris,  but  it  was  not  paid 
during  Mrs  Morris's  lifetime. 

The  war  being  now  over,  Mr  Morris  retired  from  the  office 
of  Assistant  Fnancier,  and  betook  himself  anew  to  the  practice 
of  the  law,  which  indeed  he  had  never  entirely  given  up.  It 
was  his  intention  at  first  to  return  to  New  York,  and  establish 
himself  in  that  city,  but  various  ties  of  business  kept  him  in 
Philadelphia,  which  nuiy  be  considered  his  permanent  place  of 
residence  from  this  time  till  he  went  to  Europe,  five  years 
afterwards.  He  was  more  or  less  associated  with  Robert 
Morris,  in  his  mercantile  affairs  and  other  speculations,  some 
times  acting  as  his  agent,  at  others  devising  plans  of  new 
adventure,  voyages  at  sea,  purchases  of  stocks,  of  lands,  or  any 
other  projects,  which  promised  successful  results,  good  profits, 
and  the  means  of  accumulating  property.  By  their  long  inti 
macy  they  had  acquired  a  perfect  knowledge  of  each  other's 
VOL.  i,  23 


266  LIFE    OF 

character,  which,  strengthened  by  a  mutual  confidence,  enabled 
them  to  co-operate  with  double  effect  in  executing  the  splen 
did  schemes  of  enterprise,  which  marked  the  career  both  pri 
vate  and  public  of  the  great  American  financier. 

Mr  Morris's  correspondence  with  his  friends  was  still  con 
tinued,  though  with  less  frequency  and  less  point,  as  the  topics 
of  keen  excitement  after  the  peace  were  diminished  in  number 
and  interest.  To  Mr  Jay,  who  was  still  in  Europe,  he  wrote 
on  the  tenth  of  January,  1784. 

*  I  was  lately  in  New  York,  and  have  the  pleasure  to  tell 
you,  that  all  your  friends  were  well.  Things  there  are  now  in 
that  kind  of  ferment,  which  was  rationally  to  be  expected,  and 
I  think  the  superior  advantages  of  our  constitution  will  now 
appear,  in  the  repressing  of  those  turbulent  spirits,  who  wish 
for  confusion,  because  in  the  regular  order  of  things  they  can 
onlyjill_a  subordinate  sphere. 

'(This  country  has  never  yet  been  known  to  Europe,  and 
•God  knows  whether  it  ever  will  be  so.  To  England  it  is  less 
known,  than  to  any  other  part  of  Europe,  because  they  con 
stantly  view  it  through  a  medium  either  of  prejudice  or  of  fac 
tion.  True  it  is,  that  the  general  government  wants  energy, 
and  equally  true  it  is,  that  this  want  will  eventually  be  sup 
plied.  A  national  spirit  is  the  natural  result  of  national  exist 
ence,  and  although  some  of  the  present  generation  may  feel 
colonial  oppositions  of  opinion,  yet  this  generation  will  die 
away  and  gi?e  place  to  a  race  of  Americans^  On  this  occa 
sion,  as  on  others,  Great  Britain  is  our  best  friend,  and  by 
seizing  the  critical  moment  when  we  were  about  to  divide,  she 
has  shown  clearly  the  dreadful  consequences  of  division. 
You  will  find,  that  the  States  are  coming  into  resolutions  on  the 
subject  of  commerce,  which,  if  they  had  been  proposed  by 
Congress  on  the  plain  reason  of  the  thing,  would  have  been 
rejected  with  resentment  and  perhaps  contempt. 

'  With  respect  to  our  taste  for  luxury,  do  not  grieve  about  it. 
Luxury  is  not-  so  bad  a  thing  as  it  is  often  supposed  to  be,  and 
if  it  were  so,  still  we  must  follow  the  course  of  things,  and 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  267 

turn  to  advantage  what  exists,  since  we  have  not  the  power 
either  to  annihilate  or  create.  The  very  definition  of  luxury  is 
as  difficult  as  the  suppression  of  it,  and  if  I  were  to  declare 
my  serious  opinion,  it  is,  that  there  is  a  less  proportion  of 
rogues  in  coaches  than  out  of  them. 

1  Do  not  condemn  us  .till  you  see  us.  Do  not  ask  the  Brit 
ish  to  take  off  their  foolish  restrictions.  Let  them  alone,  and 
they  will  be  obliged  to  do  it  of  themselves.  While  the  pre 
sent  regulation  exists,  it  does  us  more  political  good,  than  it 
can  possibly  do  commercial  mischief.' 

The  news  of  the  signature  of  the  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
produced  in  different  parts  of  the  country  demonstrations  of 
joy,  in  the  various  displays  of  illuminations,  fire-works,  shows, 
and  the  like,  to  which  people  are  wont  to  resort  in  expressing 
their  delight  at  any  felicitous  public  event.  Mr  Morris  sent 
to  his  friend  Hamilton  a  description  of  the  efforts  in  this  way 
at  Philadelphia. 

'  I  arrived  here  on  Thursday  evening,  after  a  mighty  disa 
greeable  ride,  and  a  mighty  whimsical  accident  jn  crossing  the 
Delaware,  the  particulars  of  which  I  shall  reserve  till  we  meet. 
As  I  promised  to  write  you  the  politics  and  news  of  Philadel 
phia,  I  will  do  it  this  day ;  for  the  snow  storm  rages  so  inces 
santly,  that  I  cannot  go  abroad.  This  you  will  say  bodes  a 
long  letter,  and  I  fear  you  will  not  be  mistaken. 

*  I  would  entertain  you  with  a  splendid  account  of  those  illu 
minations  and  fire-works,  which,  if  we  may  believe  the  Phila 
delphia  newspapers,  were  to  have  been  the  most  brilliant  im 
aginable,  buc  I  arrived  too  late,  and  only  know  by  hearsay 
the  accident,  which  happened  to  them,  and  which  you  may 
know  too  by  consulting  the  newspapers.  The  exhibition 
would  have  been  perfectly  rediculous,  but  for  the  death  of  one 
spectator,  and  the  wounds  of  others.  These  are  subjects  on 
which  pleasantry  is  misplaced.  I  have  been  however  to  see 
the  place,  which  was  to  have  been  the  most  splendid  of  all 
possible  places,  and  truly  if  the  projectors  had  intended  to  firo 
this  city,  it  was  as  ingenious  invention.  Only  think  of  a 


268  LIFE    OF 

large  wooden  stage,  raised  in  the  middle  of  a  street,  to  hang 
canvass  on,  with  a  number  of  lamps  on  the  inside,  and  no  pre 
cautions  against  the  flames.  You  will  perhaps  be  curious,  as 
I  was,  to  know  what  put  it  into  their  heads.  The  account 
1  received  is  to  this  effect.  The  quakers,  who  have  more 
than  one  reason  for  not  illuminating  their  houses,  and  some 
others  who  have,  on  this  occasion,  at  least  one  reason  for  the 
same  thing,  wished  to  save  both  their  glass  and  their  princi 
ples.  But  how  was  this  to  be  brought  about,  without  offend 
ing  certain  persons,  whose  whiggism  consists  in  abusing  the 
tories?  The  President,  who  is  said  to  be  clever  at  expedi 
ents,  undertook  the  task.  In  order  to  secure  the  aforesaid 
whie;s,  a  man  was  employed  to  prepare  decorations  and  devi 
ces  for  the  triumphal  arch,  and  to  superintend  the  expenditure 
of  the  sum  of  six  hundred  pounds,  appropriated  by  government 
to  the  splendid  exhibition.  At  the  same  time,  all  illuminations 
were  forbidden,  and,  by  a  wise  foresight,  squibs  were  also  pro 
hibited.  This  you  see  is  the  age  of  coalitions ;  and  so,  bless 
ed  be  the  peace-makers. 

1  A  man,  who  arrives  in  this  city  from  New  York,  beholds  a 
scene  as  perfectly  new,  as  if  he  went  to  the  Mogul's  domin 
ions.  The  Philadelphians,  long  famous  for  their  progress  in 
the  arts,  have  already  completed  what  we  have  but  just  begun. 
For  the  violent  whigs  and  the  violent  tories,  who  turned  their 
backs  upon  everybody  else  about  two  years  ago,  have  each 
performed  a  semicircle,  and  met  at  the  opposite  point.  You 
know  the  present  influenza  is  the  banko-mania,  and  this  day's 
newspapers  give  us  the  plan  of  the  intended  Pennsylvania, 
or,  as  some  call  it,  Coalition  Bank.' 

The  remainder  of  the  long  letter,  with  which  he  threatened 
his  friend,  is  taken  up  in  details  about  the  proposed  bank, 
and  the  persons  designated  to  be  the  directors.  This  bank, 
by  the  way,  caused  him  no  little  trouble  and  labor.  Tt  threat 
ened  to  be  a  rival  of  his  favorite  Bank  of  North  America. 
The  leaders  of  the  project  petitioned  the  legislature  of  Penn 
sylvania  for  a  charter.  This  alarmed  the  directors  of  the  old 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  269 

bank,  and  they  requested  to  be  heard  before  the  legislature  in 
opposition  to  the  petitioners.  Mr  Morris  was  made  their  coun 
sel  and  advocate,  and  he  entered  the  lists  in  debate  with  those 
members  of  the  Assembly,  who  were  for  granting  a  charter 
to  the  new  bank.  The  contest  was  warm  and  protracted, 
and  he  made  two  arguments,  highly  applauded  at  the  time  for  el 
oquence,  ability,  and  the  perfect  knowledge  of  the  subject,  which 
they  exhibited.  It  was  on  this  occasion,  that  he  apostrophized 
the  shades  of  William  Penn  in  a  manner  so  extraordinary,  that 
the  heads  of  the  audience  were  for  the  moment  instinctively 
turned,  as  if  to  behold  the  ghost  of  the  great  founder  of  their 
republic  entering  the  hall  of  legislation.  The  traditionary 
reminiscence  of  this  event  is  still  fresh  in  the  minds  of  many 
persons  in  Philadelphia. 

Before  quoting  a  letter  written  on  the  eighteenth  of  June, 
1784,  to  Mr  Peter  Van  Schaack,  then  in  London,  it  may  be 
premised,  that  this  gentleman  was  a  refugee  from  New  York, 
who  had  been  in  England  several  years,  but  had  left  his 
country  under  circumstances  that  claimed  the  strong  sympathy 
of  his  early  friends,  whom  the  caprices  and  the  unbending  rigor 
of  war  had  made  his  political  enemies.  Mr  Van  Schaack  was 
in  sentiment  opposed  to  the  American  Revolution,  but  he  took 
no  part  on  either  side.  By  an  act  of  the  legislature  of  New 
York,  however,  he  was  numbered  among  the  enemies  of  his 
country,  on  the  broad,  politic,  and  perhaps  equitable  principle, 
that  in  war  whoever  is  not  a  friend  is  an  enemy.  By  this 
act  he  was  obliged  to  flee  from  his  country. 

When  peace  was  again  restored,  and  it  was  no  longer  trea 
sonable  to  be  detected  in  writing  to  a  tory,  the  correspondence 
between  these  two  friends  was  renewed,  apparently  by  Mr 
Van  Schaack  in  a  letter  from  London,  to  which  the  one  from 
Mr  Morris,  about  to  be  quoted,  was  a  reply.  His  liberal  senti 
ments,  his  humane  and  generous  feelings,  as  expressed  in  this 
reply,  cannot  but  meet  with  a  responsive  acquiescence  in 
every  benevolent  heart.  The  contest  was  over,  the  wild  hor 
rors  of  war  had  ceased,  the  causes  of  acrimony  were  swaK 
23* 


270  LIFE    OF 

lowed  up  in  the  successful  issue  of  events,  and  why  remem 
ber  any  longer  the  errors,  or  even  the  offences  of  those,  whom 
a  painful  experience  had  convinced  of  their  waywardness,  and 
who,  in  the  humility  of  defeated  expectation,  or  deferred  re 
pentance,  now  asked  the  slender  boon  of  breathing  their  na 
tive  air,  and  ending  their  days  in  the  land  that  had  given 
them  existence  ?  Magnanimity  is  sometimes  a  nobler  virtue 
than  justice,  and  the  emotions  of  sympathy  do  more  to  hu 
manize  the  heart,  than  the  stern  precepts  of  law,  or  the  cold 
maxims  of  political  expediency. 

4 1  perfectly  coincide  with  you  in  opinion,7  says  Mr  Mor 
ris  to  his  refugee  friend,  '  that  America  is  the  country  in  the 
world,  whose  social  state  admits  of  the  greatest  portion  of 
happiness.  Such  being  my  sentiment,  I  have  commisserated 
the  fate  of  those,  who  are  exiled  from  among  us.  My  po 
litical  ideas,  also,  are  far  from  lessening  the  regret,  because 
I  see  no  necessity  for  the  measure.  Were  this  a  mon 
archy,  I  would  subscribe  to  it  fully,  because  the  reigning  and 
the  deposed  families  must  each  have  hereditary  friendships 
and  antipathies  among  the  people,  but  in  a  republic  it  can 
not  be  so.  The  metaphysical  idea  of  the  state  does  not  so 
inhere  in  any  particular  body,  as  to  give  room  for  an  exercise 
of  the  dissocial  feelings.  We  may  love  the  country,  though 
we  hate  the  king,  but  it  is  not  in  nature  to  hate  the  country, 
nor  can  we  long  dislike  the  government,  when  that  government 
is  ourselves.  With  a  very  few  exceptions,  therefore,  of  old  and 
powerful  enemies,  I  would  open  wide  the  doors  of  that  tem 
ple,  which  we  have  reared  to  liberty,  and,  in  consecrating  an 
asylum  to  the  persecuted  of  mankind,  I  would  not  exclude 
those,  who  first  drew  the  vital  air,  and  first  saw  the  light  in 
America.' 

Peace  being  established,  the  States  began  to  set  up  new 
commercial  regulations,  and,  as  is  natural  ip,  such  cases,  each 
had  an  eye  to  its  own  interests,  with  little  regard  to  its  neigh 
bors,  and  less  to  its  confederated  head.  What,  with  ignorance, 
cupidity,  the  love  of  exercising  power,  and  the  spirit  of  rival- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  271 

ship,  things  soon  ran  into  such  a  state  of  confusion,  as  threat 
ened  all  sorts  of  disasters  to  the  republics  severally,  and  to  the 
Union.  Pennsylvania,  although  staggering  under  the  awkward 
burden  of  her  ill  balanced  constitution,  was  not  less  venture 
some  in  these  experiments,  than  the  other  States.  The  mer 
chants  were  little  satisfied  with  the  unpractised  skill  of  the  leg 
islators,  in  their  attempts  at  making  laws  for  governing  com 
merce,  and  mercantile  affairs.  Mr  Morris  was  on  their  side, 
in  some  sense  indeed  one  of  their  number,  and  the  memorials, 
remonstrances,  petitions,  and  recommendations,  which  they 
presented  from  time  to  time  to  the  legislature,  usually  flowed 
from  his  pen. 

Still  continuing  to  give  much  attention  to  the  commercial 
relations  between  France  and  the  United  States,  and  particu 
larly  in  regard  to  the  West  India  trade,  he  wrote  two  letters 
on  that  subject  to  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  which  were 
shown  to  the  French  Ministry,  and  highly  commended.  In 
reply  to  them,  December  8th,  1784,  M.  de  Chastellux  says ; 

'  Your  letters  have  been  communicated  to  M.  le  Marechal  de 
Castries,  Minister  of  Marine,  who  was  delighted  with  them. 
He  told  me,  and  repeated  it  several  times,  that  he  had  seen 
nothing  superior,  or  more  full  of  powerful  thought,  on  the  sub 
ject  of  government  and  politics.  He  gave  them  to  many  of 
his  friends  to  read,  and  I  have  been  importuned  for  permission 
to  take  copies  of  them,  which  I  have  granted  only  to  those, 
who  were  worthy  of  it.  In  one  word,  I  have  been  congratula 
ted  on  having  such  a  friend  in  another  hemisphere.  There  is 
enough,  my  dear  Morris,  to  content  you,  if  self  love  rather 
than  love  of  country  had  guided  your  pen  ;  but  your  object 
was  the  good  of  your  nation  and  of  ours. 

1  Have  we  secured  this  object  by  the  measures  we  have  tak 
en  ?  1  wish  to  have  your  opinion  on  this  subject,  though  it 
would,  perhaps,  be  easy  forme  to  anticipate  it.  1  do  not  send 
you  the  decrees  of  the  Council,  relative  to  your  commerce  with 
our  colonies  in  the  West  Indies,  because  I  doubt  not  you  have 
received  them,  or  that  they  will  reach  you  at  the  same  time 


272  LIFE  OF 

with  this  letter.  You  will  see,  that  we  have  done  more  than 
the  English,  but  we  have  done  less  than  I  wished.  I  was  de 
sirous  that  you  should  be  permitted  to  take  sugar,  for  I  consid 
er  it  hard  to  oblige  you  to  come  to  Europe  after  ours,  when 
you  might  receive  it  in  return  for  such  articles  as  we  asked 
you  to  carry  to  our  colonies.  Yet  notwithstanding  these  re 
strictions,  the  French  merchants,  and  especially  those  of  Bor 
deaux,  complain  bitterly.  But  we  now  know  enough  to  make 
a  distinction  in  regard  to  you,  between  the  interests  of  com 
merce  and  those  of  merchants. 

'I  trust  you  will  continue  to  communicate  your  opinions. 
They  will  be  eagerly  received  here,  particularly  by  our  excel 
lent  Minister  of  Marine,  who  joins  to  very  extensive  knowledge, 
a  love  of  truth,  and  zeal  for  the  public  good,  which  you  republi 
cans  would  be  astonished  to  find  in  a  monarchy,  especially  in 
a  Court.  Why  should  you  not  be  surprised  at  it  ?  We  are 
even  much  surprised  in  this  country,  to  see  how  little  harmony 
and  union  reign  in  your  rising  republic  ;  1  should  say  your 
republics  ;  and  in  employing  this  expression,  I  have  perhaps 
explained  all.  I  cannot  dissemble  with  you,  that  the  Ameri 
cans  do  not  rise  in  the  opinion  of  Europeans.  Till  you  order, 
your  confederation  better,  till  you  take  measures  in  common 
to  pay  debts,  which  you  contracted  in  common,  till  you  have 
a  form  of  government  and  a  political  influence,  we  shall  not  be 
satisfied  with  you  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  In  expressing 
myself  thus,  I  speak  of  the  public  in  France ;  for  what  nation, 
unless  it  be  our  own,  has  at  this  moment  any  interest  in  seeing 
you  become  powerful  ?  ' 

From  January  to  the  middle  of  July,  1785,  he  was  in  Vir 
ginia,  employed  in  affairs  of  business  for  Robert  Morris,  em 
bracing  a  settlement  of  accounts  with  several  persons,  and 
other  concerns  of  that  nature,  the  details  of  which  would  have 
few  attractions  for  a  general  reader.  In  latter  years  he  was 
accustomed  to  look  back  upon  this  residence  in  Virginia,  as 
among  the  most  agreeable  periods  of  his  life. 

Scarcely  ha/-  he  returned  to  Philadelphia,  when  he  was 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  273 

called  on  again  to  defend  the  Bank  of  North  America,  a  new 
attack  having  been  made  upon  it  from  another  quarter.  Peti 
tions,  procured  by  party  influence,  were  brought  up  to  the 
legislature,  praying  for  the  abolition  of  the  charter.  One  of 
the  ablest  performances  of  his  pen  is  a  pamphlet  written  on 
this  occasion,  developing  the  principles  of  the  Bank,  its  pro 
ceedings,  and  the  great  benefits  derived  from  it  to  the  public, 
answering  at  the  same  time,  in  a  close  and  logical  series  of 
arguments,  all  the  objections  advanced  against  it.  With  the 
whole,  is  interwoven  a  view  of  banking  operations  in  general, 
and  their  effects  on  the  community. 

Soon  after  Mr  Robert  Morris  had  been  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  finance  department,  he  was  instructed  by  Congress  to 
prepare  a  report  on  the  foreign  coins,  then  circulating  in  the 
United  States.  Accordingly,  as  early  as  January,  1782,  a  full 
exposition  of  this  subject  was  made  to  Congress  in  a  letter, 
which  was  officially  sent  in  his  name,  but  which  Mr  Jefferson 
says  was  written  by  the  Assistant  Financier,  Gouverneur  Morris. 
Indeed,  the  estimates  and  calculations  on  which  the  letter  is 
founded  still  exist  in  his  handwriting.  But  the  most  curious 
and  remarkable  part  of  this  report,  was  a  new  plan  for  an 
American  coinage,  which  originated  with  Gouverneur  Morris, 
and  which  in  fact  was  the  basis  of  the  system  afterwards  adopt 
ed  and  now  in  use.  The  following  extracts  contain  the  hints 
as  they  were  first  struck  out. 

'  In  order  that  a  coin  may  be  perfectly  intelligible  to  the 
whole  people,  it  must  have  some  affinity  to  the  former  curren 
cy.  This,  therefore,  will  be  requisite  in  the  present  case. 
The  purposes  of  commerce  require,  that  the  lowest  divisible 
point  of  money,  or  what  is  more  properly  called  the  money 
unit,  should  be  very  small,  because  by  that  means,  price  can 
be  brought  in  the  smallest  things  to  bear  a  proportion  to  the 
value.  And  although  it  is  not  absolutely  necessary,  yet  it  is 
very  desirable,  that  money  should  be  increased  in  decimal 
ratio,  because  by  that  means  all  calculations  of  interest, 
exchange,  insurance,  and  the  like,  are  rendered  much  more 


274  LIFE    OF 

simple  and  accurate,  and  of  course,  more  within  the  power  of 
the  great  mass  of  the  people.  Wherever  such  things  require 
much  labor,  time,  and  reflection,  the  greater  number,  who 
do  not  know,  are  made  the  dupes  of  the  smaller  number  who 
do. 

'  The  various  coins,  which  have  circulated  in  America,  have 
undergone  different  changes  in  their  value,  so  that  there  is 
hardly  any  which  can  be  considered  as  a  general  standard, 
unless  it  be  Spanish  dollars.  These  pass  in  Georgia  at  five 
shillings,  in  North  Carolina  and  New  York  at  eight  shillings, 
in  Virginia  and  the  four  Eastern  States  at  six  shillings,  and  in 
all  the  other  States,  excepting  South  Carolina,  at  seven  shil 
lings  and  sixpence,  and  in  South  Carolina  at  thirty-two  shil 
lings  and  sixpence.  The  money  unit  of  a  new  coin  to  agree, 
without  a  fraction,  with  all  these  different  values  of  a  dollar, 
excepting  the  last,  will,  be  the  fourteen  hundred  and  fortieth 
part  of  a  dollar,  equal  to  the  sixteen  hundredth  part  of  a 
crown.  Of  these  units,  twenty-four  will  be  a  penny  of  Geor 
gia,  fifteen  will  be  a  penny  of  North  Carolina  or  New  York, 
twenty  will  be  a  penny  of  Virginia  and  the  four  Eastern 
States,  sixteen  will  be  a  penny  of  all  the  other  States,  except 
ing  South  Carolina,  and  forty-eight  will  be  thirteen  pence  of 
South  Carolina. 

*  It  has  already  been  observed,  that  to  have  the  money  unit 
very  small,  is  advantageous  to  commerce ;  but  there  is  no  ne 
cessity,  that  this  money  unit  be  exactly  represented  in  coin  ; 
it  is  sufficient  that  its  value  be  precisely  known.  On  the 
present  occasion,  two  copper  coins  will  be  proper,  the  one  of 
eight  units,  and  the  other  of  five.  These  may  be  called  an 
Eight,  and  a  Five.  Two  of  the  former  will  make  a  penny, 
Proclamation  or  Pennsylvania  money,  and  three  a  penny 
Georgia  money.  Of  the  latter,  three  will  make  a  penny  New 
York  money,  and  four  a  penny  lawful,  or  Virginia  money. 
The  money  unit  will  be  equal  to  a  quarter  of  a  grain  of  fine 
silver  in  coined  money.  Proceeding  thence  in  a  'decimal 
ratio,  one  hundred  would  be  the  lowest  silver  coin,  and  might 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  275 

be  called  a  Cent.  It  would  contain  twenty-five  grains  of  fine 
silver,  to  which  may  be  added  two  grains  of  copper,  and  the 
whole  would  weigh  one  pennyweight  and  three  grains.  Five 
of  these  would  make  a  Quint,  or  five  hundred  units,  weighing 
five  pennyweight  and  fifteen  grains  ;  and  ten  would  make  a 
Mark,  or  one  thousand  units,  weighing  eleven  pennyweight 
and  six  grains.'* 


*  See  Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  the  American  Revolution,  Vol.  xii. 
p.  91. 

It  may  be  proper  to  subjoin  the  elements  of  the  letter  kere  quoted, 
as  extracted  from  Mr  Morris's  manuscripts  of  that  date.  He  proposed 
the  following  table  of  currency  ; — 

One  crown,  or  ten  dollars,  equal  to        -  10,000 

One  dollar,  or  ten  bills,  equal  to 1,000 

One  bill,  or  ten  pence,  equal  to  -  100 

One  penny,  or  ten  quarters,  eqtfal  to      •  -        -        -        •>»  '         10 
One  quarter,  equal  to  --*"-'  1 

The  value  of  the  quarter  is  equal  to  a  quarter  of  a  grain  of  pure  sil 
ver,  or  one  fourteen  hundred  and  fortieth  part  of  a  Spanish  dollar. 

This  was  his  first  plan  of  a  new  coinage,  founded  on  the  principle  of 
decimals  and  a  money  unit.  The  larger  piece,  or  crown,  was  to  be  of 
gold  ;  the  next,  or  dollar,  of  silver.  He  proposed,  also,  that  for  conve 
nience  there  should  be  other  coins  struck,  besides  those  here  designa 
ted,  but  that  each  should  contain  a  precise  number  of  the  money  unit. 
' The  advantages  of  the  coin  here  proposed,'  he  adds,  'are  first,  that 
none  other  will  effect  the  object  of  banishing  other  currencies,  because 
this  alone  applies  without  fractions  to  them  all. 

'  Secondly,  the  minuteness  of  its  lower  denominations  will  render  it 
an  accurate  measure  of  the  smallest  variations  of  quantity,  or  quality, 
in  any  commodity. 

« Thirdly,  the  decimal  proportion  of  its  parts  will  render  all  calcula 
tions  in  it  easy. 

*  Fourthly,  few  figures  will  be  used  for  the  largest  sums,  while  at  the 
same  time  the  smallest  sums  will  be  comprehended. 

'  Lastly,  as  to  the  names  above  chosen,  they,  like  all  other  names,  are 
arbitrary,  and  perhaps  better  may  be  substituted.  The  word  crown 
occurred,  from  the  following  idea  of  an  impression  fora  gold  coin;  viz. 
An  Indian,  with  his  bow  in  his  left  hand,  and  in  his  right  hand  thir 
teen  arrows,  and  his  right  foot  on  a  crown ;  the  inscription,  manus 
inimica  tyrannis. 


276  LIFE    OF 

Notwithstanding  this  subject  was  discussed  from  time  to  time 
in  Congress,  nothing  was  decided  about  it  for  several  years. 
Mr  Jefferson  was  appointed  one  of  a  committee  in  1784,  for 
considering  the  coinage.  He  examined  Mr  Morris's  scheme, 
allowed  it  to  be  ingenious,  and  in  its  general  principles  the  best 
that  could  be  devised. 

He  did  not  accord  with  him,  however,  in  regard  to  his  mon 
ey  unit,  believing  it  to  be  too  small  for  convenience,  if  not  for 
practicability.  It  required  so  many  figures  to  express  small 
amounts,  that  it  was  feared  the  people  would  never  be  able  to 
adopt  it,  and  if  they  should,  the  evil  itself  would  not  be  re 
moved.  Whoever  should  make  a  purchase  amounting  to  a 
quarter  of  a  dollar,  for  instance,  would  pay  for  it  three  hundred 
and  sixty  units,  and  however  the  coins  might  be  subdivided  as 
to  size,  this  mode  of  expression  must  adhere  to  their  value. 
In  writing  large  sums  in  figures,  the  same  inconvenience  would 
occur  to  a  much  greater  extent.  A  hundred  .dollars,  instead 
of  being  noted  by  three  figures,  would  be  expressed  by  a  hun 
dred  and  forty-four  thousand  units,  and  require  six  figures. 

To  get  rid  of  these  obstacles,  Mr  Jefferson  hit  upon  the 
dollar  as  a  money  unit,  and  applied  to  it  Mr  Morris's  plan 
of  decimal  notation.  He  recommended  it  to  Congress,  in  a 
paper  explaining  its  advantages.  In  that  state  the  subject  re 
mained  for  more  than  a  year,  till  at  length,  in  August,  1785,  it 
was  resolved,  that  the  dollar  should  be  the  money  unit  of  the 
United  States,  and  the  pieces  of  coin  should  be  in  a  decimal 
ratio.  But  as  yet  there  was  no  mint,  and  of  course  no  coins 
were  struck.  A  Committee  of  Congress  had  the  business  of 
coining  in  hand,  but  slow  progress  was  made,  and  it  was  not 
till  August  of  the  next  year,  that  the  names  and  character  of 
the  coins  were  decided  upon,  and  the  way  opened  for  estab 
lishing  a  mint.  The  first  ordinance,  however,  about  the  unit 
and  decimal  ratio  had  gone  into  partial  operation. 

Meantime,  while  the  committee  were  investigating  the 
matter,  Mr  Morris  wrote  a  letter  to  Dr  Ramsay,  then  a  mem 
ber  of  the  board,  urging  his  plan  anew,  and  adding  some  modi- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

fications,  by  which  he  contrived  to  escape  from  his  troublesome 
unit,  and  to  introduce  a  large  one,  which  was  to  operate  on  a 
very  ingenious  principle,  and  to  be  free  from  all  the  objec 
tions  brought  against  the  other.  He  took  an  arbitrary  amount, 
without  reference  to  any  existing  coin,  which  was  to  apply  in 
its  subdivisions  to  the  currency  of  every  State,  and  also  to 
those  of  England  and  France.  His  idea  was  to  have  a 
money  of  account,  and  a  money  of  coinage,  the  former  to  be 
used  in  mercantile  transactions  and  book  accounts,  and  the 
latter  to  pass  as  a  currency.  He  adhered  to  the  decimal  di 
visions,  and  fashioned  the  coins  of  such  a  size,  that  they 
would  adapt  themselves  without  a  fraction  to  the  money  of  ac 
count.* 

The  great  advantage,  which  he  expected  from  this  plan, 
was  to  introduce  the  new  coinage  and  mode  of  reckoning  easi 
ly  into  all  the  States,  which  he  did  not  believe  could  be  effect- 


*  He  assumed  for  his  Unit  an  amount  equal  to  twelve  shillings  and 
six  pence  sterling,  which  he  called  a  pound,  making  this  divisable  by 
ten,  and  giving  the  names  of  pounds,  shillings,  pence,  and  doits  to  the 
several  divisions ;  thus, 

One  pound  is  equal  to        ------        1,000 

One  shilling  equal  to        -------       100 

One  penny  equal  to-------  10 

One  doit  equal  to     -------  1 

Now  the  money  of  all  the  States,  reduced  to  pence,  may  be  expressed 
in  this  doit  without  a  remainder.  For  example,  in  the  New  England 
currency  five  doits  make  a  penny.  Hence  £10  19  5,  reduced  to 
pence,  are  equal  to  2,633,  which,  multiplied  by  5,  give  13,165  doits,  or 
13  pounds  and  165  doits  of  the  new  reckoning;  or  13  pounds,  1  shil 
ling,  6  pence,  5  doits.  By  an  easy  process  the  same  result  will  follow 
with  all  the  old  currencies  of  the  States ;  that  is,  any  sum  in  pence 
may  be  reduced  to  doits  without  a  fractional  remainder,  which  is 
rarely  thu  case  with  the  cents  now  in  use.  The  above  unit  is  there 
fore  taken,  on  account  of  its  being  susceptible  of  this  division. 

It  will  be  seen,  that,  by  omitting  the  names  of  shillings  and  pence, 

the  mode  of  reckoning  will  be  by  dollars  and  doits,  precisely  like  the 

present  mode  of  dollars  and  cents,  except  that  the  place  of  doits  takes 

three  figures  instead  of  two.  By  rejecting  the  last  figure,  as  we  now 

VOL.   I.          24 


278  LIFE    OF 

ed  by  taking  the  dollar  for  the  unit.  To  this  latter  scheme 
he  states  several  objections. 

'  The  proposed  penny,  (cent)  or  hundredth  part  of  a  dol 
lar,'  he  observes,  'will  not  apply  to  any  currency  in  America. 
It  will  be  a  T3ritish  halfpenny,  and,  calculating  accurately,  nine 
of  them  make  eight  pence  of  New  York  currency,  six  make 
five  pence  of  Pennsylvania  currency,  three  make  two  pence  of 
New  England  and  Virginia,  nine  make  five  pence  of  Georgia, 
and  twenty-seven  make  fourteen  pence  of  South  Carolina. 
Nay,  the  dollar  itself  will  be  a  fractional  sum,  when  compared 
with  present  currencies.  This  then  being  the  case,  it  is  be 
yond  my  comprehension,  that  the  people  of  America  should 
abandon  their  present  local  money,  to  adopt  the  proposed  gen 
eral  money,  which  bears  an  accurate  relation  to  no  other  than 
the  currency  of  Great  Britain, 

*  Let  us  suppose  a  merchant,  desirous  of  adopting  the  plan 
of  Congress,  pays  a  laborer  nine  pence.  Is  this  to  be  charged 
to  his  correspondent  ?  It  so  happens,  that,  let  him  reside  in 
any  one  of  these  States,  he  could  not  enter  that  sum  on  his 
books,  should  he  open  them  in  the  new  money.  We  cannot 


do  the  mills  in  common  calculations,  the  reckoning  would  then  stand 
in  dollars  ant!  pence,  and  bo  exactly  the  same  as  the  present  mode. 

The  table  of  coins  proposed  in  connexion  with  this  system  of  reck 
oning  was  as  follows. 

Crown,  of  gold,        -  value  1,200  doits 

Half  crown  600 

Dollar,  of  silver  -      300 

Shilling  300 

Groat        -  20 

Doit,  of  copper     ---.-_.  j 

These  coins  were  chosen  for  a  double  purpose ;  viz.  their  conve 
nient  size,  and  their  measures  of  weight  and  of  the  values  of  the  old 
currency.  Each  coin  weighs  an  exact  [number  of  grains,  without  a 
fraction,  and  its  value  in  this  respect  might  thus  be  easily  proved. 
Each  one  is  an  expression  of  an  exact  number  of  pence  in  the  old 
currencies  of  the  States,  as  well  as  in  that  of  England,  and  in  the  li- 
vres  and  sous  of  France.  They  are  all,  moreover,  decimal  parts  of 
the  new  unit,  and  thus  adapted  to  the  money  of  account. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  279 

expect  the  common  people,  vvitli  whom  the  merchant  must 
deal,  will  take  the  lead,  and  at  once  conform  to  a  plan,  which, 
simplify  it  as  we  may,  they  at  least  cannot  comprehend. 
Some  persons  must  begin,  and  who  are  to  be  the  first  ?  I 
answer  the  merchants.  Now  should  it  be  rendered  impracti 
cable  to  them,  they  will  not  attempt  it.  But,  as  the  merchant 
must  in  the  first  instance  conform  to  the  ideas  of  the  common 
people  in  money  matters,  so  the  rest  of  the  community  must 
eventually  conform  to  the  merchant.  This  we  know  by  ex 
perience,  and  therefore  his  convenience  should  be  consulted 
by  government,  if  they  wish  the  plan  to  succeed. 

'Indeed,  were  government  about  to  institute  a  manufactory 
of  scythes,  we  should  expect  that  they  would  choose  such  as 
would  be  convenient  to  the  mowers  of  America,  though  per 
haps  longer  or  shorter  than  are  used  in  Switzerland.  In  like 
manner,  it  might  be  prudent  for  the  money  manufacturers  to 
make  such  coins,  as  would  suit  the  American  merchants, 
though  it  might  not  square  precisely  with  the  currency  of  Lon 
don  or  Amsterdam.  The  idea  of  a  piece  of  silver  worth  one 
hundred  coppers  is  easily  comprehended.  It  is  simple  enough, 
and  I  have  heard  it  said,  that  nice  calculations  on  this  subject 
are  abstruse  and  unnecessary,  for  merchants  might  easily  com 
ply  by  rejecting  the  fractions.  This  also  is  easy  and  simple, 
and  in  a  negotiation  for  a  pennyworth  of  apples  or  nuts  might 
answer,  but  if  we  take  that  unnecessary  trouble  of  calculating, 
we  shall  find  the  rejection  of  these  fractions  would  exceed  five 
per  cent,  which  merchants  consider  as  a  full  compensation  for 
much  labor  and  some  risk.  To  make  a  money,  which  in 
volves  the  assumption  and  rejection  of  fractions,  is  a  paraphrase 
on  the  bed  of  Procrustes.  '  If  the  patient  is  too  short  for  the 
bed,  stretch  him  ;  if  too  long,  clip  him.' 

These  arguments,  however  plausible  and  in  some  respects 
cogent,  did  not  bring  Congress  over  to  his  views.  They  ad 
hered  to  Mr  Jefferson's  unit,  and  the  coinage  was  established 
upon  that  basis. 

But  there  are  evidently   two  sides  to  the   question,  and  it 


280  LIFE    OF 

may  not  be  easy  even  now  to  decide,  which  system  was  the 
best  to  attain  the  end  desired  in  the  shortest  time.  As  to  the 
ultimate  convenience,  they  would  both  have  come  to  nearly 
the  same  thing.  The  primary  object  was  to  establish  a  uni 
form  mode  of  reckoning  money  in  all  parts  of  the  union  ;  the 
next,  to  introduce  a  coinage,  which  should  drive  the  old  coins 
out  of  the  country,  and  supersede  their  use.  According  to  Mr 
Morris's  plan,  this  was  to  be  done  by  an  entire  new  coinage, 
and  a  system  of  reckoning,  which  should  adapt  itself  with  the 
greatest  facility  both  to  the  old  coins,  and  to  the  different  sys 
tems  already  in  vogue.  Mr  Jefferson  believed,  that  it  would 
be  more  readily  accomplished,  by  taking  a  standard  coin, 
whose  value  the  people  well  understood,  and  making  it  the 
basis  of  the  new  divisions  and  nomenclature.  Everybody 
knew  the  value  of  a  dollar,  and  could  easily  comprehend  the 
parts  of  a  dollar,  let  them  be  named  as  they  might. 

Forty  years  of  experiment  have  proved  that  the  process 
has  been  slow.  As  yet  it  is  far  from  being  completed.  The 
fractional  remainders  in  converting  the  old  currencies  into  the 
new,  which  were  so  much  dreaded  by  Mr  Morris,  and  which 
it  was  the  first  element  in  all  his  plans  to  evade,  have  present 
ed  the  same  obstacles  that  he  anticipated.  Many  values  in 
the  old  currencies  cannot  be  expressed  in  the  decimal  parts  of 
a  dollar.  Besides,  two  mischievous  little  coins  of  foreign 
growth,  the  eighth  and  sixteenth  of  a  dollar,  have  kept  their 
hold  on  the  affections  of  the  people,  by  reason  of  their  being 
even  parts  of  the  adopted  unit,  although  at  variance  with  the 
decimal  notation.  Such  is  their  power,  that  the  government  it 
self  is  to  this  day  obliged  to  yield  obedience  to  it,  in  the  trans 
actions  of  the  postoffice.  As  things  now  stand,  it  is  time  for 
this  vassalage  to  be  thrown  off,  and  the  rates  of  postage  fixed 
in  the  decimals  of  a  dollar.  Let  the  people  pay  the  fraction 
al  half  or  quarter  cent,  in  deference  to  their  money  unit,  till  it 
becomes  so  well  grounded,  as  to  expel  these  disorganizing  lit 
tle  foreigners  from  circulation.  New  coins  of  home  manufac 
ture,  and  a  plenty  of  them,  are  the  only  aids  that  can  be 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  "281 

called  in  for  such  a  purpose,  and  these  will  be  feeble  auxilia 
ries,  unless  a  stigma  of  some  sort  shall  be  attached  to  the  intru 
ders  from  abroad. 

ML-  Morris's  mother  had  been  more  or  less  affected  with  ill 
ness  for  several  years,  and  she  died  in  January,  1786.  This 
event  brought  him  to  Morrisania,  at  which  place  and  at  New 
York  he  remained  for  two  or  three  months.  By  his  father's 
will,  the  estate  at  Morrisania  and  its  appendages  were  left  to 
his  mother  during  her  lifetime.  The  property  then  devolved 
upon  the  second  son,  Siaats  Long  Morris,  who  was  a  General 
in  the  British  army,  and  resided  in  England.  Lewis  Morris, 
the  eldest  son,  had  received  his  portion  before  his  father's  death. 
A  legacy  of  seven  thousand  pounds  was  to  be  paid  by  General 
Morris  to  the  other  children,  before  he  could  take  possession 
of  the  estate,  and  of  this  sum  Gouverneur  Morris  \v>as  to  re 
ceive  two  thousand  pounds. 

General  Morris  also  owned  lands  in  New  Jersey,  and  to 
settle  the  affairs  of  these  estates  he  came  to  America.  As  he 
had  no  intention  to  reside  there,  he  was  of  course  willing  to 
sell  this  property  upon  fair  terms,  and  his  brother  Gouverneur 
resolved  to  make  the  purchase.  The  amount  required  was 
much  above  his  means,  but  by  the  accommodation  of  friends, 
and  convenient  arrangements  with  his  brother,  he  finally  bought 
the  patrimonial  estate  at  Morrisania,  and  a  part,  if  not  all,  of 
the  General's  lands  in  New  Jersey,  the  contract  being  com 
pleted  before  the  end  of  the  year. 

His  business  operations  had  already  become  extensive,  and 
in  several  of  them  he  was  concerned  with  Robert  Morris* 
Commercial  adventures,  and  particularly  an  East  India  voyage 
on  a  large  scale,  shipments  of  tobacco  from  Virginia  to  France, 
and  shares  in  iron  works  on  the  Delaware  River,  were  among 
the  objects  of  this  kind,  to  which  his  time  and  thoughts  were 
devoted,  and  by  which  his  fortune  was  increased.  As  tha 
winter  was  approaching  when  he  purchased  the  estate  at 
Morrisania,  he  did  not  remain  there  long,  but  returned  to 
Philadelphia. 


282  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

CONVENTION    FOR    FORMING    THE    CONSTITUTION    OF     THE    UNITED    STATES. 

MR    MORRIS'S    OPINIONS    IN    THAT    BODY. MR     MADISON'S     LETTER. HAM 

ILTON. — MR    MORRIS     VISITS    VIRGINIA. — PREPARES     TO     DEPART    FOR   EU 
ROPE WASHINGTON. 

HAVING  resided  seven  years  in  Pennsylvania,  since  he  ceas 
ed  to  be  a  member  of  Congress,  he  was  considered  a  citizen, 
and  waa  elected  one  of  the  delegates  from  that  State  to  the 
Convention  for  forming  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 
The  Convention  assembled  at  Philadelphia  in  May,  1787,  and 
continued  together  more  than  four  months,  before  the  Consti 
tution  was  completed.  Mr  Morris  was  present  during  the 
whole  time,  except  a  few  days  in  the  last  part  of  June,  which 
he  passed  at  Morrisania,  being  called  there  to  arrange  the  af 
fairs  of  his  farm.  He  had  employed  a  manager,  and  a  large 
number  of  laborers  in  the  spring,  and  was  now  commencing 
extensive  improvements  upon  his  estate,  such  as  removing  and 
repairing  buildings,  planting  forest  and  fruit  trees,  and  direct 
ing  various  agricultural  arrangements,  which  demanded  his-, 
presence.  As  soon  as  he  had  effected  a  general  supervision 
of  these  matters,  and  left  full  and  minute  written  instructions 
with  his  manager,  he  went  back  and  took  his  seat  again  in  the 
Convention. 

As  there  is  not  a  note  or  memorandum  among  his  papers, 
indicating  his  acts  in  the  Convention,  very  little  can  be  said 
on  that  subject.  In  a  letter  to  Colonel  Pickering,  written  two 
years  before  his  death,  he  remarks ;  '  While  I  sat  in  the  Con 
vention,  my  mind  was  too  much  occupied  by  the  intesests  of 
our  country,  to  keep  notes  of  what  we  had  done.  Some  gen- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  283 

tlemen,  I  was  told,  passed  their  evenings  in  transcribing  speech 
es  from  short-hand  minutes  of  the  day.  My  faculties  were 
on  the  stretch  to  further  our  business,  remove  impediments, 
obviate  objections,  and  conciliate  jarring  opinions.']  In  sundry 
letters  to  his  friends,  contained  in  his  published  correspon 
dence,  and  written  after  constitutional  questions  began  to  be 
much  agitated  in  Congress,  particularly  one  to  Mr  Walsh,  he 
explains  his  views  on  those  topics,  and  alludes  to  the  proceed 
ings  of  the  Convention,  but  this  only  in  general  terms,  and 
rather  as  an  interpreter  of  its  intentions,  than  a  historian  of  its 
deeds. 

Thus  destitute  of  written  or  printed  materials  on  this  sub 
ject,  I  applied  to  Mr  Madison,  the  only  survivor  of  the  list 
of  worthies,  who  attended  the  Convention,  and  signed  the  great 
charter  of  union  and  freedom.  The  following  are  extracts  of 
a  letter  to  Mr  Madison. 

1  It  is  said  by  several  persons,  who  profess  to  know  the  fact, 
that  the  Constitution  in  its  present  form  and  language  is  from 
the  pen  of  Gouverneur  Morris  ;  that,  after  all  the  debates  were 
finished,  and  each  part  had  been  adopted  in  substance,  the  in 
strument  was  put  into  his  hands  to  be  wrought  into  proper  phra 
seology  and  style.  His  friends  are  in  the  habit  of  thinking, 
that  much  is  due  to  him  for  the  clear,  simple,  and  expressive 
language,  in  which  the  Constitution  is  clothed. 

1  The  following  anecdote  is  also  current.  While  the  Conven 
tion  was  sitting,  Mr  Morris  was  absent  for  several  days.  On 
his  return  to  Philadelphia,  he  called  at  the  house  of  Robert 
Morris,  where  he  found  General  Washington,  who,  as  well  as 
Robert  Morris,  was  much  dejected  at  what  they  regarded  the 
deplorable  state  of  things  in  the  Convention.  Debates  had  run 
high,  conflicting  opinions  were  obstinately  adhered  to,  animos 
ities  were  kindling,  some  of  the  members  were  threatening  to  go 
home,  and,  at  this  alarming  crisis,  a  dissolution  of  the  Conven 
tion  was  hourly  to  be  apprehended.  Instructed  in  these  par 
ticulars,  Gouverneur  Morris  went  into  the  Convention  on  the 
day  following,  and  spoke  with  such  eloquence  and  power,  on 


284  LIFE    OF 

the  necessity  of  union,  of  partial  sacrifices  and  temperate  dis 
cussion,  that  he  contributed  much  to  work  a  change  in  the 
feelings  of  the  members,  which  was  the  means  of  restoring 
harmony,  and  ultimately  of  attaining  the  objects  of  the  Conven 
tion.  It  is  added,  that,  as  his  absence  had  prevented  his  par 
taking  of  the  warmth,  which  had  been  excited  by  the  previous 
discussions,  his  counsel  and  coolness  had  the  greater  effect.' 

Concerning  these  points,  and  in  reply  to  queries  on  others, 
Mr  Madison  wrote  an  answer,  which  every  reader  will  be  glad 
to  see  entire. 

<  Montpellier,  April  Sth,  1331. 

'  Dear  Sir, 

<  I  have  duly  received  your  letter  of  March  30th.  In  an 
swer  to  your  inquiries,  "  respecting  the  part  acted  by  Gouver- 
neur  Morris  in  the  Federal  Convention  of  1787,  and  the  polit 
ical  doctrines  maintained  by  him,"  it  may  be  justly  said,  that 
he  was  an  able,  an  eloquent,  and  an  active  member,  and 
shared  largely  in  the  discussions  succeeding  the  1st  of  July, 
previous  to  which,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  of  the  early 
days,  he  was  absent. 

'  Whether  he  accorded  precisely  with  the  "  political  doctrines 
of  Hamilton/'  I  cannot  say.  He  certainly  did  not  "  incline  to 
the  democratic  side,"  and  was  very  frank  in  avowing  his  opin 
ions,  when  most  at  variance  with  those  prevailing  in  the  Con 
vention.  He  did  not  propose  any  outline  of  a  constitution,  aj 
was  done  by  Hamilton  ;  but  contended  for  certain  articles,  (a 
Senate  for  life  particularly)  which  he  held  essential  to  the  sta 
bility  and  energy  of  a  government,  capable  of  protecting  the 
rights  of  property  against  the  spirit  of  democracy.  He  wish 
ed  to  make  the  weight  of  wealth  balance  that  of  numbers, 
which  he  pronounced  to  be  the  only  effectual  security  to  each, 
against  the  encroachments  of  the  other. 

'  The  finish  given  to  the  style  and  arrangement  of  the  Consti 
tution  fairly  belongs  to  the  pen  of  Mr  Morris  ;  the  task  having, 
probably,  been  handed  over  to  him  by  the  chairman  of  the 


GOUVEBNEUR    MORRIS.  285 

Committee,  himself  a  highly  respectable  member,  and  with 
trte  ready  concurrence  of  the  others.  A  better  choice  could 
not  have  been  made,  as  the  performance  of  the  task  proved. 
It  is  true,  that  the  state  of  the  materials,  consisting  of  a  report 
ed  draft  in  detail,  and  subsequent  resolutions  accurately 
penned,  and  falling  easily  into  their  proper  places,  was  a  good 
preparation  for  the  symmetry  and  phraseology  of  the  instrument, 
but  there  was  sufficient  room  for  the  talents  and  taste  stamped 
by  the  author  on  the  face  of  it.  The  alterations  made  by  the 
Committee  are  not  recollected.  They  were  not  such,  as  to 
impair  the  merit  of  the  composition.  Those,  verbal  and  oth 
ers,  made  in  the  Convention,  may  be  gathered  from  the  Jour 
nal,  and  will  be  found  also  to  leave  that  merit  altogether  un 
impaired. 

*  The  anecdote  you  mention  may  not  be  without  a  founda 
tion,  but  not  in  the  extent  supposed.  It  is  certain,  that  the 
return  of  Mr  Morris  to  the  Convention  was  at  a  critical  stage 
of  its  proceedings.  The  knot,  felt  as  the  Gordian  one,  was 
the  question  between  the  larger  and  the  smaller  States,  on  the 
rule  of  voting  in  the  senatorial  branch  of  the  legislature ;  the 
latter  claiming,  the  former  opposing,  the  rule  of  equality. 
Great  zeal  and  pertinacity  had  been  shown  on  both  sides, 
and  an  equal  division  of  votes  on  the  question  had  been  reiter 
ated  and  prolonged,  till  it  had  become  not  only  distressing,  but 
seriously  alarming.  It  was  during  that  period  of  gloom,  that 
Dr  Franklin  made  the  proposition  for  a  religious  service  in 
the  Convention,  an  account  of  which  was  so  erroneously  given, 
with  every  semblance  of  authenticity,  through  the  National  In 
telligencer,  several  years  ago.  The  crisis  was  not  over,  when 
Mr  Morris  is  said  to  have  had  an  interview  and  conversation 
with  General  Washington  and  Mr  Robert  Morris,  such  as  may 
well  have  occurred.  But  it  appears  that,  on  the  day  of  his  re- 
entering  the  Convention,  a  proposition  had  been  made  from 
another  quarter  to  refer  the  knotty  question  to  a  Committee, 
with  a  view  to  some  compromise,  the  indications  being  mani 
fest,  that  sundry  members  from  the  larger  States  were  relaxing 


286  LIFE    OF 

in  their  opposition,  and  that  some  ground  of  compromise  was 
contemplated,  such  as  finally  took  place,  and  as  may  be  seen 
in  the  printed  Journal.  Mr  Morris  was  in  the  deputation  from 
the  large  State  of  Pennsylvania,  and  combated  the  compromise 
throughout.  The  tradition  is,  however,  correct,  that,  on  the 
day  of  his  resuming  his  seat,  he  entered  with  anxious  feelings 
into  the  debate,  and,  in  one  ol  his  speeches,  painted  the  conse 
quences  of  an  abortive  result  to  the  Convention,  in  ail  the  deep 
colors  suited  to  the  occasion.  But  it  is  not  believed,  that 
any  material  influence  on  the  turn,  which  things  took,  could  be 
ascribed  to  his  efforts.  For,  besides  the  mingling  with  them 
some  of  his  most  disrelished  ideas,  the  topics  of  his  eloquent 
appeals  to  the  members  had  been  exhausted  during  his  absence, 
and  their  minds  were  too  much  made  up,  to  be  susceptible  of 
new  impressions. 

'  It  is  but  due  to  Mr  Morris  to  remark,  that,  to  the  brilliancy 
of  his  genius,  he  added,  what  is  too  rare,  a  candid  surrender 
of  his  opinions,  when  the  lights  of  discussion  satisfied  him,  that 
they  had  been  too  hastily  formed,  and  a  readiness  to  aid  in 
making  the  best  of  measures  in  which  he  had  been  overruled. 

'  In  making  this  hastened  communication,  I  have  moio  con 
fidence  in  the  discretion  with  which  it  will  be  used,  than  in  its 
fulfilment  of  your  anticipations.  I  hope  it  will,  at  least,  be 
accepted  as  a  proof  of  my  respect  for  your  object,  and  of  the 
sincerity  with  which  I  tender  to  you  a  reassurance  of  my  cor 
dial  esteem  and  good  wishes. 

9>  'JAMES  MADISON.' 

In  Yates's  minutes  of  the  Convention  there  is  a  brief  leport 
of  a  speech,  which  was  made  by  Mr  Morris  on  the  second  of 
July,  and  in  which  sentiments  are  advanced  in  accordance 
with  those  above  ascribed  to  him  by  Mr  Madison.  He  fol 
lowed  Roger  Sherman,  who  had  just  said,  '  it  seems  we  have 
got  to  a  point,  where  we  cannot  move  one  way  or  the  other.' 
Mr  Morris  avowed  himself  the  advocate  of  a  'strong  govern 
ment,'  but  admitted  that  the  aristocratic  tendency  of  wealth 


GOUVEKNEUR    MORRIS.  287 

ought  to  be  guarded.  The  House  of  Representatives,  as  ori 
ginating  from  the  people,  he  thought  would  be  subject  to 
precipitancy,  changeableness,  and  excess,  which  could  be 
checked  only  by  virtue  and  Lbility  in  the  Senate.  For  this 
reason,  he  would  have  the  Senate  composed  of  men  possessing 
large  property,  whose  pride  would  be  enlisted  in  support  of 
their  consistency  and  permanency,  and  who,  to  make  them 
completely  independent,  should  be  appointed  for  life. 

He  allowed  that  examples  from  history  proved  wealth  to 
incline  naturally  to  tyranny  ;  power  always  seeks  to  enlarge  its 
bounds  and  fortify  itself;  but  he  believed  this  aristocratic  fea 
ture  of  the  Senate  w?ould  be  balanced  by  the  democratic 
branch,  and  that  together  they  would  secure  the  stability  of  the 
government.  Vacancies  in  the  Seriate  he  thought  should  be 
filled  by  the  executive,  for  if  the  Senators  were  chosen  either 
by  the  people,  or  any  other  mode  of  election  by  the  States,  they 
would  not  be  a  sufficient  check  upon  the  representative 
branch,  they  would  partake  too  much  of  the  same  character, 
be  imbrued  with  local  and  State  prejudices,  and  overlook  the 
general  government,  which  it  ought  to  be  their  special  province 
to  strengthen  and  uphold. 

It  had  been  proposed,  that  the  Senators  should  be  incapable 
of  holding  any  office  under  the  national  government.  To  this 
idea  he  objected.  He  would  give  them  every  inducement  to 
take  an  interest  in  the  government,  as  a  means  of  making 
them  more  attentive  to  its  welfare,  and  bringing  their  weight 
to  act  in  the  scale  of  its  confederated  powers. 

Whatever  may  have  been  Mr  Morris's  opinions  in  the  Con 
vention,  and  however  he  may  have  approved  or  disapproved 
parts  of  the  Constitution,  it  can  be  affirmed  in  his  praise,  that 
no  one  put  his  name  to  the  whole  instrument  vvith  a  more 
willing  mint!,  or  felt  a  livelier  concern  as  to  its  final  success 
with  the  people,  or  was  more  zealous  in  all  his  after  life  to 
maintain  its  integrity,  as  the  palladium  of  national  fresdorn  and 
happiness.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  says,  that  Hamilton  re 
quested  him  to  join  the  gifted  trio  in  writing  the  '  Federalist* 


288  LIFE    OF 

Why^ml^declined  the  proposal  he  does  not  tell,  but  it  may  be 
presumed,  that  the  multiplicity  and  pressure  of  his  private 
affairs  at  that  time  absorbed  his  whole  attention,  and  left  him 
no  leisure  to  engage  in  elaborate  compositions. 

It  must  be  confessed,  however,  and  it  is  a  tribute  due  to  so 
rare  an  instance  of  public  virtue,  that,  after  the  Constitution 
had  passed  the  ordeal  of  the  Convention,  no  one  exhibited  a 
more  illustrious  example  of  disinterestedness  and  patriotism, 
sacrifices  and  effort,  than  Hamilton.  He  had  presented  a  plan 
of  his  own,  which  differed  radically  from  the  one  that  was  car 
ried  through  ;  he  labored  long  and  hard,  with  the  full  force  of 
his  mind  and  eloquence,  to  impress  his  convictions  on  others  ; 
his  character  as  a  statesman,  and  as  an  accurate  observer  and 
judge  of  human  events,  was  pledged  on  the  side  of  his  faith 
and  predictions  ;  but  all  in  vain,  the  current  set  against  him, 
and  was  resistless.  Yet,  with  a  nobleness  of  spirit  seldom  seen 
on  similar  occasions,  he  rose  above  defeat,  sacrifised  the  pride 
of  opinion  on  the  altar  of  public  good,  signed  the  Constitution, 
and  was  ever  afterwards  in  the  very  front  ranks  of  its  ablest 
defenders. 

As  soon  as  the  Convention  had  dissolved,  Mr  Morris  repair 
ed  to  Morrisania,  where  he  passed  four  or  five  weeks.  On 
his  return  to  Philadelphia  he  wrote  to  General  Washington. 

'  Philadelphia,  October  30th,  1787. 

1  Dear  Sir, 

'  Shortly  after  your  departure  from  this  place,  I  went  to  my 
farm,  arid  returned  hither  last  Sunday  evening.  Living  out  of 
the  busy  world,  I  had  nothing  to  say  worth  your  attention,  or 
1  should  earlier  have  given  you  the  trouble  you  must  now  ex 
perience.  Although  not  very  inquisitive  about  political  opin 
ion,  I  have  not  been  quite  inattentive.  The  States  eastward 
of  New  York  appear  to  be  almost  unanimous  in  favor  of  the 
new  Constitution,  (for  I  make  no  account  of  the  dissension  in 
Rhode  Island.)  Their  preachers  are  advocates  for  the  adop 
tion,  and  this  circumstance,  coinciding  with  the  steady  support 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  289 

of  the  property,  and  other  abilities  of  the   country,  makes  the 
current  set  strongly,  and,  I  trust,  inresistibly  that  way. 

1  Jersey  is  so  near  unanimity  in  her  favorable  opinion,  that  we 
may  count  with  certainty  on  something  more  than  votes,  should 
the  state  of  affairs  hereafter  require  the  application  of  pointed 
arguments.  New  York,  hemmed  in  between  the  warm  friends 
of  the  Constitution,  will  not  easily,  unless  supported  by  power 
ful  States,  make  any  important  struggle,  even  though  her  citi 
zens  were  unanimous,  which  is  by'no  means  the  case.  Par 
ties  there  are  nearly  balanced.  If  the  assent,  or  dissent,  ol 
the  New  York  legislature  were  to  decide  on  the  fate  of  Ameri 
ca,  there  would  still  be  a  chance,  though  I  believe  the  force 
of  government  would  preponderate,  and  effect  a  rejection. 
But  the  legislature  cannot  assign  to  the  people  any  good  reason, 
for  not  trusting  them  with  a  decision  on  their  own  affairs,  and 
must  therefore  agree  to  a  convention.  In  the  choice  of  a 
convention,  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  federal  party  will 
prove  strongest,  for  persons  of  very  distinct  and  opposite  in 
terests  have  joined  on  this  subject. 

'-With  respect  to  this  State,  I  am  far  from  being  decided  in 
my  opinion,  that  they  will  consent.  True  it  is,  that  the  city 
and  its  neighborhood  are  enthusiastic  in  the  cause,  but  I  dread 
the  cold  and  sour  temper  of  the  back  counties,  and  still  more 
the  wicked  industry  of  those,  who  have  long  habituated  them 
selves  to  live  on  the  public,  and  cannot  bear  the  idea  of  being 
removed  from  the  power  and  profit  of  State  government,  which 
has  been  and  still  is  the  means  of  supporting  themselves,  their 
families,  and  dependants,  and  (which  perhaps  is  equally 
grateful)  of  depressing  and  humbling  their  political  adversa 
ries.  What  opinions  prevail  more  southward  I  cannot  guess. 
You  are  in  a  better  condition,  than  any  other  person,  to  juds,e 
of  a  great  arid  important  part  of  that  country. 

'  I  have  observed,  that  your  name   to  the  new  Constitution 

has  been  of  infinite  service.     Indeed,  I  am  convinced,   that  if 

you  had  not  attended  the  Convention,  and  the  same  paper  had 

been  handed  out  to  the  world,  it  would  have  met  with  a  colder 

VOL.  i.         25 


290  LIFE    OF 

reception,  with  fewer  and  weaker  advocates,  and  with  more 
and  more  strenuous  opponents.  As  it  is,  should  the  idea  pre 
vail,  that  you  will  not  accept  of  the  Presidency,  it  would  prove 
fatal  in  many  parts.  The  truth  is,  that  your  great  and  decid 
ed  superiority  leads  men  willingly  to  put  you  in  a  place, 
which  will  not  add  to  your  personal  dignity,  nor  raise  you 
higher  than  you  already  stand.  But  they  would  not  readily 
put  any  other  person  in  the  same  situation,  because  they  feel 
the  elevation  of  others,  as  operating  by  comparison  the  degra 
dation  of  themselves,  and,  however  absurd  this  idea  may  be, 
yet  you  will  agree  with  me,  that  men  must  be  treated  as  men, 
and  not  as  machines,  much  less  as  philosophers,  and  least  of  all 
things  as  reasonable  creatures,  seeing  that  in  effect  they  reason 
not  to  direct,  but  to  excuse,  their  conduct. 

'  Thus  much  for  the  public  opinion  on  these  subjects,  which 
is  not  to  be  neglected  in  a  country  where  opinion  is  every 
thing.  I  am,  &,c. 

'  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

Business  now  called  Mr  Morris  a  second  time  to  Virginia, 
where  he  remained,  during  the  larger  portion  of  the  winter  and 
spring,  superintending  the  mercantile  affairs  of  Robert  Morris, 
in  which  he  was  himself  also  partly  concerned.  Large  con 
tracts  had  been  entered  into  by  Robert  Morris  for  supplying 
tobacco  in  France,  and  as  Virginia  was  the  theatre  of  that 
traffic,  ii  was  necessary  to  have  an  agent  there,  who  under 
stood  the  business,  and  who  was  qualified  to  arrange  some 
important  matters,  that  had  got  into  disorder,  and  caused  un 
easiness  among  the  purchasers  in  Europe.  While  in  Virginia 
he  wrote  a  letter  to  a  gentleman  in  France,  containing  a  para 
graph  on  the  political  state  of  affairs. 

'  You  will  long  ere  this  have  seen  the  Constitution  propos 
ed  for  the  United  States.  This  paper  has  been  the  subject  of 
infinite  investigation,  disputation,  and  declamation.  While  some 
have  boasted  it  as  a  work  from  Heaven,  others  have  given  it  a 
less  righteous  origin.  I  have  many  reasons  to  believe,  that  it 


GOUVEKNEUR    MORRIS.  291 

was  the  work  of  plain  honest  men,  and  such,  I  think,  it  will 
appear.  Faulty  it  must  be,  for  what  is  perfect  ?  But  if  adopt 
ed,  experience  will,  I  believe,  show,  that  its  faults  are  just  the 
reverse  of  what  they  are  supposed  to  be.  As  yet,  this  paper 
is  but  a  dead  letter.  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  New  Jersey, 
Connecticut,  and  Georgia  have  adopted  it.  We  wait  impa 
tiently  the  result  of  their  deliberations  in  Massachusetts. 
Should  that  State  also  adopt  it,  which  I  hope  and  believe, 
there  will  then  be  little  doubt  of  a  general  acquiescence,  but 
otherwise  it  may  be  a  tedious  and  difficult  business.  Should 
it,  however,  take  effect,  the  affairs  of  this  country  will  put  on 
a  much  better  aspect,  than  they  have  yet  worn,  and  Ame 
rica  will  soon  be  as  much  respected  abroad,  as  she  has  for 
some  time  past  been  disregarded.' 

The  time  at  length  arrived,  when  he  was  soon  to  sail  for 
Europe,  and  he  wrote  to  General  Washington  for  letters  of 
introduction. 

*  Morrisania,  November  12th,  1788. 
'  Dear  General, 

4  After  many  unforeseen  delays,  I  am  about  shortly  to  take 
my  departure  from  Philadelphia  for  the  kingdom  of  France, 
and  I  expect  to  visit  both  Holland  and  England.  When  I 
desire  to  be  favored  with  your  commands,  it  is  not  the  mere 
ceremonious  form  of  words,  which  you  may  every  day  meet 
from  every  man  you  meet,  and  which  you  know  better  than 
any  man  how  to  estimate  at  its  true  value.  Whether  I  can  be 
useful  ta  you  in  any  way,  I  know  not  ;•  but  this  I  know,  that 
you  may  command  my  best  endeavors.  And  I  now  desist 
from  farther  profession  on  that  subject,  because  I  am  sure  you 
know  my  sincerity. 

*  You  will  oblige  me  by  giving  me  letters  of  introduction  to 
those  persons,  who  may  in  your  opinion  be  useful  to  me,  and 
to  whom  you  may  think  it  proper  to  present  me.  Among  oth 
ers  to  Mr  Jefferson,  with  whom  I  have  only  a  slight  acquaint 
ance.  I  believe  I  once  mentioned  to  you  my  wish,  not  to  be 
encumbered  with  the  letters  introductory  of  the  many,  who 


LIFE    OF 

are  prone  to  give  them.  I  think  them  a  kind  of  paper  money., 
which  is  not  only  of  little  value,  but  which  is  not  always  a  repu 
table,  though  a  legal  tender.  I  solicit  yours,  as  an  undoubted 
hill  of  exchange,  which  is  gold  wherever  it  goes.  Permit  me, 
however,  to  pursue  the  mercantile  phrase,  or  metaphor,  and 
honestly  to  request  that  you  do  not  give  me  credit  for  more 
than  I  am  worth,  lest  proving  a  bankrupt,  you  be  called  on  by 
my  creditors. 

1 1  will  pray  your  care  of  the  enclosed  to  Colonel  Hum 
phreys,  who,  I  doubt  not,  is  still  with  you,  and  will,  I  expect, 
come  on  with  you  in  the  spring.  I  promised  you  some 
Chinese  pigs,  a  promise  which  I  can  perform  only  by  halves ; 
but  such  as  1  have  I  will  send  you ;  and,  to  piece  and  patch 
the  matter  as  well  as  I  may,  in  company  with  the  pigs  shall 
be  sent  a  pair  of  Chinese  geese,  which  are  really  the  foolish- 
est  geese  1  ever  beheld,  for  they  choose  all  times  for  sitting  but 
the  spring,  and  one  of  them  is  now  actually  engaged  in  that 
business. 

1  It  would  be  degrading  to  the  noble  race  of  man,  should  I 
introduce  politics  after  hogs  and  geese.  This  is  a  tolerable 
excuse  for  saying  nothing,  but  the  truth  is  I  have  nothing  to 
say.  I  am  of  the  breed  of  optimists,  and  believe  that  all  will 
go  well,  for  you  will  certainly  be  seated  in  the  President's 
chair,  and  will,  I  am  certain,  when  there  greatly  labor  to  pre 
vent  things  from  going  ill.  As  to  the  rest,  I  heartily  agree  in 
the  text,  that  "  the  wisdom  of  man  is  foolishness  with  God," 
having  seen  both  fools  and  folly  succeed  in  a  most  surprising 
manner.  And  the  only  key  to  such  sort  of  success,  that  I 
ever  met  with,  was  in  a  sarcastic  remark  on  three  lawyers  of 
New  York ;  Smith  given  to  the  study  of  divinity,  Alexander 
tleep  in  mathematics,  and  C.  deep  in  nothing.  Smith,  said  the 
wag,  is  always  in  the  clouds ;  Alexander  loses  himself  in 
angles  and  triangles ;  the  only  sensible  man  at  the  bar  is  C. 
for  he  talks  nonsense  to  a  common  jury. 

'  Present,  I  pray  you,  my  sincere  respects  to  Mrs  Washing 
ton.  It  is  my  fervent  wish,  that  neither  she  nor  you  may  regret 


COUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  293 

the  shades  of  Mount  Vernon.  But  this  is  more  rny  wish,  than 
expectation,  for  I  do  not  believe  it  possible  for  you  to  be  more 
happily  placed,  at  least  if  I  may  judge  from  what  I  saw  and 
what  I  felt.  I  am  yours, 

<  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

In  compliance  with  this  request,  General  Washington  sent 
him  several  letters  of  introduction  to  persons  in  England, 
France,  and  Holland.  He  likewise  entrusted  him  with  a 
commission  to  purchase  in  Paris  a  gold  watch  for  his  own  use, 
1  not  a  small,  trifling,  nor  a  finical,  ornamental  one,  but  a  watch 
well  executed  in  point  of  workmanship,  large  and  flat,  with  a 
plain,  handsome  key.'  In  regard  to  the  Presidency,  upon 
which  Mr  Morris  had  touched,  he  adds  ;  '  I  have  really  very 
little  leisure  or  inclination  to  enter  on  the  discussion  of  a  sub 
ject  so  unpleasant  to  me.  You  may  be  persuaded,  in  the  first 
place,  that  I  hope  the  choice  will  not  fall  upon  me  ;  and  in  the 
second,  that,  if  it  should,  and  I  can  with  any  degree  of  propri 
ety  decline,  I  shall  certainly  contrive  to  get  rid  of  the  accept 
ance.  But  if,  after  all,  a  kind  of  inevitable  necessity  should 
impel  me  to  a  different  fate,  it  will  be  time  enough  to  yield  to 
its  impulse,  when  it  can  be  no  longer  resisted.' 


CHAPTER   XVIIL- 

MR    MORRIS    SAILS    FOR    EUROPE. — ARRIVES    IN-    PARIS. — LAFAYETTE. — JEF 
FERSON. MR    MORRIS'S    DIARY. EXTRACTS    CONCERNING    EVENTS    OF    THE 

FRENCH     REVOLUTION. MADAME     DE     CHASTELLUX. DUTCHESS     OF    OR 
LEANS. MARECHAL    DE    SA3TRIES. NECKER. CEREMONY    OF    OPENING 

THE    STATES     GENERAL. SEGUR. THE     BISHOP     D'AUTUN. MONTMO- 

RIN. — MADAME    DE    STAEL. — LETTER   TO     LAFAYETTE     ON    A    NEW    MINIS 
TRY. — AFFAIR   OF    FAVRAS. — MR    MORRIS'S    NOTE    TO^  THJT  QUEEN. 

THE  ship  Henrietta,  on  board  of  which'  Mr  Morris  was  em 
barked  for  France,  passed  the  Capes  of  Delaware  and  put  to 
25* 


294  LIFE    OF 

sea,  on  the  eighteenth  of  December.  It  was  a  cheerless  day, 
and  the  shores  of  his  native  country  receded  from  his  view, 
under  an  atmosphere  darkened  and  chilled  with  snow,  sleet, 
and  hail.  He  kept  a  journal  during  the  whole  voyage,  but 
like  most  journals  at  sea,  it  is  little  else  than  a  record  of  the 
winds  arid  waves,  calms,  gales,  and  storms.  It  establishes  the 
certainty,  however,  that  he  had  a  most  disagreeable  winter 
passage  of  forty  days,  before  the  Henrietta  entered  the  port  of 
Havre.  He  remained  there  three  days,  detained  by  the  civil 
ities  of  friends  and  arrangements  of  business.  One  gentleman, 
in  particular,  beset  him  with  his  attentions.  '  This  must,'  says 
he,  *  certainly  be  a  man  of  great  wealth,  great  talents,  and  great 
integrity,  for  he  has  assured  us  of  all  this  twenty  times  over. 
He  has  given  me  some  advice  gratis.  He  thinks  it  a  great 
pity,  that  he  is  not  Kin^,  or  Minister  at  least.  France  would 
then  be  well  governed,  for  all  her  misfortunes  flow  from  the 
ignorance  and  cupidity  of  her  rulers,  who  have  done  no  one 
wise  act  these  thirty  years,  and  the  alliance  with  America  is, 
it  seems,  the  most  foolish  part  of  all  her  conduct.' 

Mr  Morris  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  third  of  February,  1789, 
and  the  first  persons  lie  sought  out  were  Mr  Jefferson,  at  that 
time  American  Minister  in  France,  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafay 
ette.  These  gentlemen  engaged  him  to  dine  the  two  succeed 
ing  days.  Meantime  he  delivered  his  letters  of  introduction, 
looked  out  for  lodgings,  and  prepared  to  establish  himself  for  a 
residence  of  considerable  duration  in  Paris.  With  Lafayette, 
of  course,  he  had  been  well  acquainted  in  America.  After 
their  first  interview  on  the  present  occasion,  he  writes  in  his 
Diary  ;  '  Lafayette  is  full  of  politics ;  he  appears  to  be  too  repub 
lican  for  the  genius  of  his  country.'  In  short,  it  is  as  well  to 
premise  at  the  outset,  that,  from  the  first  day  of  his  arrival  in 
France,  Mr  Morris  showed  very  little  cordiality  of  sentiment 
or  feeling  with  the  revolutionists ;  and  although  some  of  his 
connexions  of  friendship  were  among  the  leaders  of  that  party, 
yet  his  attachments  soon  ran  into  the  other  channel,  and  his 
inornate  associates  were  chiefly  in  the  list  of  those,  who  aimed 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  295 

only  at  a  moderate  reform  of  the  old  system,  but  deprecated 
revolutionary  projects  and  principles.  This  will  appear  so 
manifest  at  every  step  we  take  with  him,  that  it  is  only  neces 
sary  here  to  throw  out  the  hint  as  a  clue,  which  may  conduct 
the  reader  to  a  proper  understanding  of  his  opinions,  counsels, 
and  acts,  as  they  shall  arise  in  our  progress. 

In  the  family  of  Lafayette  he  was  received  with  that  frank 
and  open-handed  hospitality,  those  kind  and  unaffected  civilities, 
which,  from  that  day  to  this,  have  been  bestowed  upon  every 
American,  whose  good  fortune  has  given-  him  an  opportunity 
to  participate  them.  Of  these  Mr  Morris  himself  does  not 
forget  to  make  due  acknowledgments.  When  he  dined 
there,  soon  after  his  arrival,  he  might  perhaps  be  allowed  to 
feel  flattered  at  a  trifling  incident  mentioned  in  his  Diary. 
*  After  dinner,  one  of  M.  de  Lafayette's  little  daughters  sang  a 
song  for  me.  It  happened  to  be  one  of  my  own  composition. 
Madame  is  a  very  agreeable  good  woman.'  But  he  never 
would  be  reconciled  to  the  politics  of  his  friend.  When 
Lafayette  showed  him  a  draft  of  the  celebrated  Declaration 
of  Rights,  which  he  first  proposed  to  the  National  Assembly, 
Mr  Morris  writes  ;  '  I  gave  him  my  opinions,  and  suggested 
several  amendments,  tending  to  soften  the  high  colored  ex 
pressions  of  freedom.  It  is  not  by  sounding  words,  that  revo 
lutions  are  produced.' 

From  the  time  of  his  first  arrival  in  Paris,  he  kept  a 
Diary  of  occurrences,  so  minute  and  full,  that  no  abridgment, 
or  analysis,  can  convey  to  the  reader  so  good  an  idea  of  his- 
life  in  that  city,  and  his  observations  on  passing  events,  as 
selections  in  his  own  language.  In  such  a  journal,  there  must 
of  course  be  numerous  unimportant  particulars,  which  would 
neither  merit  the  attention,  nor  contribute  to  the  interest,  of  a 
general  reader.  Limits  must  also  be  prescribed,  suitable  to 
the  compass  of  this  memoir.  Upon  these  principles,  therefore, 
of  comparative  value  and  proportionate  extent,  the  extracts 
will  be  made,  in  chronological  order,  without  regard  to  a  con 
nexion  between  the  topics  treated  ;  for  indeed  the  nature 


296  LIFE    OF 

of  the  materials  would  render  any   attempt  at  such  a  con 
nexion   impracticable. 

The  Diary  seems  to  have  been  designed  for  his  private  use, 
rather  as  a  register  of  his  first  impressions,  and  an  aid  to  his 
reminiscences,  than  as  containing  memorials  of  permanent 
utility,  or  for  the  inspection  of  others.  Candor  and  justice, 
therefore,  will  plead  successfully  with  every  reader  to  regard 
with  indulgence  the  negligences,  or  other  defects  of  style,  which 
may  be  detected  in  writings  of  such  a  character. 

'  March  1st. — Sup  with  Madame  de  la  Suse.  A  small  par 
ty  absorbed  in  Quinze.  Monsieur  de  B.  for  want  of  something 
else  to  do,  asks  me  many  questions -about  America,  in  a  man 
ner  which  shows  he  cares  little  for  the  information.  By  way 
of  giving  him  some  adequate  idea  of  our  people,  when  he  men 
tioned  the  necessity  of  fleets  and  armies  to  secure  us  against 
invasion,  I  tell  him,  that  nothing  would  be  more  difficult  than 
to  subdue  a  nation,  every  individual  of  which,  in  the  pride  of 
freedom,  thinks  himself  equal  to  a  king  ;  and  if,  Sir,  you 
should  look  down  on  him,,  would  say,  "  I  am  a  man ;  are  you 
anything  more  ?"  "All  this  is  very  well;  but  there  must  be 
a  difference  of  ranks,  and  I  should  say  to  one  of  these  peo 
ple, — 'You,  Siry  who  are  equal  to  a  king,  make  me  a  pair  of* 
shoes.' ':  "  Our  citizens,.  Sir,  have  a  manner  of  thinking  pecu 
liar  to  themselves.  This  shoemaker  would  reply  ;  '  Sir,  I 
am  very  glad  of  the  opportunity  to  make  you  a  pair  of  shoes. 
It  is  my  duty  to  make  shoes,  and  I  love  to  do  my  duty.  Does 
your  King  do  his  ?  "  This  manner  of  thinking  and  speaking, 
however,  is  too  masculine  for  the  climate  I  am  now  in. 

'  March  od. — Monsieur  le  Comte  de  Nenni  does  me  the  hon 
or  of  a  visit,  and  detains  me  till  3  o'clock.  I  then  set  off  in 
great  haste  to  dine  with  the  Comtesse  de  B.  on  an  invitation 
of  a  week's  standing.  Arrive  at  about  a  quarter  past  three, 
and  find  in  the  drawing  room  some  dirty  linen  and  no  fire. 
While  a  waiting  woman  takes  away  one,  a  valet  lights  up  the 
other.  Three  small  sticks  in  a  deep  bed  of  ashes  give  no 
great  expectation  of  heat.  By  the  smoke,  however,  all  doubts 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  297 

are  removed  respecting  the  existence  of  fire.  To  expel  the 
smoke,  a  window  is  opened,  and,  the  day  being  cold,  1  have 
the  benefit  of  as  fresh  air  as  can  reasonably  be  expected  in  so 
large  a  city. 

*  Towards  four  o'clock  the  guests  begin  to  assemble,  and  I 
begin  to  expect  that,  as  Madame  is  a  poetess,  I  shall  have  the 
honor  to  dine  with  that  exalted  part  of  the  species,  who  devote 
themselves  to  the  Muses.  In  effect,  the  gentlem'en  begin  to 
compliment  their  respective  works,  and  as  regular  hours  can 
not  be  expected  in  a  house,  where  the  mistress  is  occupied 
more  with  the  intellectual,  than  the  material  world,  I  have  a 
delightful  prospect  of  a  continuance  of  the  scene.  Towards 
five,  Madame  steps  in  to  announce  dinner,  and  the  hungry 
poets  advance  to  the  charge.  As  they  bring  good  appetites, 
they  have  certainly  reason  to  praise  the  feast.  And  I  console 
myself  in  the  persuasion,  that,  for  this  day  at  least,  I  shall 
escape  an  indigestion.  A  very  narrow  escape  too,  for  some 
rancid  butter,  of  which  the  cook  had  been  liberal,  puts  me  in 
bodily  fear.  If  the  repast  is  not  abundant,  we  have  at  least 
the  consolation,  that  there  is  no  lack  of  conversation.  Not 
being  perfectly  master  of  the  language,  most  of  the  jests  es 
caped  me.  As  for  the  rest  of  the  company,  each  being  em 
ployed  either  in  saying  a  good  thing,  or  in  studying  one  to  say? 
it  is  no  wonder  if  he  cannot  find  time  to  applaud  that  of  his 
neighbor.  They  all  agree,  that  we  live  in  an  age  alike  defi 
cient  in  justice  and  in  taste.  Each  finds  in  the  fate  of  his  own 
works  numerous  instances  to  justify  this  censure.  They  tell 
me,  to  my  great  surprise,  that  the  public  now  condemn  theat 
rical  compositions,  before  they  have  heard  the  first  recital. 
And  to  remove  my  doubts,  the  Countess  is  so  kind  as  to  assure 
me,  that  this  rash  decision  has  been  made  on  one  of  her  own 
pieces.  In  pitying  modern  degeneracy,  we  rise  from  the 
table. 

'  I  take  my  leave  immediately  after  the  coffee,  which  by  no 
means  dishonors  the  precedent  repast ;  and  Madame  informs 
me,  that  on  Tuesdays  and  Thursdays  she  is  always  at  home, 


LIFE    OF 


and  will  always  be  glad  to  see  me.  While  I  stammer  out  some 
return  to  the  compliment,  my  heart,  convinced  of  my  unwor- 
thiness  to  partake  of  such  attic  entertainments,  makes  me 
promise  never  again  to  occupy  the  place  from  which,  perhaps, 
I  had  excluded  a  worthier  personage. 

'March  2oth. — Went  to  Madame  de  Chastellux's.  Madame 
de  Segur  and  M.  de  Puisignieu  arrived  shortly  after.  In  a 
few  minutes  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans,  and  then  more  company. 
The'  Dutchess  is  affable,  and  handsome  enough  to  punish  the 
Duke  for  his  irregularities.  Madame  de  Segur  goes  away 
early,  as  the  company  seems  determined  to  increase.  The 
widow  of  the  late  Duke  of  Orleans  comes  in,  and  at  going 
away,  according  to  custom,  kisses  the  Dutchess.  I  observe 
that  the  ladies  of  Paris  are  very  fond  of  each  other ;  which 
gives  room  to  some  observations  from  her  Royal  Highness  on 
the  person,  who  has  just  quitted  the  room,  which  show  that  the 
kiss  does  not  always  betoken  great  affection.  In  going  away, 
she  is  pleased  to  say,  that  she  is  glad  to  have  met  me  ;  and  I 
believe  her.  The  reason  is,  that  I  dropped  some  expressions 
and  sentiments  a  little  rough,  and  which  were  agreeable,  be 
cause  they  contrast  with  the  palling  polish  she  constantly  meets 
with  everywhere.  Hence,  I  conclude,  that  the  less  I  have  the 
honor  of  such  good  company  the  better  ;  for,  when  the  novelty 
ceases,  all  is  over,  and  I  shall  probably  be  worse  than  insipid. 

'  March  21th. — At  three  the  Marechal  de  Castries  calls,  and 
takes  me  to  dine  with  Monsieur  and  Madame  Necker.  In  the 
salon  we  found  Madame.  She  seems  to  be  a  woman  of  sense, 
and  somewhat  of  the  masculine  in  her  character.  A  little 
before  dinner  Monsieur  enters.  He  has  the  look  and  manner 
of  the  counting-house,  and,  being  dressed  in  embroidered  vel 
vet,  he  contrasts  strongly  with  his  habiliments.  His  bow,  his  ad 
dress,  say,  "  I  am  the  man."  Our  company  is  one  half  acade 
micians.  The  Dutchess  of  Biron,  formerly  Lauzun.  is  one.  I 
observe  that  M.  Necker  seems  occupied  by  ideas,  which  rath 
er  distress  him.  He  cannot,  I  think,  stay  in  office  half  an  hour, 
after  the  nation  insist  on  keeping  him  there.  He  is  now  much 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  299 

harassed,  and  Madame  receives  continually  Memoires  from  dif 
ferent  people ;  so  that  she  seems  as  much  occupied  as  he  is. 
If  he  is  really  a  very  great  man,  I  am  deceived ;  arid  yet  this 
is  a  rash  judgment.  If  he  is  not  a  laborious  man,  I  am  also 
deceived.* 

'  Jlpril  3d. — I  go  to  the  Louvre,  on  an  engagement  with 
Madame  de  Flahaut,  to  see  the  statues  and  paintings.  She 
is  in  bed,  and  her  brother-in-law  in  the  room  with  her,  so  that 
it  appears  she  has,  as  she  says,  forgotten  her  engagement 
to  me.  M.  de  Flahaut  comes  in.  She  sends  us  forward,  and 
is  to  follow.  This  is  done.  We  walk  over  the  court  of  the 
Louvre  through  the  mud,  and  view  the  statues.  The  paintings 
we  cannot  see.  That  pleasure  is  for  another  opportunity. 
Return  to  her  quarter.  Monsieur,  presuming  that  I  was  about 
to  follow  her  up  stairs  merely  out  of  politesse,  apologizes  for 
me.  In  consequence,  I  take  my  leave.  And  thus  a  scene, 
which  imagination  had  painted  very  well,  turns  out  good  for 
nothing.  The  weather  contributes  to  render  it  disagreeable. 
Wind,  rain,  and  of  course  mud  without,  and  dampness  within. 
But  this  is  human  life.  Monsieur,  as  I  go  away,  express 
es  a  hope  to  see  me  again  soon,  and  requests  to  be  com 
manded,  if  he  can  be  useful  in  anything.  This  politesse  is 
always  agreeable;  though  a  man  must  be  a  fool  to  believe 
in  it. 


*  There  is  a  curious  coincidence  between  these  impressions  of 
Necker,  which  Mr  Morris  derived  from  his  first  interview,  and  the 
description  given  of  him  in  Montgaillard's  spirited  History  of  the 
French  Revolution.  'In  his  personal  appearance  M.  Necker  had 
nothing  insinuating,  or  even  agreeable.  His  figure  was  repulsive  at 
first  sight,  and  it  was  difficult  not  to  perceive  an  affected  stateliness 
of  air,  which  seemed  to  say,  "  behold  in  me  a  great  man,  a  superior 
genius."  Before  the  opening  of  the  States-General,  M.  Necker  said 
modestly,  "the  safety  of  France  is  in  my  portfolio."  We  have  heard 
Madame  de  Stae'l  repeat  these  words  of  her  father,  and  in  the  excess 
of  her  tenderness,  or  rather  of  her  filial  adoration,  Madame  de  Stae'l 
found  these  words  just  and  suitable.' — Hist,  de  France,  fyc.par  Mont- 
gaillard,  Vol.  ii.  p.  12. 


300  LIFE    OF 

'  From  hence  go  to  M.  le  Normands,  for  the  copy  of  a 
letter,  which  was  to  have  been  sent  this  morning,  but  is,  I  sup 
pose,  neglected  by  his  absence.  It  turns  out  to  be  as  I  sus 
pected.  The  commis  promises  it  for  this  evening.  In  going 
from  hence,  I  slip  as  I  step  into  the  carriage,  and  bruise  my 
self.  Thus  everything  goes  wrong.  Visit  the  Countess  de 
Darfort.  She  has  company,  and  is  but  just  risen.  Pressed 
to  dine ;  but  decline  it.  She  is  going  to  sup  with  the  Baron 
de  Bezonvald,  and  I  promise  to  be  there  if  I  can.  She  says 
if  I  do  not  go,  it  is  because  I  will  not.  Ou  fait  tout  ce  qu'on 
veut  I  stammer  out  a  bald  compliment  in  reply.  I  am  cer 
tainly  good  for  nothing,  and  the  only  tolerable  thing  I  can  do 
is  to  go  home.  This  is  done ;  and,  being  out  of  humour  with 
myself,  I  find  the  dinner  very  bad.  Threaten  to  deal  with 
another  traiteur.  Extremely  ridiculous !  The  waiter,  who 
behaves  with  great  humility,  must,  [  think,  despise  me  for  pre 
tending  to  talk  angrily,  before  I  can  talk  French. 

'  At  five,  I  visit  Madame  de  Segur.  Madame  de  Chastel- 
lux  and  M.  de  Puisignieu  are  there.  The  former  is  obliged 
to  go  away.  In  conversing  about  public  men  and  measures,  I 
am  so  weak  and  absurd  as  to  express  many  opinions,  which  I 
ought  to  conceal,  and  some  of  which  I  may,  perhaps,  find 
reason  to  alter.  Two  ladies  come  in,  and,  as  I  am  going 
away,  Madame  de  Segur,  to  whom  I  had  mentioned  my  inten 
tion  of  visiting  Mr  Jefferson,  has  the  politeness  to  say,"nows  vous 
reverfons.  Monsieur  Morris"  and  I  have  the  stupidity  to  an 
swer  in  the  affirmative.  Call  on  Mr  Jefferson,  and  sit  an  hour 
with  him,  which  is,  at  least,  fifty  minutes  too  long,  for  his 
daughters  had  left  the  room  on  my  approach,  and  waited  only 
my  departure  to  return.  At  least  I  think  so.  Returning,  in 
compliance  with  my  promise,  call  on  Madame  de  Segur,  and 
am  shown  into  the  room  where  she  is  with  her  father-in-law. 
He  lies  on  a  couch,  or  rather  sofa,  the  gout  in  his  right  hand, 
which  is  his  only  hand.  Madame  de  Chastellux  and  another 
iady  there.  I  think  I  was  wrong  to  come  here,  and,  for  that 
reason,  find  it  more  difficult  to  get  away.  Vastly  awkward. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  301 

At  length  make  a  shift  to  take  leave  ;  and,  to  avoid  all  further 
folly  for  this  day,  determined  to  go  home  and  not  visit  the 
Baron. 

'  April  llth. — Visit  Monsieur  de  Lafayette.  A  long  conver 
sation.  He  gives  me  the  history  of  his  political  campaign  in 
Auvergne.  I  find  that  his  mind  is  getting  right,  as  to  the  busi 
ness  he  has  in  hand.  We  consider  of  a  revolt  in  Paris,  and 
agree  that  it  might  occasion  much  mischief,  but  could  not  pro 
duce  any  good.  That,  in  consequence,  it  will  he  best,  to  enter 
a  protestation  against  the  manner  of  convoking  the  city.  But 
to  go  on  with  the  business  and  get  the  members  elected. 
There  is  to  be  a  meeting  of  the  Noblesse  this  afternoon,  and 
Monsieur  de  Clermont  will  talk  to  this  effect.  He  is,  if  possi 
ble,  to  be  made  one  of  the  representatives ;  and  is,  therefore, 
to  be  brought  forward  as  a  speaker  immediately.  Lafayette 
says  he  has  genius  and  family,  though  of  small  fortune. 

*  Go  to  dine  with  Monsieur  de  la  Breteche.  After  dinner 
Monsieur  de  Durfort  comes  in.  He  has  been  at  the  meeting. 
Monsieur  de  Clermont's  speech  was  very  much  admired,  and 
he  carried  his  point  by  a  large  majority,  contrary,  says  M.  de 
Durfort,  to  the  wish  of  M.  Necker's  friends.  I  am  very  curi 
ous,  and  among  other  things,  ask  if  Monsieur  de  Lafayette  was 
there.  Yes,  and  said  a  few  words,  which  were  very  well. 
As  M.  de  Durfort  is  not  the  friend  either  of  Monsieur  de  La 
fayette  or  of  Monsieur  Necker,  T  fancy  things  have  gone  very 
right. 

4  From  Monsieur  de  la  Breteche,  I  go  to  Madame  de 
Segur's.  We  have  a  little  tete  a  tete  over  a  dish  of  tea.  The 
tea  is  very  good,  and  her  conversation  is  better  flavored  than 
her  tea,  which  comes  from  Russia,  The  Marechal  de  Duras 
comes  in,  and  says  a  great  many  very  civil  things  to  Madame 
de  Segur,  mixed  with  some  advice.  She  seems  not  much 
affected  either  by  the  one  or  the  other.  From  hence  I  go  to 
the  Palais  Royal,  and  find  Madame  de  Chastellux  with  her 
son  lying  in  her  lap.  A  mother  in  this  situation  is  always 
interesting,  and  her  late  loss  renders  her  particularly  so.  In 

VOL.    L  26 


302  LIFE    OF 

the  course  of  conversation,  asking  after  the  health  of  her  prin 
cess,  she  repeats  a  message  formerly  delivered.  Betweeu 
nine  and  ten,  it  is  concluded  that  the  Dutcliess  will  not  make 
her  evening  visit,  and  I  take  my  leave,  returning  the  message 
I  had  received.  "  I  have  visited  Madame  la  Duchesse  chez 
Madame  de  Chastellux,  and  am  sorry  not  to  have  met  her 
there." ' 

Madame  de  Chastellux,  of  whom  Mr  Morris  has  spoken 
several  times  in  the  above  extracts,  was  the  widow  of  his  late 
friend,  the  Marquis  de  Chastellux,  who  had  died  three  months 
before  his  arrival  in  France.  She  was  an  Irish  lady,  whom 
the  Marquis  had  first  met  at  Spa  the  year  before,  and  whom 
he  soon  after  married.  He  wrote  a  letter  to  Mr  Morris  at  the 
time,  speaking  in  great  raptures  of  her  beauty,  character,  and 
accomplishments.  She  became  maid  of  honor  to  the  Dutchess 
of  Orleans,  and  was,  it  would  seem,  her  most  intimate  compan 
ion. 

'  Jlpril  2Qth. — If  the  Court  should  attempt  now  to  recede,  it 
is  impossible  to  conjecture  the  event.  The  chiefs  of  the  pat 
riotic  party  have  gone  so  far,  that  they  cannot  retreat  with 
safety.  If  there  be  any  real  vigor  in  the  nation,  the  prevailing 
party  in  the  States-General  may,  if  they  please,  overturn  the 
monarchy  itself,  should  the  King  commit  his  authority  to  a 
contest  with  them.  The  Court  is  extremely  feeble,  and  the 
manners  are  so  extremely  corrupt,  that  they  cannot  succeed, 
if  there  be  any  consistent  opposition,  unless  the  whole  nation 
be  equally  depraved.  The  probability,  I  think,  is,  that  an 
attempt  to  retreat,  at  this  late  period  of  the  business,  would 
bring  the  Court  into  absolute  contempt.' 

The  two  extracts,  which  follow,  relate  to  the  famous  opening 
of  the  States-General  at  Versailles,  which  has  been  called  by 
historians  the  first  day  of  the  Revolution.  Great  preparations 
had  been  made  to  give  splendor  and  effect  to  this  ceremony. 
There  was  a  religious  procession  the  day  preceding,  and  a 
discourse,  or  sermon,  was  pronounced  by  the  Bishop  of  Nancy, 
at  which  were  present  the  Royal  Family,  the  nobility,  and  all 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  303 

the  members  of  the  three  orders  about  to  constitute  the  grand 
Assembly  of  the  nation,  which  *was  now  convened  after  a  lapse 
of  more  than  a  century  and  a  half.  The  Bishop,  when  he  used 
the  words  public  liberty,  and  some  other  expressions  of  that 
kind,  was  loudly  applauded,  with  continued  clapping  of  hands, 
a  demonstration  of  feeling,  it  is  said,  never  before  known  in  a 
church,  and  particularly  on  a  religious  occasion. 

6  May  4th. — At  six  this  morning  I  set  off  for  Versailles. 
Am  overtaken  on  the  road  by  M.  le  Normond  and  M.  la  Gaze. 
We  alight  together,  and  walk  through  the  streets  till  the  pro 
cession  commences,  except  a  little  while  that  I  sit  with  Mad 
ame  de  Flahaut,  who  was  so  kind  as  to  send  and  offer  me  part 
of  a  window. 

'  The  procession  is  very  magnificent,  through  a  double  row 
of  tapestry.  Neither  the  King  nor  Queen  appear  too  well 
pleased.  The  former  is  repeatedly  saluted  as  he  passes  along 
with  Vive  le  Rui ;  but  the  latter  meets  not  a  single  accla 
mation.  She  looks,  however,  with  contempt  on  the  scene  in 
which  she  acts  a  part,  and  seems  to  say,  for  the  present  I  sub 
mit,  but  1  shall  have  my  turn. 

1  Return  to  Paris  and  dine.  After  dinner  walk  to  the 
Palais  Royal  and  see  Madame  de  Chastellux.  Make  a  short 
visit,  as  she  is  going  to  the  Dutchess.  Find  I  was  right  in  my 
conjecture,  as  to  the  Queen's  temper  and  the  King's.  He  was 
vexed  that  the  Duke  of  Orleans  should  walk  as  representative, 
and  not  as  Prince  of  the  blood ;  and,  also,  that  his  consort 
received  no  mark  of  public  satisfaction.  She  was  exceedingly 
hurt.  I  cannot  help  feeling  the  mortification,  which  the  poor 
Queen  meets  with,  for  I  see  only  the  woman  ;  and  it  seems 
unmanly  to  treat  a  woman  with  unkindness.  Madame  de 
Chastellux  tells  me  a  sprightly  reply  of  Madame  Adelaide, 
the  King's  aunt ;  wrho,  when  the  Queen  in  a  fit  of  resentment, 
speaking  of  this  nation,  said,  "  Ces  indignes  Francais"  exclaim 
ed,  "  dites  indignes,  Madame." 

1  The  Dutchess  of  Orleans  could  not  get  a  billet  for  me,  but 
the  Dutchess  de  Bourbon  has  promised  to  try,  and,  if  she  sue- 


304  LIFE  ar 

ceeds,  will  send  it  lo  the  Palais  Royal  this  evening ;  and,  in 
that  case,  Madame  de  Chastellux  will  receive  it  from  the 
Duchesse  d'Orleans,  and  send  it  to  me. 

4  May  bth. — Go  to  Versailles,  and  a  little  after  eight  get  into 
the  Hall.  Sit  there  in  a  cramped  situation  till  after  twelve,  during 
which  time,  the  different  members  are  brought  in  and  placed, 
one  Bailliage  after  the  other.  When  M.  Necker  comes  in,  he 
is  loudly  and  repeatedly  clapped,  and  so  is  the  Duke  of  Or 
leans,  also  a  Bishop,  who  has  long  lived  in  his  diocese,  and 
preached  there  what  his  profession  enjoins.  Another  Bishop, 
who  preached  yesterday  a  sermon,  which  I  did  not  hear,  is 
applauded  ;  but  those  near  me  say  that  this  applause  is  unmer 
ited.  An  old  man,  who  refused  to  dress  in  the  costume  pre 
scribed  for  the  Tiers,  and  who  appears  in  his  farmer's  habit,  re 
ceives  a  long  and  loud  plaudit.  M.  de  Mirabeau  is  hissed, 
though  not  very  loudly.  The  King  at  length  arrives,  and  takes 
his  seat,  the  Queen  on  his  left,  two  steps  lower  than  himself. 
He  makes  a  short  speech,  very  proper,  and  well  spoken,  or 
rather  read.  The  tone  and  manner  have  all  the  farte,  which 
can  be  desired  in,  or  expected  from,  the  blood  of  the  Bourbons. 
He  is  interrupted  in  the  reading  by  acclamations  so  warm  and 
of  such  lively  affection,  that  the  tears  start  from  my  eyes  in 
spite  of  myself.  The  Queen  weeps,  or  seems  to  weep,  but 
not  one  voice  is  heard  to  wish  her  well.  I  would  certainly 
raise  mine,  if  I  were  a  Frenchman ;  but  I  have  no  right  to  ex 
press  a  sentiment,  and  in  vain  solicit  those  who  are  near  me  to 
do  it. 

'  After  the  King  has  spoken  he  takes  off  his  hat,  and  when 
he  puts  it  on  again,  his  Nobles  imitate  the  example.  Some  of 
the  Tiers  do  the  same  ;  but  by  degrees  they,,  one  after  the  oth 
er,  take  them  off  again.  The  King  then  takes  off  his  hat.  The 
Queen  seems  to  think  it  wrong,  and  a  conversation  seems  to 
pass,  in  which  the  King  tells  her  he  chooses  to  do  it,  whether 
consistent  or  not  consistent  with  the  ceremonial ;  but  I  would 
not  swear  to  this,  being  too  far  distant  to  see  very  distinctly, 
much  less  to  hear.  The  Nobles  uncover  by  degrees,  so  that 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  305 

if  the  ceremonial  requires  these   manoeuvres,  the   troops   are 
not  yet  properly  drilled. 

'  After  the  King's  speech,  and  the  coverings  and   uncover- 
ings,  the  Garde  des  Sceaux  makes  one  much  longer ;  but  it  is 
delivered  in   a  very   ungraceful   manner,  and  so  indistinctly, 
that  nothing  can  be  judged  of  it  hy   me  until  it  is  in  print. 
When  he  has  done,  M.  Necker  rises.     He  tries  to  play  the 
orator,  but  he  plays  it  very  ill.     The  audience  salute  him  with 
a  long  and  loud  plaudit.     Animated  by  their  approbation,  he 
falls  into  action  and  emphasis ;   but  a   bad  accent  and   un 
graceful  manner   destroy   much   of  the  effect,  which  ought  to 
follow  from  a  composition  written  by  M.  Necker,  and   spoken 
by  M.  Necker.     He  presently  asks  the  King's  leave  to  em 
ploy  a  clerk,  which   being  granted,  the   clerk  proceeds  in  the 
lecture.     It  is  very  long.     It  contains  much  information,  and 
many  things  very  fine,  but  it  is  too  long,  has  many  repetitions, 
and  too  much  compliment,  and  what  the  French  call  emphase. 
The  plaudits  were  long,  loud,,  and  incessant.     These  will  con 
vince  the  King  and  Queen  of  the  national  sentiment,  and  tend 
to  prevent  the  effects  of  the  intrigue    against  the  present   ad 
ministration,  at  least  for  a  while.     After  this  speech  is  over, 
the  King  rises  to   depart,  and  receives  a   long   and   affecting 
J^ive  le  Roi.     The  Queen  rises,  and,  to  rny  great  satisfaction, 
she  hears  for  the  first  time  in  several  mouths  the  sound  of  T^ive 
la  Reine.     She  makes  a   low  courtesy,  and  this  produces  a. 
louder  acclamation,  and  that  a  lower  courtesy. 

'  As  soon  as  I  can  disengage  myself  from  the  crowd  and 
find  my  servant,  I  go  to  where  my  carriage  puts  up,  in  order 
to  proceed  to  Paris,  being  tolerably  hungry,  and  not  inclining 
to  ask  any  one  for  a  dinner,  as  I  am  convinced  that  more  such 
requests  will  be  made  this  day,  than  are  agreeable  to  those 
who  have  dinners  to  bestow.  I  find  that  my  horses  are  not 
harnessed,  and  that  I  am  at  a  traiteur's.  I  ask  for  s  dinner, 
and  am  shown  into  the  room  where  there  is  a  table  d'hote,  and 
some  of  the  Tiers  are  set  down  at  it.  We  enter  into  conver 
sation.  Talk  of  the  manner  of  voting.  I  tell  them  that  i 
26* 


306  LIFE    OF 

think,  when  their  constitution  is  formed,  it  will  be  well  for  them 
to  vote  oar  ordre,  but  in  forming  it  to  vote  par  tete.  Those, 
who  best  understand  the  thing,  incline  to  this  opinion  ;  but 
they  are  from  Brittany;  and  one  of  them  inveighs  so  strongly 
against  the  tyranny  of  the  nobles,  and  attacks  his  brother  so 
warmly,  that  the  others  come  about ;  and  one,  a  noble  repre 
senting  the  Tiers,  is  so  vociferous  against  his  own  order,  that 
I  am  convinced  he  means  to  rise  by  his  eloquence,  and  finally 
will,  I  expect,  vote  with  the  opinion  of  the  Court,  let  that  be 
what  it  may.  I  rise,  and  wish  them  very  sincerely  a  perfect 
accord,  and  good  understanding  with  each  other,  and  set  off 
for  Paris.' 

In  a  letter  to  Mrs  Morris  of  Philadelphia,  he  gives  addition 
al  sketches  of  this  scene,  which  are  still  more  graphic,  and 
may  help  to  fill  up  the  picture. 

'  I  had  the  honor  to  be  present  on  the  fifth  of  this  month  at 
the  opening  of  the  States-General  ;  a  spectacle  more  solemn 
to  the  mind,  than  gaudy  to  the  eye.  And  yet,  there  was  dis 
played  everything  of  noble  and  of  royal  in  this  titled  country. 
A  great  number  of  fine  women,  and  a  very  great  number  of 
fine  dresses,  ranged  round  the  Hall.  On  a  kind  of  stage  the 
throne  ;  on  the  left  of  the  King  and  a  little  below  him  the 
Queen ;  a  little  behind  him  to  the  right,  and  on  chairs,  the 
Princes  of  the  blood  ;  on  the  right  and  and  left,  at  some  dis 
tance  from  the  throne,  the  various  Princesses,  with  the 
gentlemen  and  ladies  of  their  retinue.  Advanced  on  the  stage, 
to  the  left  of  the  throne,  the  Keeper  of  the  Seals.  Several  of 
ficers  of  the  household,  richly  caparisoned,  strewed  about  in 
different  places.  Behind  the  throne,  a  cluster  of  guards,  of 
the  largest  size,  dressed  in  ancient  costumes,  taken  from  the 
times  of  chivalry.  In  front  of  the  throne  on  the  right,  below 
the  stage,  the  Ministers  of  state,  with  a  large  table  before  them. 
On  the  opposite  side  of  the  Hall  some  benches,  on  which  sat 
the  Marechals  of  France,  and  other  great  officers.  In  front 
of  die  Ministers,, on  benches  facing  the  opposite  side  of  the 
Hall,  sat  the  Representatives  of  the  Clergy,  being  priests  of  all 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  307 

colors,  scarlet,  crimson,  black,  white,  and  gray,  to  the  number 
of  three  hundred.  In  front  of  the  Marechals  of  France,  on 
benches  facing  the  Clergy,  sat  an  equal  number  of  Represent 
atives  of  the  Nobility,  dressed  in  a  robe  of  black,  waistcoats  of 
cloth  of  gold,  and  over  their  shoulders,  so  as  to  hang  forward  to 
their  waists,  a  kind  of  lappels  about  a  quarter  of  a  yard  wide  at 
top,  and  wider  at  bottom,  made  of  cloth  of  gold.  On  benches, 
which  reached  quite  across  the  Hall,  and  facing  the  stage,  sat  the 
Representatives  of  the  People  clothed  in  black.  In  the  space 
between  the  Clergy  and  Nobles,  directly  in  front  of  the  Repre 
sentatives  of  the  People,  and  facing  the  throne,  stood  the  her 
alds  at  arms,  with  their  staves  and  in  very  rich  dresses. 

1  When  the  King  entered,  he  was  saluted  with  a  shout  of 
applause.  Some  time  after  he  had  taken  his  seat,  he  put  on  a 
round  beaver,  ornamented  with  white  plumes,  the  part  in  front 
turned  up,  with  a  large  diamond  button  in  the  centre.  He 
read  his  speech  well,  and  wrs  interrupted  at  a  part,  which  af 
fected  his  audience,  by  a  loud  shout  of  T^ive  le  Roi.  After 
this  had  subsided,  he  finished  his  speech,  and  received  again 
an  animated  acclamation  of  applause.  He  then  took  off  his 
hat,  and  after  a  while  put  it  on  again,  at  which  the  Nobles  also 
put  on  their  hats,  which  resembled  the  King's,  excepting  the 
button.  The  effect  of  this  display  of  plumage  was  fine. 

.'The  Keeper  of  the  Seal?  then,  performed  his  genuflexions 
to  the  throne,  and  mumbled  out,  in  a  very  ungraceful  manner, 
a  speech  of  considerable  length,  which  nobody  pretends  to 
judge  of,  because  nobody  heard  it.  He  was  succeeded  by 
M.  Necker,  who  soon  handed  his  speech  to  his  clerk,  being 
unable  to  go  through  with  it.  The  clerk  delivered  it  much  bet 
ter  than  the  IViinister,  and  that  is  no  great  praise.  It  was  three 
hours  long,  contained  many  excellent  things,  but  too  much  of 
compliment,  too  much  of  repetition,  and  indeed  too  much  of 
everything,  for  it  was  too  long  by  two  hours,  and  yet  fell 
short  in  some  capital  points  of  grent  expectation.  He  receiv 
ed,  however,  very  repeated  plaudits  from  the  audience,  some 
of  which  were  merited,  but  more  were  certainly  paid  to  his 


30d  LIFE    OF 

character,  than  to  his  composition.  M.  Necker's  long  speech 
now  comes  to  a  close,  and  the  King  rises  to  depart.  The  Hall 
resounds  with  a  long  loud  Vive  le  Roi.  He  passes  the 
Queen,  who  rises  to  follow  him.  At  this  moment  some  oney 
imbued  with  the  milk  of  human  kindness,  originates  a  faint  Vive 
la  Reine.  She  makes  a  humble  courtesy  and  presents  the 
sinking  of  the  high  Austrian  spirit ;  a  livelier  acclamation  in  re 
turn,  and  to  this  her  lowlier  bending,  which  is  succeeded  by  a 
sJbout  of  loud  applause.  Here  drops  the  curtain  on  the  first 
great  act  of  this  great  drama,  in  which  Bourbon  gives  free 
dom.  His  courtiers  seem  to  feel,  what  he  seems  to  be  in 
sensible  of,  the  pang  of  greatness  going  oft? 

One  of  the  immediate  objects  of  Mr  Morris's  visit  to  France, 
was  to  prosecute  and  settle  a  claim  of  Robert  Morris  against 
the  Farmers  General  for  tobacco,  shipped  to  them  by  contract. 
For  reasons  not  necessary  to  be  enumerated,  the  affair  had 
become  much  involved,  and  after  repealed  and  ineffectual 
attempts  to  bring  about  a  compromise,  Mr  Morris  at  last 
determined  on  a  suit  at  law.  The  case,  in  some  of  its  forms, 
was  to  come  before  a  bench  of  judges,  whom  he  was  advised 
to  see  in  person,  previously  to  its  being  committed  to  them. 
In  company  with  a  gentleman,  who  also  had  some  concern  in 
the  transaction,  he  set  out  on  this  visit  to  the  judges,  and  when 
it  was  finished,  wrote  downjthe  following  account  of  his  ad 
ventures. 

1  May  28th. — He  desires  me  to  tell  the  judges,  that  I  came 
over  on  purpose  to  settle  the  business  now  before  them.  I  tell 
him  that  1  cannot,  because  it  is  not  true.  This,  says  he,  is  of 
no  consequence,  for  it  will  injure  nobody.  I  tell  him,  that  I 
cannot  bring  myself  to  lie,  although  it  be  not  maliciously  done, 
but  he  may,  if  he  pleases,  tell  them  so.  He  says  he  will,  for 
that  if  I  did  not  come  on  that  account,  I  ought  to.  We  first 
call  on  M.  Etienne,  a  bookseller.  He  is  not  at  home,  and 
Laurent  writes  a  message,  I  do  not  know  what.  Secondly, 
we  call  on  M.  le  Camus  Avard,  a  woollen  drape?'.  He  also 
is  from  home,  and  Laurent  writes  a  message.  Thirdly,  we 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  309 

call  on  M.  Magimel,  a  goldsmith,  and  have  the  honor  to  see 
him.  He  ia  to  be  relieved  next  month  by  M.  Maillard,  a 
furrier.  However,  we  are  to  send  him  a  memoire,  because 
on  les  affaires  majeures  they  generally  confer  together.  He 
promises  to  expedite  the  matter.  We  then  return  to  M.  le 
C.  who  is  to  leave  town  this  afternoon  for  Rouen,  and  has  a 
great  deal  to  do,  but  will  despatch  it  immediately,  and  ga 
with  me  to  visit  our  other  judges.  Sit  waiting  for  him  in  my 
carriage  a  long  hour,  and  then  at  the  door  of  it  he  talks  with  a 
man,  (whom  he  has  been  long  talking  to  already,)  for  several 
minutes.  He  gets  in,  and  I  tell  him,  in  a  manner  which  suffi 
ciently  shows  vexation,  that  it  is  too  late  to  visit  any  of  these 
people,  but  we  will  go  home  and  dine.  He  apologizes,  and 
apprehending,  T  believe,  that  in  my  present  temper  we  shall 
be  bad  company,  declines  rny  invitation,  and  gets  out  again. 

'  Return  home  and  dine.  At  five  resume  my  visits  to  rny 
judges ;  and  first  wait  upon  the  honorable  M.  Gillet,  the 
grocer,  who  is  in  a  little  cuddy,  adjoining  his  shop,  at  cards. 
He  assures  me,  that  the  court  are  impartial,  and  alike  uninflu 
enced  by  Farmers,  Receivers,  and  Grand  Seigneurs  ;that  they 
are  generally  of  the  same  opinion  ;  that  he  will  do  everything 
in  his  power,  and  the  like.  De  Vautre  cote,  perfect  confidence 
in  the  integrity  and  ability  of  the  court.  Wish  only  to  bring 
the  cause  to  such  a  point,  as  that  I  may  have  the  honor  to  pre 
sent  a  memoire.  Am  vastly  sorry  to  have  been  guilty  of  an 
intrusion  upon  the  amusements  of  his  leisure  hours.  Hope  he 
will  excuse  the  solicitude  of  a  stranger,  and  patronize  a. claim 
of  such  evident  justice.  The  whole  goes  off  very  well,  though 
I  with  difficulty  restrain  my  risible  faculties.  The  coachman, 
who  sees  the  respectfulness  of  my  adieus  at  the  shop  door,  is 
not  quite  so  discreet. 

'  My  next  visit  is  to  M.  Maillard,  the  vender  of  skins.  A 
chariot  stopping  at  the  door,  and  a  servant  in  livery  inquiring 
for  him,  without  anything  of  the  humble  suitor  in  his  counte 
nance,  brings  his  honor  into  the  street.  A  world  of  apologies 
for  rny  indiscretion  ;  hope  he  will  excuse  it.  He  is  so  kind 


310  LIFE    OP 

as  to  receive  my  excuses  very  graciously,  though  I  think  he 
must  be  disappointed  at  receiving  a  client  instead  of  a  custom 
er.  Explain  my  object.  He  will  do  whatever  may  lie  in  his 
power.  My  last  visit  is  to  the  honorable  M.  Servi,  the  vint 
ner.  He  will  take  the  earliest  opportunity  tomorrow  to  men 
tion  the  matter  to  his  brethren.  I  tell  him  that  a  confidence 
in  the  wise  and  impartial  attention  in  the  consulate,  as  also  in, 
the  speediness  of  their  decisions,  have  induced  the  suit,  which 
gives  him  the  trouble  of  my  visit,  and  so  forth.  In  reply,  the 
desire  of  this  nation  to  give  the  best  reception  to  strangers, 
and,  finally,  that  he  already  believes  my  cause  to  be  good,  and 
hopes  he  may  not  be  disappointed.  Certainly  I  must  believe 
it  good.  A  winter's  passage  of  a  thousand  leagues  is  not  un 
dertaken  on  light  ground,  by  a  man  of  common  understanding, 
and  although  there  is  doubtless  every  reason  for  confiding  in 
the  justice  of  the  French,  yet  a  stranger,  opposed  to  a  power 
ful  Company,  can  never  have  the  same  opportunities  and 
advantages ;  that,  at  present,  I  only  supplicate  for  despatch, 
and  shall  do  myself  the  honor  at  a  future  day  to  explain  the 
grounds  of  my  demand. 

1  Having  got  through  this  disagreeable  scene,  the  ridicule  of 
which  is  so  strongly  painted  to  my  own  eyes,  that  I  cannot 
forbear  laughing  at  myself,  I  call  on  Mr  Jefferson  to  take 
him  and  his  family  to  the  garden  of  Monsieur,  for  which  I  have 
a  ticket,  but  he  is  not  at  home. 

'  May  30th. — Dine  with  the  Marechal  de  Castries.  In  my 
way  call  on  General  Dalrymple,  stay  about  five  minutes,  and 
by  this  means  do  not  arrive  till  they  are  sitting  down  to  table. 
After  dinner  explain  to  the  Marechal  the  affair  of  the  claim  set 
up  against  the  Farm.  He  desires  a  note  of  it,  which  1  am  to 
make  out  ajid  give  him.  I  tell  him  that  a  man  of  sense,  de 
cision,  and  firmness,  is  necessary  to  the  King  in  -the  present 
moment  to  extricate  him  from  the  difficulties  in  which  they 
are  plunged,  also  some  rough  sketch  of  the  means.  Call  on 
Mr  Jefferson  and  sit  a  srood  while.  General  conversation 


on  character^  and  politics,     I  think  he  does  not  form  very  just 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  311 

estimates  of  character,  but  rather  assigns  too  many  to  the  hum 
ble  rank  of  fools  ;  whereas  in  life  the  gradations  are  infinite, 
and  each  individual  has  his  peculiarities  of  fort  and  feeble. 
Go  to  Madame  de  Flahaut's  to  spend  the  evenin  g.  Talk  a 
good  deal  of  loose,  light  nonsense,  and  at  eleven  o'clock  come 
home.' 

While  the  Marechal  de  Castries  was  Minister  of  the  Marine, 
he  had  read  Mr  Morris's  two  letters  to  the  Marquis  de  Chas- 
tellux,  on  the  commerce  of  the  French  Islands,  and  often 
spoke  of  them  in  terms  of  high  approbation,  which  caused 
them  to  be  read  and  commended  by  others.  Of  this  the  Mar 
quis  took  care  to  give  his  friend  due  intelligence.  The  rep 
utation  acquired  by  these  letters  was  valuable  to  him  after  his 
arrival  in  Paris. 

'  June  3d. — Go  to  Mr  Jefferson's.  Some  political  conver 
sation.  He  seems  to  be  out  of  hope  of  anything  being  done 
to  purpose  by  the  States-General.  This  comes  from  having 
sanguine  expectation  of  a  downright  republican  form  of  gov 
ernment.  The  literary  people  here,  observing  the  abuses  of 
their  monarchical  form,  imagine  that  everything  must  go  the 
better  in  proportion  as  it  recedes  from  the  present  establish 
ments,  and  in  their  closets  they  make  men  exactly  suited  to 
their  systems;  but  unluckily  they  are  such  men  as  exist 
nowhere  else,  and  least  of  all  in  France.  I  am  more  than  ever 
persuaded  that  the  form,  which  at  first  appeared  to  me  most 
fit  for  them,  is  that  which  will  be  adopted  ;  and  exactly  to  my 
idea,  but  probably  in  a  much  better  manner. 

'June  5th. — Go  to  M.  Hudon's.  He  has  been  waiting 
for  me  a  long  time.  I  stand  for  his  statue  of  General  Wash 
ington,  being  the  humble  employment  of  a  manikin.  This  is 
literally  taking  the  advice  of  St  Paul,  to  be  all  things  to  all 
men.  Promise  M.  Hudon  to  attend  next  Tuesday  morning 
at  half  past  eight  to  have  my  bust  taken,  which  he  desires,  to 
please  himself,  for  this  is  the  answer  to  my  question,  what  he 
wants  with  my  bust. 

'June  6th. — Dine  with  Mr  Jefferson.     He    has  just  re- 


312  LIFE    OF 

ceived  some  news  from  America,  where  all  is  going  on  well. 
Sit  pretty  long  at  table  and  stay  tea.  At  ten  go  to  sup  with 
Madame  de  Flahaut,  who  is  ill,  but  eats  supper,  and  is  of 
course  much  worse  after  having  eaten.  The  States-General 
seem  to  approach  a  little  more  towards  accommodation.  The 
Bishop  of  Autun,  (Talleyrand)  who  is  one  of  our  company, 
and  an  intimate  friend  of  Madame  Flahaut,  appears  to  me  a 
sly,  cool,  cunning,  ambitious,  and  malicious  man.  I  know  not 
why  conclusions  so  disadvantageous  to  him  are  formed  in  my 
mind  ;  but  so  it  is,  and  I  cannot  help  it. 

*  June  \\th. — This  morning  T  go  to  Reinsi.  Arrive  at 
eleven.  Nobody  yet  visible.  After  some  time  the  Dutchess 
(of  Orleans)  appears,  and  tells  me,  that  she  has  given  Madame 
de  Chastellux  notice  of  my  arrival.  This  consists  with  my 
primitive  idea.  Near  twelve  before  the  breakfast  is  paraded  ; 
but,  as  I  had  eaten  mine  before  my  departure,  this  has  no  pre 
sent  inconvenience.  After  breakfast  we  go  to  mass  in  the 
chapel.  In  the  tribune  above,  we  have  a  Bishop,  an  Ab 
be,  the  Dutchess,  her  maids,  and  some  of  their  friends.  Mad 
ame  de  Chastellux  is  below  on  her  knees.  We  are  amused 
above  by  a  number  of  little  tricks  played  off  by  Monsieur  de 
Segur  and  Monsieur  de  Cabieres  with  a  candle,  which  is  put 
into  the  pockets  of  different  gentlemen,  the  Bishop's  among 
the  rest,  and  lighted,  while  they  are  otherwise  engaged,  (for 
there  is  a  fire  in  the  tribune,)  to  tho  great  merriment  of  the 
spectators.  Immoderate  laughter  is  the  consequence.  The 
Dutchess  preserves  as  much  gravity  as  she  can.  This  scene 
must  be  very  edifying  to  the  domestics,  who  are  opposite  to  us, 
and  the  villagers  who  worship  below.  After  this  ceremony  is 
concluded,  we  commence  our  walk,  which  is  long  and  exces 
sively  hot.  Then  we  get  into  batteaux,  and  the  gentlemen  row 
the  ladies,  which  is  by  no  means  a  cool  operation.  After  that, 
more  walking ;  so  that  I  am  excessively  inflamed,  even  to  fever 
heat.  Get  to  the  Cliateau,  and  doze  a  little,  en  attendant  le 
dine,  which  does  not  come  till  after  five.  A  number  of  persons 
surround  the  windows,  and  doubtless  form  a  high  idea  of  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

company  to  whom  they  are  obliged  to  look  up  at  an  awful  dis 
tance.  Ah,  did  they  but  know  how  trivial  the  conversation, 
how  very  trivial  the  characters,  their  respect  would  soon  be 
changed  to  an  emotion  extremely  different. 

*  June  I2th.—Mi-  Jefferson  has  been  to  Versailles.  The  Tiers 
have  called  on  the  Nobles  and  Clergy  to  join  them  and  proceed 
to  business,  which  has  thrown  the  former  into  a  rage.  He 
considers  the  affairs  of  this  country  as  being  in  a  very  critical 
situation.  They  are  so  ;  but  the  royal  authority  has  yet  great 
weight,  and,  if  brought  in  to  the  aid  of  the  privileged  orders, 
may  yet  prevent  their  destruction.  However,  he  and  I  differ 
in  our  systems  of  politics.  He,  with  all  the  leaders  of  liberty 
here,  is  desirous  of  annihilating  distinctions  of  order.  How 
far  such  views  may  be  right,  respecting  mankind  in  general,  is, 
I  think,  extremely  problematical.  But,  with  respect  to  this 
nation,  I  am  sure  it  is  wrong,  and  cannot  eventuate  well. 

'  June  19th. — The  Clergy  have  this  day,  by  a  small  majori 
ty,  determined  to  join  the  Tiers.  This  stroke  is  fatal  to  the 
Noblesse,  for  the  Tiers,  having  already  constituted  themselves 
the  National  Assembly,  as  representing  ninety-six  hundredths 
of  the  nation,  they  will  now  have  the  claim  to  be  a  majority  of 
orders  also,  as  well  as  of  heads.  Unless  the  royal  authority 
be  interposed  to  save  the  Nobles,  they  are  gone  ;  and  of  this 
there  seems  to  be  but  slender  probability. 

'  M.  de  Boursac  tells  me,  which  is  the  aristocratic  consola 
tion,  that  the  King  has  called  a  council  on  the  present  state  of 
affairs,  in  which  each  is  to  deliver  his  opinion  in  his  Majesty's 
presence.  I  do  not  believe,  that  this  will  produce  any  effect 
whatever  ;  for  the  decision  of  this  day  will  awe  those,  who, 
two  days  ago,  would  have  been  loud  against  M.  Necker. 
And  probably  those  who  called,  or  rather  prompted  the  call 
of  this  council,  will  find  the  event  to  be  a  direct  reverse  of 
their  wishes  and  expectations. 

'  June  20^/4. — Go  to  club.  Meet  the  Comte  de  Croix,  Due 
de  Rochefoucauld,  Vicomtes  de  Noailles  and  de  Segur,  young 
Dillon,  and  sundry  others.  Various  conjectures  about  the  ob- 
VOL.  i.  27 


314  LIFE    OF 

ject  of  the  Seance  royale  to  be  held  on  Monday.  I  believe 
that  this  step  would  not  have  been  taken,  had  the  Court  fore 
seen  the  step  of  the  clergy  yesterday.  They  have  very  in 
flammable  materials  to  handle  now,  and  must  take  good  heed. 
The  general  idea  seems  to  be,  that  this  Seance  is  consequen 
tial  upon  what  passed  in  the  Tiers,  when  they  assumed  to 
themselves  the  title  of  National  Assembly ;  but  I  conjecture 
that,  however  this  incident  may  have  precipitated  that  event, 
it  originates  in  the  idea  of  arranging  the  different  corps  in  such 
way,  as  that  they  may  cct,  instead  of  being  as  at  present  a 
useless  herd. 

*  June  23d. — Go  to  Versailles  and  call  on  Monsieur  de  la 
Luzerne,  but  both  he  and  his  lady  are  out  of  town.  Thence 
to  Madame  de  Tesse's,  who  gives  me  a  cordial  reception, 
complaining,  however,  of  my  politics.  The  King  has  this 
day,  in  his  Seance  royale,  pleased  the  Nobility,  and  very  much 
displeased  the  Tiers.  I  find  it  difficult  to  learn  exactly  what 
has  passed,  but  it  seems  to  me,  that  the  Nobility  have  less 
cause  for  exultation  than  they  imagine.  At  dinner  I  sit  next 
to  Monsieur  do  Lafayette,  who  tells  me  that  I  injure  the  cause, 
for  that  my  sentiments  are  continually  quoted  against  the  good 
party.  I  seize  this  opportunity  to  tell  him,  that  I  arn  opposed 
to  the  democracy  from  regard  to  liberty.  That  I  see  they  are 
going  headlong  to  destruction,  and  would  fain  stop  them  if  I 
could.  That  their  views  respecting  this  nation  are  totally  in 
consistent  with  the  materials  of  which  it  is  composed;  and 
that  the  worst  thing,  which  could  happen,  would  be  to  grant 
their  wishes.  He  tells  me.  that  he  is  sensible  that  his  party 
are  mad,  and  tells  them  so,  but  is  not  the  less  determined  to 
die  with  them.  I  tell  him,  that  I  think  it  would  be  quite  as 
well  to  bring  them  to  their  senses,  and  live  with  them.  He 
says  that  he  is  determined  to  resign  his  seat,  which  step  1 
approve  of,  because  the  instructions  by  which  he  is  bound  are 
contrary  to  his  conscience.  Before  we  part,  I  take  an  oppor 
tunity  to  tell  him,  that  if  the  Tiers  are  now  very  moderate 
they  will  probably  succeed  ;  but,  if  violent,  must  inevitably 
fail* 


GOUVERNEUlt    MORRIS.  315 

c  From  hence  go  to  Madame  d'Angiviliers,  who  is  not  at 
home.  Then  call  on  the  Due  de  la  Vauguyon,  who  is  also 
abroad.  Thence  to  Madame  de  jVIontoissieux's,  where  the 
party  is  aristocratical.  Delighted  with  the  King.  In  the 
course  of  conversation  they  tell  me  some  anecdotes,  which 
convince  me  that  the  King  and  Queen  are  confoundedly 
frightened ;  and  T  am  thence  led  to  conjecture,  that  the  Court 
will  still  recede.  M.  Necker  offered  yesterday  to  resign,  but 
the  King  refused  to  accept  his  resignation.  This  afternoon 
he  waits  on  his  Majesty,  surrounded  by  the  common  people, 
who  attend  him  with  shouts  of  applause  to  the  door  of  the 
Chateau.  At  half  past  seven,  when  I  leave  Versailles,  he  is 
still  with  the  King. 

'  July  3d. — Cantellux  is  full  of  politics.  Retells  me,  that 
I  am  frequently  quoted  by  the  aristocrats,  as  being  of  their 
party.  This  leads  to  an  explanation  of  my  opinions,  in  which 
we  perfectly  agree,  and  he  appears  glad  of  it.  The  concilia 
ting  point  is  an  abolition  of  the  parliaments,  which  I  think  es 
sential  to  the  establishment  of  freedom,  justice,  and  order. 

*  July  4th. — Go  to  Mr  Jefferson's  to  dinner.  A  large  par 
ty  of  Americans,  and  among  them  Monsieur  and  Madame  de 
Lafayette.  Some  political  conversation  with  him  after  din 
ner,  in  which  I  urge  him  to  preserve,  if  possible,  some  consti 
tutional  authority  to  the  body  of  Nobles,  as  the  only  means  of 
preserving  any  liberty  for  the  people.  The  current  is  sitting 
so  strong  against  the  Noblesse,  that  I  apprehend  their  destruc 
tion,  in  which  will,  I  fear,  be  involved  consequences  most  per 
nicious,  though  little  attended  to  in  the  present  moment. 

'  July  Llth. — The  King,  in  answer  to  the  States  respecting 
the  troops,  has  told  them  that  he  had  no  intentions  to  affect 
them,  and  if  their  apprehensions  continue,  he  will  remove  the 
session  of  the  States  to  Soissons,  or  Noyons,  and  go  himself 
to  Cornpiegne.  This  is  an  artful  reply.  If  he  can  get  them 
far  from  Paris,  he  will  weaken  that  impulse,  which  at  present 
creates  such  alarm.  But  the  evil  lies  deeper  t,.an  his  coun 
sellors  are  aware  of,  and  the  business  now  broached  must  have 
its  complete  course. 


316  LIFE    OF 

1  July  12th. — Dine  with  the  Marechal  de  Castries,  who  in 
quires  very  kindly  the  state  of  my  business.  I  tell  him  that  I 
am  about  to  conclude  an  indirect  agreement,  because  un 
mauvais  accommotfement  vaut  mieux  qu'un  Ion  proces.  He 
agrees  in  this  sentiment,  and  is  glad  that  my  voyage  has  not 
been  wholly  fruitless.  He  tells  me  that  he  is  in  lown  for  a 
few  days,  which  he  devotes  to  business,  and  therefore  inquires 
how  mine  goes  on.  As  I  am  going  away,  he  takes  me  aside, 
and  informs  me  that  M.  Necker  is  no  .longer  in  place.  He  is 
much  affected  at  this  intelligence,  and  indeed  so  am  I.  I  urge 
him  to  go  immediately  to  Versailles.  He  says  he  will  not ;  that 
they  have  undoubtedly  taken  all  their  measures  before  this 
moment,  and  therefore  he  must  be  too  late.  I  tell  him  that  it 
f  is  not  too  late  to  warn  the  King  of  his  danger,  which  is  infinite 
ly  greater  than  he  imagines.  That  his  army  will  not  fight 
against  the  nation,  and  that,  if  he  listens  to  violent  counsels,  the 
nation  will  undoubtedly  be  against  him ;  that  the  sword  has 
fallen  imperceptibly  from  his  hand ;  and  that  the  sovereignty 
of  this  nation  is  in  the  Jlssemblee  Nationals.  He  makes  no 
precise  answer  to  this,  but  is  very  deeply  affected.  He  tells 
me,  that  if  he  stays  longer  in  town,  he  will  inform  me,  that  we 
may  see  each  other  again. 

'  Learn  that  the  whole  administration  are  routed,  and  ]VL 
Necker  banished.  Much  alarm  here.  Paris  begins  to  be  in 
commotion,  and  from  the  invalid  guard  of  the  Louvre  a  few  of 
the  mobility  take  a  drum  and  beat  to  arms.  Monsieur  de  Nar- 
bonne,  the  friend  of  Madame  de  Stael,  considers  a  civil  war  inev 
itable,  and  is  about  to  join  his  regiment,  being,  as  he  says,  in  a 
conflict  between  the  dictates  of  his  duty  and  his  conscience. 
I  tell  him,  that  I  know  of  no  duty,  but  that  which  conscience 
dictates.  I  presume  that  his  conscience  will  dictate  to  join  the 
strongest  side.  ,  The  little  Abbe,  Bertrand,  after  sallying  out 
in  ^fiacre,  returns  frightened,  because  of  a  large  mob  in  the 
Rue  St  Honore  ;  and  presently  comes  in  another  Abbe,  who  is 
of  the  parliament,  and  who,  rejoicing  inwardly  at  the  change, 
is  confoundedly  frightened  at  the  commotions.  I  calm  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  317 

fears  of  Madame  de  Flahauc,  whose  husband  is  mad,  and  in 
a  printed  list,  it  seems,  of  the  furious  aristocrats. 

1  Offer  to  conduct  the  Abbes  safely  home,  which  offer  Ber- 
trand  accepts.  His  terror  as  we  go  along  is  truly  diverting. 
As  we  approach  the  Rue  St  Honore,his  imagination  magnifies 
the  ordinary  passengers  into  a  vast  mob,  and  I  can  scarcely 
persuade  him  to  trust  his  eyes,  instead  of  his  fears.  Having 
set  him  down,  I  depart  for  Mr  Jefferson's.  In  riding  along  the 
Boulevards,  all  at  once  the  carriages,  horses,  and  foot  passen 
gers  turn  about  and  pass  rapidly.  Presently  after,  we  meet  a 
body  of  cavalry,  with  their  sabres  drawn,  and  coming  at  half 
speed.  After  they  have  passed  us  a  little  way,  they  stop. 
When  we  come  to  the  Place  Louis  Quinze,  I  observe  the  peo 
ple,  to  the  number  of  perhaps  of  one  hundred,  picking  up 
stones,  and,  looking  back,  find  that  the  cavalry  are  returning. 
Stop  at  the  angle  to  see  the  fray  if  any.  The  people 
take  post  among  the  stones,  which  lie  scattered  about  the 
whole  place,  being  there  hewn  for  the  bridge  now  building. 
The  officer  at  the  head  of  this  party  is  saluted  by  a  stone,  and 
immediately  turns  his  horse  in  a  menacing  manner  towards  the 
assailant.  But  his  adversaries  are  posted  on  ground  where  the 
cavalry  cannot  act.  He  pursues  his  route,  therefore,  and  the 
pace  is  soon  increased  to  a  gallop,  amid  a  shower  of  stones. 
One  of  the  soldiers  is  either  knocked  from  his  horse,  or  the 
horse  falls  under  him.  He  is  taken  prisoner,  and  at  first  ill 
treated.  They  had  fired  several  pistols,  but  without  effect. 
Probably  they  were  not  even  charged  with  ball.  A  party  of 
the  Swiss  guards  are  posted  in  the  Champs-Elysees  with 
cannon. 

*  Proceed  to  Mr  Jefferson's.  He  tells  me  that  M.  Necker 
received  yesterday  about  noon  a  letter  from  the  King,  by  the 
hands  of  Monsieur  de  la  Luzerne,  in  which  he  orders  him  to 
leave  the  kingdom ;  and  at  the  same  time  Monsieur  de  la 
Luzerne  is  desired  to  exact  a  promise,  that  he  will  not  men 
tion  the  matter  to  anybody.  M.  Necker  dines,  and  proposes 
to  his  wife  a  visit  to  a  female  friend  in  the  neighborhood.  On 
27* 


318  LIFE    OF 

the  route,  he  communicates  the  intelligence,  and  they  go  to  a 
country  seat,  make  the  needful  arrangements,  and  depart.  M. 
de  Montmorin  immediately  resigned,  and  is  in  Paris. 

'  In  returning  from  Air  Jefferson's,  I  am  turned  off  to  the 
left  hy  the  vidette.  posted  on  the  road  to  the  Place  Louis 
Quinse.  Go  to  club.  A  gentleman  just  arrived  from  Ver 
sailles  gives  us  an  account  of  the  new  administration.  The 
people  are  employed  in  breaking  open  the  armorer's  shops, 
and  presently  a  large  body  of  the  Gardes  Frangaises  appear 
with  bayonets  fixed  in  the  garden,  mingled  with  the  mob,  some 
of  whom  are  also  armed.  These  poor  fellows  have  passed 
the  Rubicon,  with  a  witness.  Success,  or  a  halter,  must  now 
be  their  motto.  I  think  the  Court  will  again  recede ;  and,  if 
they  do,  all  further  efforts  will  be  idle.  If  they  do  not,  a  civil 
war  is  among  the  events  most  probable.  If  the  Representa 
tives  of  the  Tiers  have  formed  a  just  estimate  of  their  consti 
tuents,  in  ten  days  all  France  will  be  in  commotion.  The 
little  affray,  which  I  have  just  witnessed,  will  probably  be 
magnified  into  a  bloody  battle  before  it  reaches  the  frontiers, 
ancl,  in  that  case,  an  infinity  of  corps-bourgeois  will  march  to 
the  relief  of  the  capital.  They  had  better  gather  in  the  har 
vest. 

'July  13th. — Martin  comes  in  and  tells  me,  that  the  Hotel 
de  Force  is  forced,  and  all  the  prisoners  out.  Presently  after,  a 
letter  is  brought  to  him,  enclosing  one  for  me  from  Mr  Nesbitt, 
who  is  at  the  Temple,  and  wishes  to  see  me ;  but  my  cocher 
tells  me  he  cannot  bring  my  carriage,  having  already  been 
stopped  and  turned  back.  In  fact,  the  city  of  Paris  is  in 
as  fine  a  tumult  as  any  one  could  wish.  They  are  getting 
arms  wherever  they  can  find  any.  Seize  sixty  barrels  of 
powder  on  the  Seine.  Break  into  the  Monastery  of  St  Lazar 
and  find  a  store  of  grain,  which  the  holy  brotherhood  had  laid 
in.  Immediately  it  is  put  into  carts  and  sent  to  the  market, 
'and  on  every  cart  a  Friar.  The  Garde  Meuble  du  Roi  is  at 
tacked,  and  the  arms  are  delivered  up,  to  prevent  worse  con 
sequences.  These,  however,  are  more  curious  than  useful. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  319 

But  the  detail  of  the  variety  of  this  day's  deeds  would  be 
endless. 

*  Dine  at  home,  and  la  Gaze  dines  with  me.  After  dinner 
dress  and  walk  to  the  Louvre,  having  previously  ornamented 
my  hat  with  a  green  bough,  in  honor  of  the  Tiers,  for  this  is 
the  fashion  of  the  day,  which  everybody  is  obliged  to  comply 
with,  who  means  to  march  in  peace.  It  is  somewhat  whimsi 
cal,  that  this  day  of  violence  and  tumult  is  the  only  one  in 
which  I  have  dared  to  walk  the  streets  ;  but  as  no  carriages 
are  abroad  but  the  fiacres ,  I  do  not  hazard  being  crushed,  and 
I  apprehend  nothing  from  the  populace. 

'  July  I4tth. — While  sitting  here,  a  person  comes  and  an 
nounces  the  taking  of  the  Bastile,  the  Governor  of  which  is 
beheaded,  and  the  Prevot  des  JUarchands  is  killed,  and  also 
beheaded.  They  are  carrying  the  heads  in  triumph  through 
the  city.  The  carrying  of  this  citadel  is  among  the  most  ex 
traordinary  things,  that  I  have  met  with.  It  cost  the  assail 
ants  sixty  men,  it  is  said.  The  Hotel  Royal  des  Invalides 
was  forced  this  morning,  and  the  cannon,  small  arms, 
&ic.  brought  off.  The  citizens  are  by  these  means  well 
armed  ;  at  least  there  are  the  materials  for  about  thirty 
thousand  to  be  equipped  with,  and  that  is  a  sufficient  army. 
I  find  that  the  information  received  last  night,  as  to  the  arrete 
of  the  Jlssemblee  Nationale,  is  not  just.  They  have  only  de 
clared,  that  the  last  administration  carry  with  them  the  regret 
of  the  chamber ;  that  they  will  persist  in  insisting  on  the  re 
moval  of  the  troops;  and  that  his  Majesty's  advisers,  whatever 
their  rank  and  station,  are  guilty  of  all  the  consequences 
which  may  ensue.  Yesterday  it  was  the  fashion  at  Versailles, 
not  to  believe  that  there  were  any  disturbances  at  Paris.  I 
presume  that  this  day's  transactions  will  induce  a  conviction, 
that  all  is  not  perfectly  quiet. 

'July  15th. — The  Due  d'Aiguillon  and  Baron  de  Menou 
are  at  club,  both  of  them  deputies  of  the  Noblesse.  I  learn 
through,  and  from  them,  the  secret  history  of  the  revolution  of 
this  day.  Yesterday  evening  an  address  was  presented  by  the 
As&embly,  to  which  his  Majesty  returned  an  answer  by  no 


320  LIFE    OF 

means  satisfactory.  The  Queen,  Count  d'Artols,  and  Dutch- 
ess  de  Polignac  had  been  all  day  tampering  with  two  regi 
ments,  which  were  made  almost  drunk,  and  every  officer  was 
presented  to  the  King,  who  was  induced  to  give  promises, 
money,  &c.  to  these  regiments.  They  shouted  Vive  la  Reine, 
Vive  le  Comte  d'Jlrtois,  Vive  la  Duchesse  de  Polignac,  and 
their  music  came  and  played  under  her  Majesty's  window. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  Marechal  de  Broglio  was  tampering  in 
person  with  the  artillery.  The  plan  was  to  reduce  Paris  by 
famine,  and  to  take  two  hundred  members  of  the  National 
Assembly  prisoners.  But  they  found,  that  the  troops  would 
not  serve  against  their  country.  Of  course  these  plans  would 
not  be  carried  into  effect.  They  took  care,  however,  not  to 
inform  the  King  of  all  the  mischiefs.  At  two  o'clock  in  the 
morning,  the  Due  de  Liancourt  went  into  his  bed-chamber 
and  waked  him.  Told  him  all.  Told  him  that  he  pledged 
his  life  on  the  truth  of  his  narration,  and  that,  unless  he 
changed  his  measures  speedily,  all  was  lost.  The  King  took 
his  determination.  The  Bishop  d'Autun,  they  say,  was  called 
on  to  prepare  un  discours  ;  which  he  did.  The  orders  were 
given  for  dispersing  the  troops.  And  at  the  meeting  of  the 
Assembly,  the  King,  accompanied  by  his  two  brothers  and  the 
Captain  of  his  guard,  came  in  and  made  his  speech.  This 
produced  very  enthusiastic  emotions  of  joy,  and  he  was  re- 
conducted  to  the  Chateau  by  the  whole  Assembly,  and  by 
all  the  inhabitants  of  Versailles.  They  tell  me,  that  the  Ba 
ron  de  Bezenvald  is  denonce  by  the  AssembUe  Nationals, 
which  appellation  the  King  recognises  in  his  discours,  that 
they  will  pursue  the  present  Ministry,  &tc.  &c.  I  give  my 
opinion,  that,  after  what  is  passed,  the  Count  d'Artois  should 
not  be  suffered  to  stay  in  France.  In  this  they  agree.  They 
say,  that  they  will  faire  le  proces  of  the  Marechal  de  Bro 
glio,  and  probably  of  the  Baron  de  Breteuil.  It  is  said  that  the 
King  is  to  be  in  town  at  eleven  o'clock  tomorrow.  But  for 
what  ? 
'  July  11th. — This  morning  my  coachman  tells  me,  that  there 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  321 

are  placards  up  forbidding  any  carriages  to  run,  as  the  King  is 
to  be  in  town  this  day  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock.  Here 
then  is  another  day,  in  which  nothing  will  be  done.  Dress 
immediately  and  go  out.  Get  at  a  window  in  the  Rue  St 
Honore,  through  which  the  procession  is  to  pass.  In  squeez 
ing  through  the  crowd,  my  pocket  is  picked  of  a  handkerchief, 
which  I  value  far  beyond  what  the  thief  will  get  for  it ;  and  I 
would  willingly  pay  him  for  his  dexterity,  could  I  retrieve  it. 
We  wait  from  eleven  till  four.  It  seems  that  his  Majesty  was 
escorted  by  the  militia  of  Versailles  to  the  Point  de  Jour, 
where  he  entered  the  double  file  of  Parisian  Militia,  which 
extends  from  thence  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  each  line  compos 
ed  of  three  ranks,  consequently  it  is  a  body  six  deep  extend 
ing  that  distance.  The  Jlssemblee  Nationale  walk  promiscu 
ously  together  in  the  procession.  The  King's  horse-guards, 
some  of  the  Gardes  du  Corps,  and  all  those  who  attend  him, 
have  the  cockades  of  the  city,  viz.  red  and  blue.  It  is  a 
magnificent  procession  in  every  respect. 

'July  19th. — The  painter  shows  us  a  piece  he  is  now  about 
for  the  King,  taken  from  the  ^nead  ;  Venus  restraining  the 
arm,  which  is  raised  in  the  temple  of  the  vestals  to  shed  the 
blood  of  Helen.  I  tell  him,  that  he  had  better  paint  the  storm 
of  the  Bastile.  It  will  be  a  more  fashionable  picture,  and  that 
one  trait  will  admit  of  a  fine  effect.  It  is  one  of  the  Gardes 
Francaises,  who,  having  got  hold  of  the  gate,  and  unable  to 
bring  it  down,  cries  to  his  comrades  of  the  populace,  to  pull  by 
his  legs ;  and  this  man  has  the  force  and  courage  to  hold, 
while  a  dozen  of  them  pull  him  like  a  rope  and  bring  down 
the  gate ;  so  that  he  actually  sustains  the  rack.  To  repre 
sent  him  drawn  out  of  joint,  with  his  head  turned  round  en 
couraging  them  to  draw  still  harder,  must,  I  think,  have  a  fine 
effect.  L'Eveque  d'Autun  agrees  with  me  entirely  in  the 
sentiment.  I  recommend  a  subscription  to  collect  the  various 
papers  found  in  the  Bastile,  and  then  to  employ  an  able  hand 
to  write  the  annals  of  that  diabolical  castle,  from  the  beginning 
of  Louis  the  Fourteenth's  reign  to  the  present  moment.  Some- 


322  LIFE    OF 

thing  of  this  sort  will,  I  believe,  be  done.  Give  the  hint  also 
of  forming  the  Gardes  Fruncaises  into  a  city  guard,  with  very 
high  pay  ;  and  to  keep  up  the  corps,  by  putting  into  it  all 
those,  who  by  good  conducts  hall  have  merited  something  more 
than  the  rank  of  a  common  soldier,  without  being  qualified 
for  that  of  a  sergeant. 

'  July  20th. — Go  to  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  with  much 
difficulty  find  out  the  Marquis  de  Lafayettte,  who  is  exhaust 
ed  by  a  variety  of  attentions.  Tell  him  I  will  send  his  letters 
to  America,  and  that  he  must  give  me  a  passport  to  visit  the 
Bastile.  Agree  to  dine  with  him,  on  condition  that  1  may 
bring  my  own  wine.  Return  home,  write,  and  about  four 
go  to  the  Hotel  de  Lafayette.  Find  there  Madame,  the  Due 
de  la  Rochefoucauld,  and  others.  Dine.  He  gives  me  my 
passport.  Suggest  my  plan  respecting  the  Gardes  Frangaises, 
which  he  likes.  Advise  him  to  have  a  complete  plan  for  the 
militia  prepared,  aud  to  submit  it  to  the  Committee.  Ask 
him  if  he  can  think  of  any  steps,  which  may  be  taken,  to  in 
duce  the  King  to  confer  on  him  the  government  of  the  Isle  of 
France.  He  tells  me,  that  he  would  prefer  that  of  Paris  sim 
ply,  that  he  has  the  utmost  power  his  heart  could  wish,  and  is 
grown  tired  of  it ;  that  he  has  commanded  absolutely  a  hun 
dred  thousand  men,  has  marched,  his  Sovereign  about  the 
streets  as  he  pleased ;  prescribed  the  degree  of  applause, 
which  he  should  receive,  and  could  have  detained  him  prison 
er,  had  he  thought  proper.  He  wishes,  therefore,  as  soon  as 
possible,  to  return  to  private  life. 

1  July  *22d. — After  dinner,  walk  a  little  under  the  arcade  of 
the  Palais  Royal,  waiting  for  my  carriage.  In  this  period  the 
head  and  body  of  M.  de  Toulon  are  introduced  in  triumph. 
The  head  on  a  pike,  the  body  dragged  naked  on  the  earth. 
Afterwards,  this  horrible  exhibition  is  carried  through  the  dif 
ferent  streets.  His  crime  is,  to  have  accepted  a  place  in  the 
Ministry.  This  mutilated  form  of  an  old  man  of  seventy-five 
is  shown  to  his  son-in-law,  Bertier,  the  Intendant  of  Paris; 
and,  afterwards,  he  also  is  put  to  death  and  cut  to  pieces,  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  323 

populace  carrying  about  the  mangled  fragments  with  a  savage 
joy.  Gracious  God,  what  a  people !  ' 

In  the  first  part  of  August  Mr  Morris  made  a  tour  to  Lon 
don,  taking  the  route  of  Dieppe  and  Brighton.  He  had  re 
turned  to  Paris  on  the  13th  of  September. 

'  September  I6lh,  1789. — This  morning  set  off  for  Versailles. 
Alight  at  the  door  of  Monsieur  de  la  Luzerne.'*  Neither  he 
nor  Madame  at  home.  Madame  de  Monlmorin  not  yet  visible, 
and  Monsieur  occupe.^  Visit  at  Madame  de  Tesse's.  She  is 
abroad,  but  Madame  de  Tot  is  visible  at  her  toilette.  Some 
conversation  on  their  affairs,  by  which  I  find,  that  opinions 
change.  Return  to  Monsieur  de  Montmorin's  to  dine.  She 
is  much  afflicted  by  the  state  of  affairs.  Madame  de  Segur 
comes  in  with  her  brothers.  She  is  in  great  anxiety.  Ap 
prehends  that  the  King  will  fly.  I  tell  her  that  his  flight  ap 
pears  to  be  impracticable.  She  thinks  it  will  set  Paris  in  a 
flame.  There  is  no  conjecturing  the  consequences.  A  prince 
so  weak  can  influence  very  little,  either  by  his  presence  or  ab 
sence.  After  dinner,  we  have  a  conversation  on  politics  with 
some  of  the  Deputies,  in  which  I  endeavor  to  show  them  the 
absurdity  of  their  suspensive  veto,  and  the  probable  tyranny 
of  their  single  chamber.  I  had  better  have  let  this  alone  ;  but 
zeal  always  gets  the  better  of  prudence. 

1  September  17fA.— Go  to  Mr  Jefferson's.  The  Due  de  la 
Rochefoucauld  comes  in  from  the  States-General,  and  at 
half  past  four  Lafayette,  when  we  sit  down  to  dinner.  He 
tells  us,  that  some  of  the  troops  under  his  command  are 
about  to  march  tomorrow  to  Versailles,  to  urge  the  decisions 
of  the  States-General.  This  is  a  rare  situation,  for  which 
they  must  thank  themselves.  I  ask  him,  if  his  troops  will 


*  The  Count  de  la  Luzerne,  brother  to  the  Ambassador  in  England, 
and  at  that  time  Minister  of  the  Marine. 

f  M.  de  Montraorin  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  Mr  Jefferson 
says  of  him,  that  he  was  'one  of  the  most  honest  and  worthy  of  hu 
man  beings.' 


324  LIFE    OP 

obey  him.  He  says,  they  will  not  mount  guard  when  it  rains  ; 
but  he  thinks  that  they  would  readily  follow  him  into  aciion. 
I  incline  to  think,  that  he  will  have  an  opportunity  of  making 
the  experiment.  Mention  to  him  my  desire  to  confer  on  the 
subject  of  subsistence.  He  says,  that  I  must  come  and  dine 
with  him,  but  this  is  idle,  if  I  am  rightly  informed;  because 
he  has  generally  a  crowd,  and  is  but  a  few  minutes  at  home. 

(  September  26fA.-— This  morning  at  five  I  rise  and  dress, 
but  my  carriage  does  not  come  till  half  past  six.  Drive  smart 
ly,  arrive  at  the  door  of  the  National  Assembly  at  eight.  By 
this  means  am  still  in  time,  and  get  well  seated  immediately 
behind  my  friend.  At  ten  the  session  is  opened.  Some 
trifling  matter  of  presents  to  the  Assembly,  called  the  gifts  of 
patriotism,  but  more  properly  the  sacrifices  to  vanity.  After 
these  a  tedious  verbal  controversy  on  the  reduction  of  yes 
terday's  minutes.  Much  heat,  and  noise,  and  impatience,  by 
which  means  half  an  hour  is  employed  in  what  ought  to 
have  been  settled  in  half  a  minute.  The  Marquis  de  Mon- 
tesquiou  makes  his  report.  Vast  respect  for  the  Premier 
Ministre  des  Finances,  and  then  sundry  details  and  combina 
tions,  which  show  that  the  committee  understand  the  business 
much  better  than  the  Minister.  At  the  close,  however,  of  the 
report,  there  is  a  feebleness,  which  they  are  not,  perhaps,  fully 
aware  of,  or  perhaps  it  was  unavoidable.  They  appeal  to  pa 
triotism  for  aid  ;  but  they  should  in  money  matters  apply  on 
ly  to  interest.  They  should  never  acknowledge  such  want  of 
resource,  as  to  render  the  aid  of  patriotism  necessary. 

4  After  the  report  is  read,  the  Comte  de  Mirabeau  objects  to 
the  consideration  of  it,  and  insists  that  they  should  immediate 
ly  take  up  M.  Necker's  proposition,  on  which  he  has  a  motion 
to  make,  He  is  called  to  the  Tribune,  and  in  a  style  of  fine 
irony  urges  the  immediate  adoption  of  the  plan  proposed  by 
the  Premier  Ministre,  from  the  blind  confidence  which  the 
Assembly  have  in  him,  and  from  the  unbounded  popularity 
which  he  enjoys.  These,  says  he,  in  that  dreadful  situation 
which  he  has  exposed,  and  in  the  imminency  of  danger,  which 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  325 

precludes  debate,  urge,  nay  command,  us  to  adopt,  without 
examination,  what  the  Minister  has  devised  for  our  relief. 
Let  us  then  agree  to  it  literally,  (textullement)  and,  if  it 
succeeds,  let  him,  as  he  ought,  enjoy  the  glory.  If  it  fails, 
which  Heaven  forefend,  we  will  then  exercise  our  talents  in 
trying  to  discover,  if  yet  there  remain  any  means  to  save 
our  country. 

1  To  my  great  astonishment,  the  Representatives  of  this  na 
tion,  who  pique  themselves  on  being  the  modern  Athenians, 
are  ready  to  swallow  this  proposition  by  acclamation.  The 
President,  Clermont  de  Tonnerre,  who  perceives  its  tendency, 
throws  into  a  different  form  the  style  of  adoption.  Mirabeau 
immediately  rises,  and  very  adroitly  parries  the  stroke,  by 
showing  that  this  form  is  not  consistent  with  his  view,  which 
the  Assembly  appeared  willing  to  comply  with  ;  that  certainly 
a  subject  of  such  magnitude  should  not  be  carried  by  acclama 
tion,  without  having  the  specific  form  before  them  ;  and,  if  he 
were  to  propose  a  form,  it  would  require  at  least  a  quarter  of 
an  hour  to  consider  and  prepare  it.  He  is  immediately  (by 
acclamation)  ordered  to  redact  his  proposition,  and  while  he 
is  about  it,  the  Bishop  d'Autun  retires.  \^e  remark  it.  My 
friend  acknowledges  that  they  are  in  league  together.  The 
world  already  suspects  that  union.  During  their  absence, 
there  is  a  great  deal  of  noisy  debate  on  various  subjects,  if, 
indeed,  such  controversy  may  be  dignified  with  the  name  of 
debate.  At  length  Mirabeau  returns  and  brings  his  motion 
forward  in  consistence  with  his  original  idea.  The  Assembly 
now  perceive  the  trap  ,  and,  during  the  tumult,  Lally  de  Tol- 
lendal  proposes,  that  the  motion  be  sent,  to  the  Committee  of 
Finances  to  frame  an  act  (Arreie.)  Here  again  Mirabeau 
manunevres  to  evade  that  coup.  And  while  the  House  are 
hungup  in  their  judgment,  or  rather  entangled  from  the  want 
of  judgment,  d'Espresmenil  makes  a  motion  coincident  with 
that  of  Mirabeau  in  subsMnce,  though  contrarient  in  form. 

"  O 

There   is  not  sufficient  confidence  in  him,   and,  therefore,  his 
proposition  drops.     But  it  would  seem   from  thence,   that  he 
VOL.  j.         28 


326  LIFE    OF 

is  in  the  faction  with  d'Autun  and  Mirabeau,  or  that  the 
same  principle  of  hatred  to  Necker  has  operated  a  coinci 
dence  of  conduct  on  the  present  occasion.  After  this,  tumult 
and  noise  continue  to  reign.  Mirabeau  at  length,  in  another 
speech,  openly  declares  his  disapprobation  of  Necker's  plan. 
It  is  moved  to  postpone  the  consideration  of  the  subject  at 
three  o'clock  ;  but  that  motion  is  lost.  At  half  past  three  my 
friend  goes  away,  and  about  four  I  retire  extremely  fatigued, 
in  the  belief  that  Mirabeau's  motion  cannot  possibly  be  adopt 
ed,  and  that  they  will  postpone  at  last  the  consideration. 

'  Go  to  Madame  de  Tesse's.  She  is  at  the  Assembles. 
Madame  de  Tot  is  so  kind  as  to  order  some  bread  and  wine 
for  me,  en  attendant  le  dine.  At  length  the  Comtesse  de  Tes 
se  arrives  at  five.  Madame  de  Stae'l  is  with  her.  T  had 
nearly  told  this  last  my  opinion  of  Necker's  plan  before  I  knew 
her.  The  Assembly  are  voting  on  the  adoption.  The  pro 
position  not  essentially  different  from  that  of  Mirabeau ;  and 
thus  they  are  the  dupes.  He  has  urged,  they  say,  a  decision 
with  the  eloquence  of  Demosthenes.  While  we  are  at  din 
ner,  the  Count  de  Tesse  and  some  members  arrive.  The 
adoption  is  carried  hollow  ;  at  which  Necker's  friends  rejoice. 
Madame  de  Stae'l  is  in  raptures.  She  is  pleased  with  the  con 
duct  of  Mirabeau,  which  she  says  was  perhaps  the  only  way 
of  bringing  such  a  wrongheaded  body  to  act  rightly.  That 
the  only  thing  they  could  do  was  to  comply  with  her  father's 
wish,  and  that  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  success  of  his  plans. 
Bravo  ! 

'  After  dinner,  (Madame  de  Tesse  having  told  her  that  I 
am  un  homme  d' esprit,)  she  singles  me  out  and  makes  a  talk. 
Asks  if  I  have  not  written  a  book  on  the  American  Constitu 
tion.  "  Non,  Madame,  fai  fait  mon  devoir  en  assistant  a  la 
formation  de  cette  Constitution."  "  Mais,  Monsieur,  votre 
conversation  doit  etre  tres  interessante,  carje  vous  entend  cite 
de  toute  part"  "  All,  Madame,  je  ne  suis  pas  digne  de  cet 
eloge"  How  1  lost  my  leg  ?  It  was  unfortunately  not  in  the 
military  ^ervice  of  my  country.  "  Monsieur,  vous  avez  fair  tres 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS,  327 

imposant"  and  this  is  accompanied  with  that  look,  which, 
without  being  what  Sir  John  Falstaff  calls  the  "leer  of  invita 
tion,"  amounts  to  the  same  thing.  I  answer  affirmatively,  and 
would  have  left  the  matter  there ;  but  she  tells  me,  that  Mon 
sieur  de  Chastellux  often  spoke  of  me.  This  leads  us  on,  but 
in  the  midst  of  the  chat  arrive  letters,  one  of  which  is  from 
her  lover  (Narbonne)  now  with  his  regiment.  It  brings  her  to 
a  little  recollection,  which,  I  think,  a  little  time  will  again  ban 
ish.  She  enters  into  a  conversation  with  Madame  de  Tesse, 
who  reproves  most  pointedly  the  approbation  she  gave  to  Mi- 
rabeau,  and  the  ladies  become  at  length  animated  to  the  ut 
most  bound  of  politeness. 

'  October  5th. — Go  towards  Chaillot  to  see  what  is  doing,  but 
am  stopped  at  the  Pont  Royal.  Go  into  the  Tuileries.  A  host 
of  women  are  gone  towards  Versailles  with  soma  cannon.  A 
strange  manoeuvre  !  Walk  up  to  Mr  Short's.  He  is  just 
going  out  to  dine.  We  return  together  to  the  Place  Louis 
Quinze.  This  tumult  is  the  continuation  of  last  night.  A 
wild,  mad  enterprise.  Go  to  the  arsenal.  Admitted  with 
difficulty.  They  are  at  dinner.  Madame  Lavoisier  is  de 
tained  in  town,  as  all  carriages  are  stopped,  aqd  the  ladies 
obliged  to  join  the  female  mob.  While  we  sit  at  table,  we 
learn  that  the  militia  and  the  Regiment  National  are  marching 
towards  Versailles.  Return  home  and  dress.  At  eight 
o'clock  go  to  the  Louvre.  Capellis  says,  that  the  Regiment 
de  Flandre,  the  Milice  de  T^ersailles,  and  the  Gardes  du  Corps 
are  determined  to  give  the  Parisians  a  warm  reception.  La 
fayette  has  marched  by  compulsion,  guarded  by  his  own 
troops,  who  suspect  and  threaten  him.  Dreadful  situation  ! 
Obliged  to  do  what  he  abhors,  or  suffer  an  ignominious  death, 
with  the  certainty  that  the  sacrifice  of  his  life  will  not  prevent 
the  mischief. 

4  A  gentleman  tells  us  an  anecdote,  which  shows  how  wel  1 
this  nation  is  adapted  to  the  enjoyment  of  freedom.  He  walk 
ed  near  a  knot  of  people  collected  together,  where  an  orator 
was  haranguing.  The  substance  of  his  oration  was,  "  Mes- 


328  LIFE    OF 

sieurs,  nos  manquons  du  pain,  ct  void  la  raison.  11  rfy'.a  que 
trois  jours  que  le  Roi  a  eu  ce  veto  suspensif,  ct  dejd  les  aristo 
crats  out  achetes  des  suspensions,  et  envoyes  les  grains  hors  du 
Royaume"  To  this  sensible  and  profound  discours,  his  audi 
ence  gave  a  hearty  assent.  "  Mafoi,  il  a  raison.  Ce  rfest 
que  ca."  Oh  rare  !  These  are  the  modern  Athenians  !  alone 
learned,  alone  wise,  alone  polite,  and  the  rest  of  mankind  bar 
barians  ! 

'  October  6th. — Paris  is  all  in  a  tumult.  Two  heads  of  the 
Gardes  du  Corps  are  brought  to  town.  The  Royal  Family, 
who  are  in  possession  of  the  Regiment  National,  late  Gardes 
Francaises,  are  to  come  this  afternoon. 

I  Evening. — Capellis  gives  us  a  recital  of  what  has  passed. 
Many  circumstances  of  insult  to  the  royal  personages.     The 
Queen  obliged  to  fly  from   the  bed  in  her  undress,  with  her 
stockings  in  her  hand,  to  the  King's  chamber  for  protection, 
being  pursued  by  the  Poissardes.     At  the  Hotel  de  faille,  M. 
Bailli,  in  reading  the  King's  speech,  omitted  in  some  parts  the 
words,  avcc  confiance.     The  queen  corrected  him,  which  pro 
duced  a  shout  of  Vive  la  Reine.     They  are  to  lodge  in  the 
chambers  fitted  up  in  the  Tuileries.     The  Queen,  in  retiring  to 
her  chamber,  told  her  attendants,  that,  as  the  King  was  deter 
mined  to  go  to  Paris,  she  must  accompany  him,  but  she  should 
never  leave  it.     Poor  lady  !   This  is  a  sad  presage  of  what  is 
too  likely. 

4  October  Sth. — Proceed  to  Monsieur  de  Lafayette's.  He  is 
surrounded.  In  conference  with  Clennont  de  Tonnerre. 
Madame  de  Lafayette,  M.  de  Stael,  jind  M.  de  S.  his  friend  are 
en  Comite  in  the  salon.  This  is  all  petit.  Mr  Short  is  there. 
I  take  a  few  minutes  to  tell  Lafayette  what  appears  necessa 
ry,  as  to  a  change  of  administration.  He  has  spoken  to  Mi- 
rabeau  already.  I  regret  it.  He  thinks  of  taking  one  Minis 
ter  from  eac.h  party.  I  tell  him,  that  he  must  have  men  of 
talents  and  firmness,  and,  for  the  rest,  it  is  no  matter.  Am  to 
dine  with  him  tomorrow  and  converse  on  the  subject. 

I 1  go  to  the  Louvre.     Capellis  is  there.     Madame  takes 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  329 

the  Bishop  (d'Autun)  and  me  out,  which  surprises  Capellis 
not  a  little.  We  converse  pretty  fully  on  the  arrangement  of 
a  Ministry.  The  getting  rid  of  Necker  is  a  sine  qua  non  with 
the  Bishop,  who  wants  his  place.  Indeed,  I  am  of  the  same 
opinion.  He  gives  me  every  assurance  I  can  wish  respecting 
Lafayette.  After  arranging  the  new  Ministry,  we  come  to 
the  finance,  the  means  of  restoring  credit,  Sic.  Consider  his 
plan  respecting  the  property  of  the  Church.  He  is  bigoted  to 
it,  and  the  thing  is  well  enough  ;  but  the  mode  is  not  so  well. 
He  is  attached  to  this,  as  an  author,  which  is  not  a  good 
symptom  for  a  man  of  business. 

'  October  1 J  th. — This  morning  at  nine  I  go  to  the  Marquis 
de  Lafayette's.     He  is  engaged  with  a  gentleman  in  his  closet 
a  long  time,  who  at  length  comes  out  and  Lafayette  with  him. 
I  find  that  he  wishes   to   avoid  coming  to  any  points,  as   to 
a  new  administration,   therefore  carelessly  ask  him,  if  he  has 
thought  on  the  subject  of  our  last  conversation.     This  leads 
us  on.     I  state  to   him  the  present  situation  of  France,  and 
the  necessity  of  combining  men  of  talents,  who  have  principles 
favorable  to  liberty.     That,  without  talents,  the  opportunity  of 
regaining  executive  authority   will  be  lost,   and  that,  without 
proper  principles,  the  authority  when  recovered  will  be  abused. 
That  he   cannot   possibly  act  both  as   Minister   and  soldier, 
still  less  as  Minister   of  every  department.     That   he    must 
have  coadjutors  in  whom  he  can  confide.     That  as  to  the  ob 
jections  he  has  made,  on  the  score  of  morals  in  some,  he  must 
consider  that  men  do  not  go  into  an  administration  as  the  direct 
road  to  Heaven.    That  they  are  prompted  by  ambition  or  ava 
rice,  and  therefore,  that  the  only  way  to  secure  the  most  virtu 
ous  is,  by  making  it  their  interest  t|»  act  rightly.     He  tells  me, 
that  he  means  to  introduce  Maelshe'rbes  as  Garde  des  Sceaux, 
and  to  the  objection  that  he  will  not  be  induced  to  accept,  the 
reply  is,  that  he  will  accept  from  Monsieur  de  Lafayette.     I 
have  a  stronger  objection,  which  I  do  not  choose  to  make,  viz. 
that  he  is  not  sufficiently  a  man  of  business,  although  certain 
ly  well  informed,  and  possessed  of  a  great  deal  of  understand- 
28* 


330  LIFE    OF 

ing.  He  mentions  la  Rochefoucauld  as  Minister  of  Paris,  and 
to  the  objection  that  he  has  not  the  needful  talents,  he  answers, 
that  he  will  give  him  a  premier  commis  who  has.  The  Minis 
ter  of  War  is  in  the  same  situation.  But  they  cannot  carry 
their  commis  with  them  into  the  Council  to  deliberate  and 
judge. 

1  After  supper  the  Bishop  d'Autun  comes  in,  and  the  rest 
go  away.  I  then  tell  him  what  has  passed  with  Lafayette,  as 
far  as  is  proper,  and  my  future  intention,  which  is  to  tell  him 
that,  having  done  my  duty  to  him  and  to  his  country,  I  quit 
the  matter,  and  leave  him  to  the  course  of  events.  I  urge  the 
union  of  those,  who  are  to  form  the  new  Ministry,  and  that 
they  avow  themselves  to  the  people  as  candidates,  and  let  the 
Court  know,  that  they  will  come  in  together,  or  not  at  all.  He 
thinks  this  right,  and  also  that  the  present  circumstances  have 
sufficient  force  to  consume  another  administration,  before  things 
are  entirely  fixed.  He  reads  to  us  his  motion.  It  is  well  done. 
Afterwards,  we  talk  about  the  best  ways  and  means  to  effect 
the  intended  objects,  and  I  give  him  a  few  hints  on  general 
principles,  tending  to  the  wealth  and  happiness  of  a  nation, 
and  founded  on  the  sentiments  of  the  human  heart. 

'  October  l%th. — The  arrangement  talked  of  at  present  for  an 
administration  is,  to  make  Neckef  Premier,  the  Bishop  d'Au 
tun  Minister  of  Finance,  and  Liancourt  Minister  of  War.  Mi- 
rabeau  (who  had  yesterday  four  hours'  conversation,  not  with 
the  King,  but  with  Monsieur,  and  who  is  to  see  the  King  this 
day)  wishes  to  be  in  the  Ministry.  An  embassy  will  no  long 
er  content  him.' 

LETTER  FROM  MR  MORRIS  TO  GENERAL  LAFAYETTE. 

'    «  Paris,  October  16th,  1789. 
1  My  Dear  Sir, 

'  I  took  the  liberty  in  some  late  conversations  to  give  you 
my  sentiments  on  public  affairs.  I  know  the  folly  of  offering 
opinions,  which  bear  the  appearance  of  advice,  but  a  regard  for 
you,  and  the  sincerest  wishes  for  the  prosperity  of  this  kingdom, 
pushed  me  beyond  the  line,  which  caution  would  have  drawn 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  331 

for  one  of  less  ardent  temper.  I  do  not  wish  you  to  consider 
this  as  an  apology.  On  the  contrary,  I  desire  you  to  recollect, 
both  now  and  hereafter,  the  substance  of  those  conversations. 
In  that  progress  of  events,  which  rapidly  advances,  you  will 
judge  my  judgment. 

'  I  am  convinced,  that  the  proposed  Constitution  cannot  serve 
for  the  government  of  this  country  ;  that  the  National  As 
sembly,  late  the  object  of  enthusiastic  attachment,  will  soon  be 
treated  with  disrespect;  that  the  extreme  licentiousness  of  your 
people  will  render  it  indispensable  to  increase  the  royal  au 
thority  ;  that  under  such  circumstances  the  freedom  and  happi 
ness  of  France  must  depend  on  the  wisdom,  integrity,  and  firm 
ness  of  his  Majesty's  counsels,  and,  consequently,  that  the  ablest 
and  best  men  should  be  added  to  the  present  administration  ; 
that,  so  far  as  regards  yourself,  you  should  take  care  that  those, 
who  come  in,  be  sensible  of  the  obligation  they  owe  you,  dis 
posed  to  repay  it,  and  of  a  temper  neither  to  desert  you,  nor 
their  sovereign,  nor  each  other,  in  the  moment  of  danger,  or  for 
the  sake  of  advantage.  I  consider  the  present  time  as  critical, 
and  that  if  neglected  many  inseparable  mischiefs  must  ensue. 

1  Such  are  the  bodings  of  a  mind,  not  easily  ruffled  nor  alarm 
ed,  but  feelingly  alive  to  the  interests  of  friendship,  and  devo 
tedly  attached  to  the  liberties  of  mankind.  Certainly  you 
have  much  better  means  of  information  than  I  have.  Certain 
ly  you^have  that  intimate  knowledge  of  your  own  nation,  which 
it  is  impossible  for  a  stranger  to  acquire.  And  most  certainly 
you  have  perfect  acquaintance  with  the  characters,  which  stand 
forward  for  public  observation.  Let  what  I  have  said  there 
fore  go  for  nothing.  I  have  repeated  it  here,  as  being  in  some 
sort  the  needful  introduction  to  what  I  am  now  to  communi 
cate. 

'  Last  evening,  in  company  with  some  of  your  friends,  who 
supposed  me  to  enjoy  a  share  of  your  confidence,  in  which  I 
assured  them,  with  great  truth,  that  they  were  mistaken,  I 
was  urged  to  visit  and  entreat  you  not  to  go  into  the  Council. 
Knowing  how  much  you  are  occupied,  and  how  improper  it  is 


332  LIFE    OF 

for  me  to  interfere,   I   declined  the  visit,  but  was  at  length 
prevailed  on  by  earnest  entreaty  to  promise,  that  I  would  in  a 
letter  assign  the  reasons,  which  influence  them,  and  which  are, 
first,  that  your  present  command   must  of  necessity  engross 
your  time,  and  require  undissipated  attention,  and  in  conse 
quence  that  you  must  fail  in  the   duty   either  of  Minister  or 
General.     Secondly,  that  when  in  Council  your  opinions  will 
not  have  more  weight,  and  perhaps  less,  than  they  have  at  pres 
ent,  because  at  present  they  are  respected  as  corning  from  you, 
but  will  only  be  received  in  Council  according  to  the  reasons 
adduced  in  their  support,  and  it  is  not  always  that  the  wisest 
man  is  the  most  eloquent.     Thirdly,   if  your  opinions  do  not 
prevail,  you  will  have  the   mortification  to   sanction  by  your 
presence  the  measures,  which  you  disapprove,  or  quit  in  dis 
gust  the  seat,  which  you  have  taken.     Fourthly,  if  your  opin 
ions  prevail,  you  will  then  in  your  quality  of  General  be  called 
on  to  execute  what  in  your  quality  of  councillor  you  have  or 
dained.     In  this  situation  the  public  opinion  will  revolt  unless 
it  be  subdued.     The  one  will  ruin  you,  and   the  other  your 
country.     Fifthly,  the  jealousy  and  suspicion  inseparable  from 
tumultuous  revolutions,  and  which  have  already  been  malicious 
ly  pointed  against  you,  will  certainly   follow  all  your  future 
steps,  if  you  appear  to  be  too  strictly  connected  with  the  Court. 
The  foundations  of  your  authority  will  then  crumble  away,  and 
you  will  fall  the  object  of  your  own  astonishment.     Sixthly,  the 
retreat  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  is  attributed  to  you,  and  if  you 
go  into  the  Council  immediately  after  what  is  called  by  some 
his  flight,  and  by  others  his  banishment,  the  two  events  will  be 
coupled  in  a  manner  particularly  disadvantageous  and  disa 
greeable.     Seventhly,  if  you  go  into  the  Ministry  with  Mira- 
beau,  or  about  the  same  time,  every  honest  Frenchman  will 
ask  himself  the  cause  of  what  he  will  call  a  very  strange  coali 
tion.     There  are  in  this  world  men,  who  are  to  be  employed, 
not  trusted.     Virtue  must  ever  be  sullied  by  an  alliance  with 
vice.     And  liberty  will  blush  at  her  introduction,  if  led  by  a 
hand  polluted.    Lastly,  I  am  earnestly,  most  earnestly,  request- 


GOUVERNETJR    MORRIS.  333 

ed  by  those  who  love  you  well,  to  add  one  caution  as  to  your 
friends.  Trust  those  who  had  that  honor  before  the  twelfth 
of  July.  New  friends  are  zealous,  they  are  ardent,  they  are 
attentive,  but  they  are  seldom  true. 

1  Excuse  the  liberty  of  an  old  one,  who  is  truly  yours, 

'GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

1  October  18th. — Converse  about  the  intended  changes  in  the 
administration.  I  insist  that  Mirabeau  be  not  brought  into  the 
Council.  That  they  are  mistaken  in  supposing  that  he  can, 
after  that  elevation,  preserve  his  influence  in  the  Assembly. 
That  introducing  a  man  of  such  bad  character  will  injure  them 
in  the  public  opinion;  and  that  everything  depends,  in  the 
present  moment,  upon  the  preservation  of  that  opinion.  The 
Bishop  (d'Autun)  tells  me  that,  in  his  opinion,  no  administra 
tion  can  work  well,  in  which  M.  Necker  has  a  share.  After 
he  is  gone,  Madame  tells  me,  that  Lafayette  is  determined 
not  to  let  Montesquiou  come  into  the  war  department.  This 
Mirabeau  told  the  Bishop.  And  JVIontesquiou  told  her,  that 
Necker  declares  that  the  calculations  in  the  Bishop's  motion 
are  pitiful.  This  accounts  for  his  opinion  delivered  to  me. 
Lafayette  has  committed  a  great  blunder  in  opening  himself 
to  Mirabeau.  If  he  employs  him,  it  will  be  disgraceful ;  and, 
if  he  neglects  him,  it  will  be  dangerous,  because  every  conver 
sation  gives  him  rights  and  means. 

'  November  1st. — At  five,  I  visit  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette. 
He  tells  me  that  he  has  followed  my  advice,  though  he  did 
not  answer  my  letter.  I  congratulate  him  on  what  passed  two 
days  ago  from  a  gentleman  to  the  Count  de  Mirabeau,  which 
was  so  pointedly  affrontive  as  to  ruin  him,  because  he  cannot 
be  now  placed  in  the  Ministry,  and  is  lost  in  the  opinion  of 
the  Assembly.  He  asks,  with  eagerness,  if  I  think  he  is  lost 
with  them.  I  reply,  that  the  Bishop  d'Autun  has  just  ex 
pressed  that  opinion  to  me.  He  says  that  he  does  not  know 
the  Bishop  much,  but  should  be  glad  to  know  him  more.  I 
offer  to  give  them  a  dinner  together  the  day  after  tomorrow. 


334  LIFE    OF 

Or,  if  he  does  not  choose  it,  I  will  say  nothing  about  the  mat 
ter.  He  desires  me  to  say  nothing  of  it ;  because,  if  he 
should  dine  with  me,  instead  of  dining  at  home,  it  would  make 
an  histoire,  which  is  true.  He  wishes  me,  however,  to  bring 
the  Bishop  to  breakfast  with  him  the  day  after  tomorrow.  I 
promise  to  invite  him. 

'  November  3d. — This  morning,  at  half  past  eight,  the  Bish 
op  d'Autun  calls  on  me  and  we  breakfast.  He  tells  me,  that 
Monsieur  de  Poix  is  to  visit  Monsieur  de  Lafayette  this 
morning,  in  order  to  make  terms  for  Mirabeau.  We  talk  a 
little  about  Monsieur  de  Lafayette,  his  worth,  and  what  he  is 
worth.  At  nine,  go  to  visit  him.  The  cabriolet  of  Monsieur 
de  Poix  is  at  the  porte,  whence  we  know  he  is  there.  Mon 
sieur  de  Lafayette  is  closeted  with  him.  A  great  many  visit- 
ers  and  affairs  render  the  moments  for  our  conversation  short. 
Lafayette  makes  professions  of  esteem,  and  desires  to  re 
ceive  frequent  visits.  There  is  an  emeute  in  the  Fauxbourg 
St  Antoine  about  bread,  which  leads  to  a  consideration  of  the 
means  to  supply  Paris.  *  Lafayette  proposes  a  committee, 
consisting  of  three  Ministers,  three  of  the  municipality  of  Paris, 
and  three  members  of  {\\QEtats-Genereux,  and  says  there  is  a 
man  who,  acting  under  such  a  committee,  can  secure  the  sup 
plies.  The  Bishop  thinks  that  the  Assembly  will  not  meddle. 
I  am  sure  they  will  not,  because  they  act  only  from  fear,  and 
will  not  risk  the  consequence  of  being  responsible  for  the  sub 
sistence  of  this  city. 

'  Lafayette  asks  the  Bishop  what  he  thinks  of  a  new 
Ministry.  He  says  that  nobody,  but  M.  Necker,  can  sustain 
the  famine  and  bankruptcy,  which  appear  unavoidable.  La 
fayette  asks,  if  he  does  not  think  it  would  be  right  to  prepare 
a  Ministry  for  some  -months  hence.  The  Bishop  thinks  it 
would.  They  discuss  characters  a  little,  and,  as  par  hazard, 
Lafayette  asks,  whether  Mirabeau's  influence  in  the  Assem 
bly  is  great,  to  which  the  Bishop  replies,  that  it  is  not  enor 
mous.  The  Bishop  says  that  he  cannot  think  of  a  new  Min 
istry,  unless  the  change  is  entire.  Lafayette  agrees  to  this, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  335 

and  says,  that  in  this  moment  the  friends  of  liberty  ought  to 
unite  and  to  understand  each  other.  At  coming  away,  the 
Bishop  observes  that  Lafayette  has  no  fixed  plan,  which  is 
true. 

'November  4th.— Go  to  Madame  de  Stael's,  in  consequence 
of  her  invitation  of  yesterday.  A  great  deal  of  bel  esprit.  The 
Bishop  declined  coming  this  morning,  when  I  asked  him  at 
Madame  de  Flahaut's.  I  think  that  in  my  life  I  never  saw 
such  exuberant  vanity,  as  that  of  Madame  de  Stae'l  upon  the 
subject  of  her  father.  Speaking  of  the  opinion  of  the  Bishop 
d'Autun  on  the  church  property,  which  he  has  lately  printed, 
not  having  had  an  opportunity  to  deliver  it  in  the  Assembly, 
she  says  that  it  is  excellent,  it  is  admirable,  in  short,  that  there 
are  two  pages  in  it,  which  are  worthy  of  M.  Necker.  After 
wards,  she  said,  that  wisdom  is  a  very  rare  quality,  and  that 
she  knows  of  no  one  who  possesses  it  in  a  superlative  degree, 
excepting  her  father. 

f  November  QQth. — This  morning  I  rise  early  and  go  to  the 
Jlssemblee.  Stay  there  till  four.  A  tedious  session,  from 
which  I  derive  a  violent  headache.  Mirabeau  and  Dupont 
are  the  two  speakers  on  M.  Necker's  plan,  who  command  the 
most  attention,  but  neither  of  them,  in  my  opinion,  derives 
honor  from  the  manner  of  treating  it.  Probably  it  will  be 
adopted  ;  and,  if  so,  it  will  be,  I  think,  fatal  to  their  finances, 
and  completely  derange  them  for  some  time  to  come. 

(  Go  to  Madame  de  Stael's  and  sup.  I  give  her  my  opin 
ion  of  the  speeches  of  this  morning,  and  show  one  or  two 
things,  in  which  M.  Dupont  was  mistaken.  She  does  not  like 
this,  because  he  supported  her  father's  plan,  which  she  de 
clares  to  be  necessary. 

'  December  \ih. — Go  to  Madame  de  Stael's.  Music  here. 
She  sings.  After  supper  Narbonne  tells  us,  that  he  is  author 
ised  by  Franche  Comte  to  accuse  the  Comite  des  Recherches. 
This  committee  is  very  like  what  was  called  in  the  state  of 
New  York  the  Tory  Committee,  of  which  Duer  was  a  leading 
member ;  a  committee  for  detecting  and  defeating  all  conspi- 


336  LIFE    OF 

racies,  &c.  &tc.  Thus  it  is  that  mankind  in  similar  situa 
tions  always  adopt  a  correspondent  conduct. — I  had  som«  con 
versation  before  supper  with  the  Count  de  Segur,  who  disap 
proves  of  the  Bishop's  oration  ;  and  so,  indeed,  do  most  others. 
And  they  blame  particularly  those  things,  which  I  had  advised 
him  to  alter.  He  has  something  of  the  author  about  him. 
But  the  tender  attachment  to  our  literary  productions  is  by  no 
means  suitable  to  a  Minister.  To  sacrifice  great  objects  for 
the  sake  of  small  ones  is  an  inverse  ratio  of  moral  proportion. 
'  December  %6th. — At  club  a  member  of  the  Committee  of 
Finances  mentions,  that  the  totality  of  the  public  debt  here  is 
about  4,700,000,000  livres,  including  herein  all  reimburse 
ments  of  charges  of  every  kind,  and  calculating  the  Fiageres  at 
ten  years'  purchase.  That  it  may  amount,  perhaps,  to  4,800, 
000,000  livres ;  that  is,  to  200,000,000  sterling.  This  then  is 
the  extreme  of  a  burthen,  which  this  kingdom  totters  under. 
The  Abbe  d'Espagnac  insists,  that  it  is  not  so  much  by  a  great 
deal.  While  the  dispute  on  this  subject  is  at  the  height,  a 
gentleman  arrives,  who  communicates  the  extraordinary  intel 
ligence  that  Monsieur,  the  King's  brother,  has  been  to  the 
Communes,  and  made  a  speech  on  the  subject  of  a  charge  cir 
culated  against  him  yesterday,  that  he  was  at  the  head  of  the 
supposed  plot  against  Monsieur  Bailli  and  Monsieur  de  Lafay 
ette. — Go  to  Madame  de  Chastellux's.  While  there,  the  Che 
valier  de  Graave  brings  us  Monsieur s  speech.  It  is  very  well 
written  ;  but  has  the  fault  of  calling  himself  a  citizen,  and 
again,  his  audience  fellow  citizens. — Go  to  the  Louvre.  Ma 
dame  tells  me  the  history  of  this  speech.  Monsieur,  yesterday, 
upon  hearing  of  the  slander,  applied  to  the  Due  de  Livi,  who, 
not  knowing  what  advice  to  give  him,  applied  to  the  Bishop 
d'Autun,  who  made  the  speech  for  him.  This  morning, 
Monsieur  applied  to  the  King,  and  asked  him  if  he  meant  to 
send  another  of  his  brothers  out  of  the  kingdom,  and  then 
went  on  to  complain  of  the  slander.  This  touches  Lafayette, 
who  has  too  many  of  these  little  matters  on  the  anvil.  It  was 
then  determined,  that  Monsieur  should  go  to  the  Ville. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  337 

{ December  21th. — After  dinner  I  speak  to  Lafayette  about 
Mor^ieur's  speech  to  the  Commons.  He  takes  Short  and  me 
into  his  closet.  Tells  us,  that  for  a  long  time  he  has  had 
information  of  a  plot,  that  he  has  followed  the  track,  and 
at  length  taken  M.  de  Favras,  that  on  M.  de  Favras  was 
found  a  letter  from  Monsieur,  which  seemed  to  show  that  he 
was  but  too  deeply  concerned  in  it,  that  he  had  immediately 
waited  upon  him  with  that  letter,  which  he  delivered,  telling 
Monsieur,  that  it  was  known  only  to  him  and  Monsieur  Bailli ; 
consequently,  that  he  was  not  compromised,  that  Monsieur 
was  much  rejoiced  at  this  intelligence,  that  yesterday  morning, 
however,  he  sent  for  him,  and,  being  surrounded  by  his  cour 
tiers,  spoke  in  high  terms  respecting  a  note,  which  had  been 
circulated  the  evening  before,  charging  him  with  being  at  the 
head  of  the  conspiracy.  Lafayette  told  him,  that  he  knew  of 
but  one  way  to  discover  the  authors,  which  was  by  offering  a 
reward,  which  should  be  done.  That  Monsieur  then  declared 
his  determination  to  go  to  the  town-house  in  the  afternoon,  and 
that,  in  consequence,  clue  preparation  was  made  to  receive  him 
when  he  should  come,  that  he  came  and  pronounced  the  speech 
we  have  seen,  which  was  written  by  Mirabeau,  whom  he  con 
siders  as  an  abandoned  rascal. 

'  Every  man  is  dear  to  himself.  All  the  world  knew  Mira 
beau  to  be  a  rascal,  when  Lafayette  connected  himself  with 
him  ;  but  it  is  in  this  moment  only,  that  he  feels  the  misery 
of  such  a  connexion,  t  remind  him  of  the  warnings  I  had 
given,  with  respect  to  Mirabeau,  and  add  the  intelligence,  which 
the  Count  de  Luxembourg  desired  me  to  convey,  viz.  that 
Mirabeau  had  sworn,  that  he  would  ruin  Lafayette,  i  then 
tell  hnn,  that  this  step  of  Monsieur  has  thrown  the  cards  into 
his  hands.  That  he  has  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  re 
volution,  in  which  place  he  ought  to  be  kept ;  because,  if  there 
should  happen  any  counter  revolution,  he  secures  the  heads 
of  all  others  against  accidents;  and,  if  the  revolution  is  fully 
effected,  thu  nullity  of  his  character  will  of  course  seclude  him 
from  all  weight  and  authority. 
VOL.  i.  29 


338  LIFE    OF 

1  January  1st,  1790. — I  go  to  Monsieur  <le  Lafayette's  a  long 
time  before  the  company  assemble.  Dine  at  half  past  four. 
He  tells  me  that  Monsieur  and  Mirabeau  are  closely  allied  ; 
that  one  is  a  weak  and  indolent  creature,  the  other  an  active 
and  artful  rascal.  I  tell  him  that  they  must  finish  the  trial  of 
Bezenvald,  because  the  people  begin  to  take  his  part,  and  that, 
of  course,  a  violent  torrent  may  be  turned  against  his  prosecu 
tors.  This  affects  him.  To  my  surprise  he  tells  me  that, 
notwithstanding  my  criticisms  on  the  AssembUe,  I  must  ac 
knowledge  that  their  Constitution  is  better  than  that  of  Eng 
land.  I  assure  him  that  he  is  much  mistaken,  if  he  imagines 
that  to  be  my  opinion. 

4  January  1 2th. — There  has  been  a  riot  this  day  in  Paris, 
and  a  number  of  the  militatre,  who  were  engaged  in  the  squab 
ble,  have  been  taken  prisoners.  The  matter  is  not  as  yet 
thouroughly  understood.  But  all  agree,  that  Lafayette  has 
acted  with  great  prudence  and  decision. 

'  January  Wth. — Dine  at  the  Palais  Royal.  The  Dutchess 
after  dinner  tells  me,  that  the  Duke's  treasurer  does  not  pay, 
as  he  ought  to  do,  monthly  ;  and  that,  unless  this  is  done, 
she  will  not  adhere  to  the  contract.  She  receives  now  450,- 
000  livres  per  annum,  of  which  350,000  are  appropriated  to 
the  house  servants,  table,  &tc.  near  15,000  louis.  Certainly 
a  great  economy  might  be  made  upon  this  article. 

'  January  26th. — Dine  at  the  Palais  Royal.  The  Vicornte  de 
St  Pris,  who  sits  next  to  me,  mentions  the  idea  of  the  King's 
going  to  the  Assembles,  in  order  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  revolution.  I  blame  this  step,  and  tell  him,  without  minc 
ing  the  matter,  that  his  advisers  to  that  step  give  him  un  con- 
seil  ou  inepte  ou  perfide.' 

It  was  at  this  time,  that  Mr  Morris  addressed  a  note  to  the 
Queen  of  France,  containing  advice  as  to  the  course,  which 
the  King  ought  to  pursue.  He  opposed  the  idea,  that  the 
King  should  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  revolution,  alleg 
ing  that  he  had  already  gathered  fruits  but  too  bitter  from  his 
intercourse  with  the  Assembly,  and  all  that  he  had  now  to  do 


GOUVERNEUK   MORRIS.  339 

was  to  remain  quiet,  and  let  things  take  their  course.  Disas 
ters  were  thickening,  confusion  would  follow,  and  ere  long  the 
people  would  be  disgusted  with  the  novelties,  that  were  work 
ing  so  much  to  their  injury,'  and  they  would  then  return  to  their 
King,  '  and  offer  him  the  spoils,  which  they  had  wrested  from 
him,  and  it  would  depend  on  him  alone  to  ensure  the  happi 
ness  of  France.'  A  Constitution,  securing  the  liberties  of  the 
nation,  suited  to  Us  condition,  and  acceptable  to  a  wise  and 
benevolent  King,  might  then  be  framed.  At  present  nothing 
should  be  done.  This  paper  was  handed  to  the  Queen  by 
her  Physician,  Vic  d'Azyr. 

'  February  4th. — The  King  has  been  to  the  JlssembUe.  His 
speech  has  been  received  with  great  applause.  The  Assem 
bly  take  an  oath  to  support  the  Constitution,  which  is  to  be 
made.  A  strange  oath  !  If  this  step  of  his  Majesty  has  any 
effect  upon  reasonable  minds,  it  must  be  to  prove  more  clear 
ly  the  feebleness  of  his  Ministers.' 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

MR    MORRIS     IS      COMMISSIONED    BY     WASHINGTON    ON    A    SECRET     AGENCY    TO 

THE     BRITISH     GOVERNMENT. HIS     NEGOTIATION. DUKE      OF     LEEDS. 

MR    PITT. TOUR    UP    THE    RHINE. SELECTIONS    FROM    THE    DIARY    NAR 
RATING    EVENTS     IN     PARIS. MR     MORRIS'S     MULTIPLICITY     OF     AFFAIRS 

IN    EUROPE. DEATH    OF    M1RABEAU. MR    MORRIS  VISITS    THE    DUTCHESS 

OF     ORLEANS    AT    EU. HE    WRITES     A     MEMOIRE     FOR     THE     KING,     AND 

THE    DRAFT    OF    A    SPEECH    DESIGNED  TO    BE    PRONOUNCED    BY    THE  KING 
TO    THE    NATIONAL    ASSEMBLY. 

ON  the  twenty-first  of  January,  Mr  Morris  received  a  letter 
from  General  Washington,  appointing  him  a  private  agent  to 
transact  important  affairs  with  the  British  Ministry,  and  enclo 
sing  credentials  for  that  purpose.  From  the  time  Mr  Adams 
left  England,  there  had  been  no  American  Minister  at  that 
Court,  and  points  of  deep  interest  to  the  United  States  now 


340  LIFE    OF 

existed,  on  which  it  was  desirable  for  the  American  govern 
ment  to  ascertain  the  views  of  the  cabinet  of  London. 

Mr  Morris  was  detained  in  Paris  till  the  fifteenth  of  Februa 
ry,  when  he  set  off  for  England.  Business  calling  him  to  Hol 
land,  he  took  Brussels,  Antwerp,  and  Amsterdam  in  his  route, 
and  at  length  crossed  the  channel  from  Helvcetsluys  to  Har 
wich. 

About  five  weeks  from  the  time  he  left  Paris,  we  find  him  at 
his  hotel  in  London,  prepared  to  enter  upon  the  commission, 
with  which  he  had  been  entrusted  by  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  day  after  his  arrival,  he  wrote  a  note  to 
the  Duke  of  Leeds,  one  of  the  Ministry,  requesting  an  in 
terview,  which  was  granted  for  the  next  day. 

Up  to  this  period,  some  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  peace 
between  Great  Britain  and  linited  States  had  not  been  execut 
ed  by  the  former,  and  this  had  caused  complaints  and  unea 
siness  with  the  latter.  In  regard  to  two  of  these  articles,  Mr 
Morris  was  charged  to  ascertain  the  intentions  of  the  British 
government.  The  first  related  to  the  compensation  for  negroes, 
taken  from  the  Southern  States  during  the  war ;  and  the  second, 
to  the  fortified  posts  on  the  frontiers,  situate  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  Slates.  Hitherto  the  British  had  declined  pay 
ing  for  the  negroes,  and  the  posts  they  still  held  in  contraven 
tion  of  the  treaty.  Another  topic  of  inquiry  was,  whether  the 
British  cabinet  were  disposed  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  com 
merce  with  the  United  States.  And  a  fourth,  whether  they 
intended  to  send  a  Minister  to  America. 

At  the  first  interview,  when  the  Duke  of  Leeds  read  Mr 
Morris's  letter  of  credence,  he  expressed  a  marked  satisfaction 
with  its  contents,  and  said,  '  1  am  very  happy  to  see  this  letter, 
and  under  the  President's  own  hand  ;  I  assure  you,  it  is  very 
much  my  wish  to  cultivate  a  friendly  and  commercial  inter 
course  between  the  two  countries.'  But  as  the  conversation 
proceeded,  it  was  manifest  that  his  Grace  of  Leeds  was  pre 
pared  to  go  no  further,  than  to  reiterate  general  assurances  of 
good  will,  and  the  disposition  of  his  Majestiy's  government  to 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  341 

maintain  a  friendly  intercourse.     It   was  his  idea,  that   the  ar 
ticles  ought  to  be  performed  in  the  order  in  which  they  stood 
in  the  treaty  ;  and,  as  the  United  Stales  had  not  yet  complied 
with  the   article,  stipulating  the  payment  of  debts  due  before 
the  war  to  British  subjects,  they  could  not  rightfully  demand 
compensation  for  the  negroes,    till  that  article  should  be  per 
formed.    (This  argument  had  a  sound  basis,  though  the   idea, 
that  the  articles  of  a  treaty  are  to  be  executed  in  the  order  of 
their  arrangement,  is  illusory,  and  would  prevent  the  perform 
ance  of  any   treaty,  if  each  party   should  choose  to  hold   out 
till  the  other  takes   the   lead.     It  was  nevertheless  true,   that 
the  British  debts  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  reason  was,  that 
the  national  government  wanted  power  to  compel  the  payment, 
but  since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  they  were  invested 
with  the  power,  and  this  reason  had  ceased  to  exist.     The 
Supreme  Court  held  jurisdiction  over  cases  of  this  sort,  and  the 
British  creditors  had  only  to  bring  their  suits  before  that  tribu 
nal.     It  was  further  urged,  in  extenuation  of  past  delinquency, 
that  the  Southern  States,  which  had  been  the  most  blamed  on 
this  score,  had  been  deprived   of  the  labor  of  their  negroes, 
and  of  the  stipulated  compensation,  which  would  have  furnish 
ed  a  resource  for  the  payment  of  these  same  debts. 

In  regard  to  the  posts,  the  Minister  said  nothing.  When 
the  topic  was  pressed,  he  turned  the  conversation.  Mr  Mor 
ris  then  gently  hinted,  that  it  was  a  circumstance,  which  had 
not  made  an  agreeable  impression  in  the  United  States,  that 
his  Majesty  had  forborne  to  send  them  a  Minister,  while  they 
had  one  residing  for  two  or  three  years  in  London.  The 
Duke  of  Leeds  rejoined,  th:U  it  was  his  wish  to  send  one,  that 
the  thing  had  often  been  thought  of,  but  it  was  difficult  to  find 
a  person  of  adequate  abilities,  who  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
people  of  the  United  States;  and,  besides,  America  was  a 
great  way  off,  and  many  did  not  like  to  go  so  far.  It  may  be 
imagined,  that  Mr  Morris  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  dis 
cuss  these  reasons.  He  suggested  to  his  Grace,  that  he  might 
possibly  wish  to  consider  the  matter  a  little,  and  read  over 
29* 


342  LIFE    OF 

the  treaty  and  the  American  Constitution,  before  they  proceed 
ed  further.  He  then  gave  him  General  Washington's  letter, 
that  he  might  have  it  copied,  and  took  his  leave.  The  busi 
ness  of  a  commercial  treaty  did  not  come  up  at  this  interview. 
Three  weeks  had  passed  away,  when  he  received  a  letter 
from  the  Duke  of  Leeds,  in  which  he  lamented,  that  the  Uni 
ted  States  had  failed  to  comply  with  the  engagements  in  the 
treaty,  by  which  they  were  in  the  most  solemn  manner  bound, 
and  added,  '  should  the  delay  in  fulfilling  them  have  rendered 
their  final  completion  impracticable,  we  have  no  scruple  in 
declaring  our  object  is  to  retard  the  fulfilling  such  subsequent 
parts  of  the  treaty,  as  depend  entirely  upon  Great  Britain,  un 
til  redress  is  granted  to  our  subjects  upon  the  specific  points 
of  the  treaty  itself,  on  a  fair  and  just  compensation  obtained 
for  the  non-performance  of  those  engagements  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States.'  As  to  a  commercial  treaty,  the  Minister 
wrote  so  vaguely,  that  no  definite  impressions  could  be  deriv 
ed  from  his  language,  and  hence  it  was  reasonable  to  infer, 
that  the  British  government  really  did  not  wish  to  enter  into 
such  a  treaty. 

To  this  note  Mr  Morris  replied,  by  requesting  an  explana 
tion,  or  rather  an  explicit  statement,  of  the  particulars  in  the 
treaty,  to  the  fulfilment  of  which  the  United  States  had  been 
bound,  and  which  had  been  rendered  impracticable ;  and, 
moreover,  the  nature  and  extent  of  the  redress  expected  for 
the  subjects  of  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and  the  measure  of 
compensation  required,  as  preliminary  to  a  perfect  execution 
of  the  treaty  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain.  Till  these  things 
were  brought  into  a  definite,  tangible  form,  they  could  neither 
be  understood  nor  discussed,  obstacles  could  not  be  removed, 
nor  remedies  provided. 

Nothing  further  passed  till  the  nineteenth  of  May,  when  Mr 
Morris  had  occasion  to  call  the  attention  of  the  Minister  to 
another  subject.  The  affair  at  Nootka  Sound,  in  which  two 
British  vessels  had  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards,  was  looked 
upon  as  an  insult  by  the  government,  and  the  press-gangs 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  343 

were  set  in  motion  to  recruit  sailors  for  the  navy,  with  the 
avowed  design  of  retaliating  for  this  outrage.  In  consequence 
of  this  step,  several  American  seamen  were  impressed,  and  ap 
plications  made  by  the  captains  for  their  relief.  As  there  was 
no  Minister,  consul,  or  other  public  agent  in  London,  from  the 
United  States,  there  was  no  mode  of  bringing  these  applica 
tions  in  form  before  the  government.  In  this  state  of  things 
Mr  Morris  thought  it  his  duty  to  interfere,  and  upon  his  re 
quest  the  Duke  of  Leeds  consented  to  hold  a  conversation  on 
the  subject.  The  great  difficulty,  which  then  existed,  and 
which  always  will  exist,  of  distinguishing  between  English  and 
American  seamen,  was  stated  and  examined,  and  Mr  Morris 
suggested  the  idea,  that  certificates  of  citizenship,  granted  by 
admiralty  courts  in  America,  should  be  admitted  as  a  protec 
tion  to  American  seamen. 

The  interview  was  continued  the  next  day  in  presence  of 
Mr  Pitt,  the  Prime  Minister,  who  took  the  lead  of  the  conver 
sation.  He  was  pleased  with  Mr  Morris's  plan  of  the  protecting 
certificates,  but  thought,  in  spite  of  every  caution  in  the  admi 
ralty  offices,  that  it  was  subject  to  abuse.  No  doubt ;  yet  it 
was  for  the  interest  of  the  British  government  to  wink  at  such 
abuse,  rather  than  risk  the  consequences  of  the  practice  now 
begun,  which  would  sow  the  seeds  of  national  animosity,  and 
produce  innumerable  evils.  The  plan  of  certificates  was  then 
discussed,  and  a  mode  of  carrying  it  into  effect  was  dwelt  upon 
in  detail  by  Mr  Morris. 

From  this  topic  the  discourse  diverged  to  others,  upon 
which,  as  before,  Mr  Pitt  was  the  chief  spokesman.  The 
Ministers  both  declared,  however,  that  the  Duke's  letter  had 
been  misunderstood,  respecting  a  treaty  of  commerce,  intimat 
ing  that  such  a  treaty  was  desired.  They  next  advanced  to 
the  business  of  compensation  and  the  posts,  in  which  Mr  Pitt 
took  the  same  ground,  of  course,  as  had  already  been  held  by 
the  Duke  of  Leeds,  and  adhered  to  it  in  terms  as  general  and 
vague.  He  seemed,  also,  to  have  an  idea  of  making  a  new 
treaty,  in  which  matters  should  be  arranged  and  difficulties 


344  LIFE    OF 

settled ;  but  Mr  Morris  saw  no  occasion  for  this,  and  thought  it 
would  be  better  to  perform  the  old  one. 

In  regard  to  sending  a  Minister  to  the  United  States,   Mr 
Pitt  inquired  if  one  would  be  sent  in  return.     Mr  Morris  was 
not  authorized  to  say  so,  but  there  could  hardly  be  a.  doubt.     A 
Minister  had  already  been  sent  to  England,  on  the  proposal  of 
the  British   government  to  exchange  Ministers,  but  they   had 
sent  none  on  their  part,  and  now  it  was  necessary  for  them  to 
make  the  first  advances.     This   was  due  to  the  dignity  of  the 
United  States,   and  it  was  very  easy  to  arrange  the  form   of 
communication.     Let  a  Minister  be  appointed,  and  his  depar 
ture  delayed,  till  it  should  be  ascertained  that  another  was  ap 
pointed  in  the  United  States.     '  I  assured  him,'  says  Mr  Morris 
in  writing  to  General  Washington,  '  that  the  rulers  of  America 
have  too  much  understanding  to  care  for  etiquette,  but  prayed 
him  at  the  same  time  to  remember,  that  they  (the  British)  had 
hitherto  kept  us   at  a  distance,  instead  of  making  advances ; 
that  you  had  gone  quite  as  far  as  they  had  any  reason  to  ex 
pect,  in  writing  the  letter  just  mentioned,  but  that  from  what 
had  passed  in  consequence  of  it,  and  which,  as  he  might  natu 
rally  suppose,  I  had  transmitted,  we  could  not  but  consider 
them  as  wishing  to  avoid  an   intercourse.'     Mr  Pitt  observed 
that  this  was  a  wrong  impression,  which  he  ought  to  remove, 
and  "that  they  were  disposed  to  cultivate  friendly  connexions. 
Mr  Morris  replied,  that,  if  such  was  their  sentiment,  it  should 
be  given  in  writing,  that  there  might  be  no  mistake. 

'  1  observed  further,'  says  Mr  Morris,  ( that  our  disposition 
towards  a  good  understanding  was  evidenced,  not  only  by  your 
letter,  but  also  by  the  decision  of  a  majority  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  against  laying  extraordinary  restrictions  on 
British  vessels  in  our  ports.  Mr  Pitt  said,  that  instead  of  re 
strictions,  we  ought  to  give  them  particular  privileges,  in  return 
for  those  which  we  enjoy  here.  I  assured  him  that  I  knew  of 
none,  except  that  of  being  impressed,  a  privilege  which  of  all 
others  we  least  wished  to  partake  of.  The  Duke  of  Leeds 
observed,  in  the  same  style  of  jocularity,  that  we  were  at  least 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  345 

treated  in  that  respect  as  the  most  favored  nation,  seeing  that 
we  were  treated  like  themselves.  But  Mr  Pitt  said  seriously, 
that  they  had  certainly  evinced  good  will  towards  us,  by 
what  they  had  done  respecting  our  commerce.  I  replied, 
therefore,  with  like  seriousness,  that  their  regulations  had  been 
dictated  by  a  view  to  their  own  interest ;  and,  therefore,  as  we 
felt  no  favor,  we  owned  no  obligation.' 

Here  the  interview  terminated,  with  the  promise  of  the 
Ministers  to  consult  together,  and  let  him  know  the  result  of 
their  deliberations.  From  these  hints  it  may  be  gathered, 
that  the  conversation  was  animated  and  warm,  but  the  views 
of  the  British  government,  on  all  the  main  topics  of  discussion, 
were  left  enveloped  in  as  dark  a  cloud  of  uncertainty,  as  they 
were  when  General  Washington  wrote  his  letter.  The  infer 
ence  of  Mr  Morris  was  therefore  just,  that  they  were  not  dis 
posed  to  second  any  advances  towards  new  arrangements. 
He  waited  till  the  tenth  of  September,  when  another  letter 
from  the  Duke  of  Leeds  convinced  him,  that  his  impressions 
were  correct,  and  that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  pursue  the  objects 
of  his  mission  further.  He  had  another  interview,  and  much 
talk  with  his  Grace,  but  not  more  satisfactory,  as  to  the  main 
points  at  issue. 

It  was  Mr  Morris's  opinion,  that  the  British  government 
were  willing,  that  their  relations  with  America  should  remain 
unchanged,  till  they  should  see  what  course  the  affairs  of  Eu 
rope  would  take,  and  this  conjecture  was  borne  out  by  suc 
ceeding  events.  The  prospect  of  war  or  peace  might  make 
an  essential  difference  with  them,  as  to  the  terms  on  which 
their  interest  would  dictate  permanent  arrangements  with  the 
United  States.  Delay  could  do  no  harm,  and,  in  the  present 
crisis,  there  was  a  fair  ground  for  anticipating,  that  it  might  be 
turned  to  an  advantage.  The  same  argument,  though  in  the 
opposite  direction,  was  just  as  strong  on  the  side  of  the  United 
States.  If  England  were  entangled  in  a  European  war,  she 
would  be  more  likely  to  yield  to  the  just  demands  and  seek 
the  good  offices  of  her  American  friends ;  and  if  she  remained 


346  LIFE    OF 

at  peace,  she  could  never  have  more  encouragement,  from  the 
aspect  of  her  fortunes,  than  at  present,  lor  assuming  an  air  of 
reserve  and  indifference.  If  delay  was  policy  on  one  side, 
therefore,  it  was  equally  so  on  the  other,  as  far  as  distant  ob 
jects  and  general  interests  were  concerned,  but  the  internal 
condition  of  the  United  States,  at  the  outset  of  the  new  gov 
ernment,  made  it  important  to  them,  that  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  should  be  speedily  performed  by  Great  Bri 
tain. 

When  Mr  Morris  first  arrived  in  London,  he  made  known 
the  objects  of  his  mission  to  the  French  Minister,  enjoining 
secrecy.  His  motive  was,  as  he  declares  in  his  Diary,  that 
the  American  government  might  always  have  it  in  their  power 
to  say  to  the  French  Court,  that  they  had  taken  no  steps,  in 
regard  to  the  treaty  of  peace,  without  the  knowledge  of 
their  ally.  This  was  surely  an  honorable  motive,  but  the 
result  proved,  that  prudence  is  sometimes  a  safer  virtue 
than  honor.  The  secret  was  poorly  kept  by  his  friend,  M. 
de  la  Luzerne,  who,  in  the  true  spirit  of  a  diplomatist,  made 
a  handle  of  it  to  the  British  Ministry,  and  contrived  to  fix  the 
impression,  that  the  first  movement  came  from  his  Court. 
The  thing  went  out  from  this  source,  and,  getting  to  the  ears 
of  Washington  and  the  American  cabinet,  operated  to  Mr 
Morris's  disadvantage  in  that  quarter.  It  was  pretended,  that 
the  disclosure  of  M.  de  la  Luzerne  was  the  reason,  why  the 
British  Ministry  showed  so  much  reserve  in  their  negotiation 
with  the  American  agent,  not  being  flattered  with  the  idea  of 
French  influence  mingling  in  this  manner  with  the  American 
councils.  Mr  Morris  was  also  charged,  by  his  political  oppo 
nents  at  home,  with  seeking  the  society  of  the  opposition  in 
England,  and  thus  associating  himself  with  men,  who  were 
odious  to  the  Ministers,  and  losing  his  weight  with  them  on 
that  account. 

When  these  reports  and  charges  came  to  his  knowledge,  he 
doubted  the  former  and  denied  the  latter.  M.  de  la  Luzerne 
was  then  dead,  but  Mr  Morris  did  not  believe  he  had  disclosed 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  347 

the  secret,  because,  to  say  nothing  of  honor,  he  had  a  direct 
interest  in  keeping  it  to  himself,  for  he  was  afraid  the  Aineri- 
can  government  would  call  on  France  to  support  their  claims, 
which,  in  the  deranged  state  of  French  affairs  at  that  time, 
would  have  been  an  awkward  and  disagreeable  circumstance. 
He  was  well  advised  of  the  British  views  concerning  the  trea 
ty,  and,  therefore,  it  was  his  best  policy  to  appear  unacquaint 
ed  with  the  demand  of  the  United  States.  This  is  plausible 
enough,  but  still,  the  temptation  of  divulging  a  secret,  which 
gave  consequence  to  the  Minister  and  his  government,  was 
greater,  perhaps,  than  M.  de  la  Luzerne's  diplomatic  ambition 
found  strength  to  resist,  even  at  the  hazard  of  a  little  policy. 
If  the  tale  was  not  told  by  him,  how  did  it  get  abroad  ?  Tt  evi 
dently  le,aked  out  through  the  medium  of  the  British  cabinet, 
and  it  could  only  find  its  way  there,  by  the  obliging  communi 
cativeness  of  the  French  Ambassador.  \  But,  after  all,  there 
is  no  cause  for  believing,  that  Mr  Pitt  and  the  Duke  of  Leeds 
were  influenced,  in  the  negotiation,  by  any  views  of  the  subject 
connected  with  this  fact.  They  acted  from  other  and  deep 
er  motives.  As  to  the  story  of  his  frequenting  the  opposition, 
it  was  the  forgery  of  malice  or  ignorance.  Mr  Morris  affirms, 
that,  purposely  to  avoid  suspicion  on  this  ground,  he  took  spe 
cial  pains  to  walk  in  another  track,  and  that  Fox,  the  Cory- 
pheus  of  the  party,  he  never  met  but  twice  during  the  period 
of  his  agency. 

In  returning  to  France,  Mr  Morris  made  a  rapid  excursion 
through  the  Netherlands  and  Germany,  by  the  way  of  Dun 
kirk,  Ghent,  Antwerp,  Aix  la  Chapelle,  Cologne,  Coblentz, 
Francfort,  Darmstadt,  Manheim,  and  Strasburg.  It  seems  to 
have  been  a  journey  merely  for  exercise  and  observation,  for 
he  stopped  but  a  short  time  only  at  the  principal  towns.  His 
Diary  presents  little  else,  than  the  daily  incidents  common  to 
every  traveller,  remarks  on  the  inns,  roads,  vehicles  of  convey 
ance,  the  slowness  of  their  movements,  obstinacy  of  postillions, 
and  the  like,  events  and  circumstances  more  interesting  to  him 
at  the  moment,  than  the  detail  of  them  would  be  to  the  reader. 


348  LIFE    OF 

There  is  a  great  deal  about  the  face  of  the  country,  soil,  and 
agriculture,  to  which,  in  passing  through  different  countries,  his 
attention  was  always  much  attracted,  as  indicating  the  condi 
tion  of  the  inhabitants,  and  national  resources.  In  the  towns 
he  likewise  visited  the  objects  usually  pointed  out  to  travellers, 
as  things  to  be  seen,  and  he  talks  now  and  then,  but  not  often, 
of  antiquities,  architecture,  and  paintings. 

He  proceeded  up  the  Rhine  to  Francfort,  and  thence  by  the 
usual  route  through  Strasburg  to  Paris.  Here  things  presented 
themselves  much  as  he  had  left  them  six  months  before,  the 
revolutionary  excitement  still  increasing,  and  the  same  porten 
tous  uncertainty  hanging  over  the  future.  He  went  to  the  club, 
one  of  his  former  haunts,  where  he  '  found  the  sentiment  aris- 
tocratique  prevailing  not  a  little,'  and,  from  sundry  circumstan 
ces,  it  may  be  inferred,  that  his  own  aristocratic  tendencies,  in 
regard  to  France,  had  not  suffered  diminution  during  his  ab 
sence.  His  friend  de  Moustier  was  busy  in  making  a  Constitu 
tion,  '  and  as  usual  on  the  high  ropes  of  royal  prerogative.'  De 
Moustier  had  the  happiness  to  '  stand  better  at  Court,  than  he 
had  himself  ever  expected.'  According  to  him,  '  the  King  and 
Queen  were  determined  never  to  abuse  their  authority,  if 
they  should  recover  it.'  The  Queen  had  been  particularly 
gracious,  and  de  Moustier  '  expected  to  be  consulted  on  affairs 
by  and  bye.'  Mr  Morris  called  on  Lafayette,  who  '  affected 
to  be  very  well  pleased  to  see  him,'  and  asked  him  to  dine  the 
next  day.  This  accordingly  took  place,  but  Lafayette  was  so 
much  occupied,  that  he  came  late  to  dinner  and  retired  soon, 
which  left  no  time  for  a  conversation,  which  Mr  Morris  wished 
to  hold  with  him  upon  a  special  topic.  For  this  cause,  or 
some  other,  he  went  away  a  little  out  of  humor. 

4  November  19th. — Go  to  the  Palais  Royal.  We  meet  here 
the  Due  de  Laval.  After  dinner,  I  have  some  conversation 
with  him  and  the  Count  de  Thiare,  from  whence  I  apprehend 
that  a  serious  plan  is  laid  for  introducing  troops  of  the  Empe 
ror,  in  order  to  liberate  the  King  and  Queen,  and  restore  the 
former  government.  After  dinner  go  to  the  Comedie  Fran- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS,  349 

$,  and  sit  with  the  Dutchess,  to  hear  Brutus.  Thence  to 
Madame  de  Segur's,  where  I  take  up  Madame  de  Chastellux* 
In  the  way  home,  she  tells  me  that  she  is  persuaded  there  will 
be  an  effort  made  by  the  Emperor  in  favor  of  his  sister.  I 
hinted  to  the  Count  de  Thiare  the  advantages,  that  would  re 
sult  from  putting  the  Dauphin  into  the  hands  of  governors, 
and  sending  him  upon  his  travels. 

'  November  %5th. — After  dinner  I  go  to  Lafayette's.  Ma 
dame  receives  me  coolly  enough.  I  stay  some  time  leaning  on 
the  chimney  piece.  He  comes  out,  and,  as  soon  as  he  sees 
rne,  approaches.  Asks  why  1  do  not  come  and  see  him.  I 
answer,  that  I  do  not  like  to  mix  with  the  crowd,  which  I 
find  here.  That  whenever  I  can  be  useful,  lam  at  his  orders. 
He  desires  me  to  call  tomorrow  at  three. 

'November  26th. — Go  to  Lafayette's.  Converse  about 
half  an  hour.  He  asks  my  opinion  of  his  situation.  I  give  it 
sans  management.  I  tell  him  that  the  time  approaches,  when 
all  good  men  must  cling  to  the  Throne.  That  the  present 
King  is  very  valuable,  on  account  of  his  moderation  ;  and  if  he 
should  possess  too  great  authority,  might  be  persuaded  to  grant 
a  proper  Constitution.  That  the  thing  called  a  Constitution, 
which  the  Assemblee  have  framed,  is  good  for  nothing.  That, 
as  to  himself,  his  personal  situation  is  very  delicate.  That  he 
nominally,  but  not  really,  commands  his  troops.  That  I  real 
ly  cannot  tell  how  he  is  to  establish  discipline  among  them  ; 
but,  unless  he  can  accomplish  that  object,  he  must  be  ruined, 
sooner  or  later.  That  the  best  line  of  conduct,  perhaps, 
would  be  to  seize  an  occasion  of  disobedience  and  resign,  by 
which  means  he  could  preserve  a  reputation  in  France,  which 
woald  be  precious,  and  hereafter  useful.  He  says,  that  he  is 
only  raised  by  circumstances  and  events,  so  that  when  they 
cease  he  sinks,  and,  the  difficulty  now  is,  how  to  excite  them. 
I  observe,  that  events  will  arise  fast  enough  of  themselves,  if  he 
can  but  make  a  good  use  of  them,  which  I  doubt,  because  I 
do  not  place  any  confidence  in  his  troops. 

1  He  asks,  what  I  think  of  a  plan  in  agitation,  with  respect 
VOL.  i,  30 


350  LIFE    OF 

to  the  protesting  Bishops,  viz.  to  withhold  their  revenues.  I  tell 
him,  that  the  Assembly  must  turn  them  out  of  doors  naked,  if 
they  wish  the  people  to  clothe  them.  He  says  he  is  a  little 
afraid  of  that  consequence.  I  reiterate  to  him  the  necessity  of 
restoring  the  nobility,  at  which,  of  course,  he  flinches,  and  says 
that  he  should  like  two  Chambers  as  in  America.  I  tell  him, 
that  an  American  Constitution  will  not  do  for  this  country,  and 
lhat  two  such  Chambers  would  not  answer,  where  there  is  a  he 
reditary  Executive.  That  every  country  must  have  a  consti 
tution  suited  to  its  circumstances,  and  the  state  of  France  re 
quires  a  higher  toned  government,  than  that  of  England.' 

After  this  interview,  there  is  an  occasional  hint  in  Mr  Mor 
ris's  Diary,  that  Lafayette  was  cold  to  him,  and  perhaps  he 
was  not  much  surprised,  that  it  should  be  so.  Conversations, 
like  the  above,  were  but  ill  suited  to  create  the  warmth,  or  ce 
ment  the  bonds  of  friendship.  In  truth,  their  political  creeds 
were  constructed  on  principles  so  opposite  and  discordant,  that 
it  was  not  possible  for  them  to  harmonize  in  opinion  or  action, 
respecting  subjects  of  that  nature.  It  will  be  seen  as  we  ad 
vance,  however,  that  whatever  temporary  coldness  may  have 
existed,  on  account  of  these  political  differences,  the  sense  of 
personal  regard  and  respect  remained  as  strong  as  ever,  and 
that  proofs  of  a  true  friendship  were  not  wanting,  when  oppor 
tunity  called  for  their  exhibition  and  use. 

It  would  seem,  that  the  Bishop  d'Autun  had  a  project 
to  get  himself  appointed  Ambassador  to  the  Austrian  Court, 
The  following  is  Mr  Morris's  advice  in  that  matter. 

1  December  6th. — The  Bishop  d'Autun  comes  in.  I  speak 
to  him  again  on  the  subject  of  an  embassy  to  Vienna,  and 
mark  out  the  means  of  succeeding.  I  tell  him  that,  at  present, 
it  is  equally  dangerous  to  be  in  or  out  of  the  Assembly.  That 
a  foreign  employ  is  the  only  means  of  preserving  himself  en 
evidence,  and  that,  if  he  can  make  himself  the  confidential  man 
between  the  Queen  and  her  brother,  he  will  be  in  the  straight 
road  to  greatness,  whenever  circumstances  will  render  it  desir 
able.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  351 

Mr  Morris  had  hardly  been  a  month  in  Paris,  when  he 
returned  again  to  London.  His  commercial  and  money  trans 
actions  had  been  multiplying,  from  the  time  of  his  first  arrival 
in  Europe,  and  they  were  now  grown  so  extensive  and  com 
plicated,  as  to  absorb  his  time  and  thoughts.  'Never  in  my 
life,'  said  he,  '  have  I  had  so  many  different  things  agitating 
my  mind,  as  at  present,  and  I  cannot  commence  one  affair,  be 
cause  another  is  constantly  obtruding.'  This  will  not  be  doubt 
ed,  if  we  recur  to  a  few  of  the  objects,  to  which  he  has  been  de 
voted  since  leaving  America. 

In  the  first  place,  he  had  in  charge  a  troublesome  business, 
entrusted  to  him  by  Robert  Morris,  respecting  a  contract  for 
supplying  tobacco  on  a  large  scale.  This  has  already  been 
mentioned.  Next,  he  had  agreed  with  M.  Necker  to  furnish 
twenty  thousand  barrels  of  flour  by  a  given  time,  for  the  sub 
sistence  of  Paris.  The  order  reached  America  in  the  middle 
of  winter,  when  the  article  was  scarce,  dear,  and  difficult  to  be 
collected  in  so  large  a  quantity.  The  consequences  were  de 
lay,  disappointment,  and  loss.  For  some  time,  he  was  con 
cerned  with  banking  houses  in  Holland  and  France,  in  nego 
tiating  for  the  purchase  of  a  portion  of  the  American  debt, 
which  M.  Necker,  wishing  to  recruit  his  stock  of  ready  cash, 
proposed  to  sell.  But  the  thing  proved  abortive.  Robert 
Morris  had  two  ships,  which  he  destined  for  a  cotton  voyage 
to  Surat  and  Bombay,  and  which  were  to  be  fitted  out  in  Eu 
rope,  under  the  direction  of  Gouverneur  Morris.  They  were 
to  take  out  wines  and  specie,  and  to  bring  home  cotton  to  the 
European  market.  Two  or  three  good  voyages  of  this  kind 
had  recently  been  made.  But  the  enterprise  did  not  promise 
well  now,  and  was  thought  in  the  end  to  be  unworthy  of  pur 
suit.  In  London  he  was  concerned  in  shipping  operations  with 
two  or  three  houses,  and  was  some  way  engaged  in  consigning 
tea  to  merchants  in  Flanders.  He  also  fitted  out  an  India 
voyage  in  London,  on  account  of  his  mercantile  connexions  in 
America.  But  a  very  important  part  of  his  business  was  to 
find  purchasers  of  wild  lands,  belonging  to  Robert  Morris,  him- 


35-2  LIFE    OF 

self,  and  others,  lying  mostly  in  the  Slate  of  New  York.  He 
was  a  long  time  negotiating  with  the  Penn  family,  in  regard  to 
their  estates  and  other  property  in  Pennsylvania,  proposing  to 
buy  the  whole ;  and  the  same,  also,  of  the  Fairfax  estate  in 
Virginia. 

The  purchase  of  the  American  debt  to  Spain  was  another 
project,  recommended  by  his  correspondents  in  the  United 
Stales.  While  Mr  Jay  was  Minister  in  Spain,  the  Court  of 
that  nation,  after  many  deceptive  promises,  squeezed  out  the 
pitiful  sum  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  thousand  dollars, 
as  a  loan  to  the  Americans,  in  assisting  them  to  carry  on  a  war 
against  her  enemies  and  theirs.  Nothing  had  since  been  done 
about  this  debt.  The  Spanish  government,  little  pleased  prob 
ably  with  the  recollection  of  the  circumstances  attending  its 
origin,  had  never  mentioned  it,  and  the  Americans  had  not  yet 
been  in  a  condition  to  search  after  debts,  which  their  creditors 
permitted  to  rest.  This  debt  it  was  supposed  might  be  pur 
chased  on  such  terms,  as  to  be  a  good  speculation,  since  the 
government  under  the  new  constitution  would  undoubtedly 
make  timely  arrangements  for  paying  all  foreign  debts. 

When  Dr  Franklin  first  went  to  France,  he  and  Silas 
Deane  made  an  extensive  contract  with  the  Farmers  General 
to  supply  them  with  tobacco,  on  the  part  of  the  American 
government,  for  which  the  money  was  advanced  to  the  full 
amount  of  the  contract.  But  a  portion  of  the  tobacco  only  was 
supplied,  and  a  claim  still  existed  against  the  United  States  for 
the  surplus.  This  claim  Mr  Morris  was  commissioned  to  pur 
chase,  or  rather  to  make  an  arrangement  for  furnishing  the 
tobacco,  according  to  the  original  terms  of  the  contract,  and 
assuming  the  demand  against  the  United  States.  Thio,  again, 
was  a  matter  of  speculation.  He  was  engaged  in  seeking  a 
private  loan  for  a  Company,  and  another  for  Robert  Morris, 
and  in  superintending  the  general  concerns  of  the  latter  in  Eu 
rope.  In  performing  all  the  above  operations,  he  kept  up  a 
constant  and  labored  correspondence  in  the  English  and  French 
languages,  with  bankers  and  merchants  in  Philadelphia,  New 
York,  London,  Paris,  Antwerp,  Amsterdam,  and  Hamburg. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  353 

And  this  he  did,  for  the  most  part,  without  any  assistant  or 
clerk,  his  letters  and  accounts,  according  to  his  usual  custom, 
being  written  and  copied  out  by  his  own  hand. 

Although  his  residence  was  in  Paris,  yet  his  business  called 
him  often  to  London.  In  the  course  of  the  year  1791,  he 
made  this  journey  three  or  four  times.  On  the  19th  of  Janu 
ary,  he  arrived  in  Paris,  after  a  month's  absence  in  England. 

'  January  19th,  1791. — Visit  Madame  de  Chastellux,  and  go 
with  her  to  dine  at  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans.  Her  Royal  High 
ness  is  ruined,  that  is,  she  is  reduced  from  450,000  to  200,- 
000  livres  per  annum.  She  tells  me,  that  she  cannot  give 
any  good  dinners ;  but,  if  I  will  come  and  fast  with  her,  she 
will  be  glad  to  see  me. 

*  January  25th. — At  three  o'clock  go  to  dine  with  Madame 
de  Stael,  who  is  not  yet  come  in.  The  Abbe  Syeyes  is  here, 
and  descants  with  much  self-sufficiency  on  government,  despi 
sing  all  that  has  been  said  or  sung  on  that  subject  before  him  ; 
and  Madame  says,  that  his  writings  and  opinions  will  form  in 
politics  a  new  era,  as  those  of  Newton  in  physics. 

'January  %9th. — At  noon  take  up  Madame  de  Chastellux, 
and  we  go  together  to  Choisy,  and  dine  with  Marmontel.  He 
thinks  soundly.  After  dinner  he  mentions  his  mode  of  contest 
ing  the  new-fangled  doctrine  of  the  Droits  d'homme,  by  asking 
a  definition  of  the  word  droit.  And,  from  that  definition,  he 
draws  a  conclusion  against  the  asserted  equality  of  rights. 
He  admits,  however,  that  all  are  equal  before  the  law  and  un 
der  the  law.  I  deny  this  position,  and  make  him  remark,  that 
where  there  is  great  inequality  of  rank  and  fortune,  this  sup 
posed  equality  of  legal  dispensation  would  destroy  all  propor 
tion,  consequently  all  justice.  If  the  punishment  be  a  fine,  it 
oppresses  the  poor,  but  does  not  affect  the  rich.  If  it  be  a 
corporal  punishment,  it  degrades  the  Prince,  but  does  not 
wound  the  beggar.  I  draw  only  one  conclusion,  that  in  mor 
als  every  general  position  requires  numerous  exceptions, 
wherefore  logical  conclusions  from  such  positions  must  fre 
quently  be  erroneous.  I  might  have  pursued,  as  I  have  some- 
30* 


354  LIFE    OF 

times  done,  my  remarks  a  little  farther  to  the  legal  compensa 
tion  for  injuries,  where  the  varieties  are  greater,  because  the 
party  committing,  and  the  party  suffering  wrong,  may  each 
be  of  different  rank  in  society.  I  might  go  farther,  and  notice 
those  varieties  of  sentiment,  which  the  manners  of  different 
nations  introduce  into  social  life  ;  for  it  is  a  fact,  that  "  the  ill 
we  feel  is  most  in  apprehension."  The  legislator,  therefore, 
who  would  pare  down  the  feelings  of  mankind  to  the  metaphy 
sical  standard  of  his  own  reason,  would  show  little  knowledge, 
though  he  might  display  much  genius. 

'  February  24th. — At  noon  walk  till  I  am  pretty  well  tired, 
and  then  go  to  the  Louvre  to  dine.  Madame  is  in  bed  ill. 
When  she  got  home  last  night,  she  found  in  a  blank  envelope 
a  will  of  her  Bishop  (d'Autun,)  making  her  his  heiress.  In 
consequence  of  some  things  he  had  dropped  in  conversation, 
she  concluded  that  he  was  determined  to  destroy  himself,  and 
therefore  spent  a  night  in  great  agitation,  and  in  tears.  M. 
de  St  Foi,  whom  she  roused  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
could  not  find  the  Bishop,  he  having  slept  near  the  church  in 
which  he  was  this  day  to  consecrate  two  Bishops  lately  elect 
ed.  At  length  it  turns  out,  that,  pursuant  to  repeated  menaces, 
he  feared  the  clergy  would  cause  him  to  be  this  day  destroy 
ed,  and  had  ordered  the  letter  not  to  be  delivered  till  the 
evening,  meaning  to  take  it  back  again,  if  he  lived  through  the 
day. 

4  March  3d. — M.  Barmont  and  Monsieur  de  Bergasse  came 
in.*  We  have  much  conversation  on  public  affairs,  which 
forms  the  object  of  their  visit.  They  tell  me,  that  the  Queen 
is  now  intriguing  with  Mirabeau,  the  Count  de  Lamarck,  and 
the  Count  de  Mercy,  (Austrian  Ambassador  in  Paris,)  who  en 
joy  her  confidence.  They  wish  to  visit  me  again.  They  tell 
me  that  Mirabeau,  whose  ambition  renders  him  the  mortal 
enemy  of  Lafayette,  must  succeed  in  ruining  him  by  the  in- 


*  Al.  Bergasse  was  the  only  one  of  the  Deputies,  who  refused  to  take 
the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Constitution,  on  the  fourth  of  February, 
1790. 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  355 

strumentality  of  his  compeers  in  the  Department.  I  incline 
to  think,  however,  that  Lafayette  will  hold  a  good  tug,  being 
as  cunning  as  anybody.  Mirabeau  has  much  greater  talents, 
and  his  opponent  a  better  character. 

'  April  1st. — Mirabeau  died  this  day.  I  tell  the  Bishop 
d'Autun,  that  he  should  step  into  the  vacancy  he  has  made, 
and,  to  that  effect,  sriould  pronounce  his  funeral  oration,  in 
which  he  should  make  a  summary  of  his  life,  and  dwell  par 
ticularly  on  the  last  weeks  in  which  he  labored  to  establish  or 
der.  Then  dwell  on  the  necessity  of  order,  and  introduce 
properly  the  King.  He  says,  that  his  thoughts  have  run 
much  upon  that  subject  this  day.  I  tell  him,  that  he  has  not 
a  moment  to  lose,  and  that  such  occasions  rarely  present 
themselves.  I  spoke  to  the  Count  de  Montmorin  about 
a  successor  to  Mirabeau  this  day,  but  he  tells  me,  that  he  can 
not  easily  see  who  shall  be  put  in  his  place.  He  owns  that 
Mirabeau  was  determined  to  ruin  Lafayette,  and  says,  that  he 
had  held  him  back  for  some  time.  He  thinks  that  there  is  no 
chance  now  left  but  to  convoke  the  next  Assembly,  as  soon  as 
may  be,  excluding  the  members  of  the  present.  And  that 
the  meeting  should  be  far  from  Paris. 

'  April  4th. — The  funeral  of  Mirabeau,  attended,  it  is  said, 
by  more  than  100,000  persons  in  solemn  silence,  has  been  an 
imposing  spectacle.  It  is  a  vast  tribute  paid  to  superior  ta 
lents,  but  no  great  incitement  to  virtuous  deeds.  Vices,  both 
degrading  and  detestable,  marked  this  extraordinary  being. 
Completely  prostitute,  he  sacrificed  everything  to  the  whim 
of  the  moment,  Cupidus  alieni,  prodigus  sui.  Venal,  shame 
less,  andfyet  greatly  virtuous,  when  pushed  by  a  prevailing 
impulse,  but  never  truly  virtuous,  because  never  under  the 
steady  control  of  reason,  nor  the  firm  authority  of  principle. 
I  have  seen  this  man,  in  the  short  space  of  two  years,  hissed, 
honored,  hated,  mourned.  Enthusiasm  has  just  now  present 
ed  him  gigantic.  Time  and  reflection  will  shrink  that  stature. 
The  busy  idleness  of  the  hour  will  find  some  other  object 
to  execrate  or  to  exalt.  /Such  is  man,  and  particularly  the 
Frenchman.  ) 


356  LIFE    OF 


'April  13*A.  —  Go  to  Madame  de  Stael's.  Converse  there 
with  the  Dutchess  de  la  Rochefoucauld.  Madame  de  Stael 
reads  her  tragedy  of  Montmorenci.  She  writes  much  better 
than  she  reads.  Her  character  of  the  Cardinal  de  Richelieu 
is  drawn  with  much  ability.  The  society  is  small,  and  we 
have  no  small  reprehension  of  the  Assemblee  Nationale,  who. 
it  must  be  confessed,  act  weakly  enough. 

1  April  30th.  —  M.  Monciel  and  M.  Bremond  come  in,  and 
the  former  gives  me  an  account  of  what  he  has  done  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Jacobins.  He  is  to  have  a  further  conference. 
They  think  it  will  be  best  to  act  in  concert  with  the  Court, 
without  appearing  to  do  so,  lest  thereby  they  should  lose  their 
popularity.  I  agree  in  the  propriety  of  this,  and  urge,  con 
formably  to  whal  I  suppose  their  views  to  be,  a  repeal  of  the 
Decret  de  quatre  ans,  and  the  Decret  de  reeUgibilite.  He  is 
to  propose  this  to  them,  and  to  obtain,  if  he  can.  a  list  of  the 
articles  they  desire.  Also,  if  possible,  of  the  places  they  aspire 
to. 

'  May  1st.  —  After  dinner,  I  have  a  long  conversation  with 
Monsieur  de  Montmorin,  in  the  course  of  which  I  show  him  a 
note  I  have  made  on  their  situation.  He  begs  me  to  let  him 
have  it,  and  I  give  it,  but  with  the  injunction,  that  none  but 
their  Majesties  shall  know  from  whom  it  comes.  I  inform  him 
of  what  has  been  done  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Jacobins  He  tells 
me  how  the  Ministers  stand  in  that  respect.  He  assures  me, 
that  they  can  do  nothing  with  the  King  but  through  him.  He 
mentions  a  wish  to  have  commissaries  appointed  by  the  crown, 
to  keep  the  peace  in  the  different  departments.  I  reply,  that  all 
officers  concerned  in  keeping  the  peace  should  be  appointed 
by  the  crown,  but  that  it  is  too  early  to  propose  anything  of  the 
sort.  Experience  must  first  demonstrate  the  necessity.  He 
tells  me  that  he  has  indisputable  evidence  of  the  intrigues  of 
Britain  and  Prussia.  That  they  give  money  to  the  Prince  of 
Conde  and  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 

c  May  \Gth.  —  I  learn  that  the  West  Indians  have  retired 
from  the  Assembly,  and  that  a  decree  has  been  passed  to  pre- 


GOQVERNEUR    MORRIS.  357 

vent  the  re-eligibility  of  the  present  delegates.  I  am  well 
pleased  with  both  of  these  events ;  for  the  West  Indians  have 
hitherto  run  into  every  extreme  to  obtain  popularity,  that 
thereby  they  might  carry  their  favorite  measures,  and,  being 
indifferent  about  France,  have  contributed  much  to  the  mis 
chiefs  which  have  been  occasioned. 

'  May  20th. — Montmorin  tells  me,  that  he  considers  the 
Assembly  as  finished,  and  this  gives  me  a  poor  opinion  of  his 
sagacity.  A  few  days  ago  he  was  in  trepidation,  but  now  in 
a  kind  of  security,  both  unfounded.  He  fears,  however,  yet 
for  the  person  of  the  King.  He  says,  that  different  people 
are  urging  him  to  do  different  things,  but  that  he  sees  nothing 
to  be  done.  1  tell  him  to  remain  quiet,  for  the  Assembly  are 
now  doing  everything  they  can  for  the  King,  with  the  inten 
tion  to  do  everything  against  him.  [  ask  him  whereabouts 
he  is  with  the  claims  of  the  German  Princes.  He  says,  that 
he  thinks  the  Emperor  will  become  the  intermediary  ;  but  that 
he  fears  the  Count  d'Artois  and  Prince  of  Conde.  I  treat 
this  lightly,  as  supposing  that  they  will  only  act  in  favor  of  the 
Royal  authority ;  but  he  says  that  they  will  form  a  party  for 
themselves ;  by  which  I  understand  only,  that  they  will  oblige 
the  King  to  drive  away  all  his  former  advisers.' 

On  his  way  again  to  London,  Mr  Morris  took  in  his  route 
the  town  of  Eu,  situate  about  fifteen  miles  from  Dieppe,  on 
the  coast  near  the  English  Channel.  The  Dutchess  of 
Orleans,  her  father,  and  the  family,  were  now  residing  at  this 
place. 

'  May  3 1st. — This  morning  I  wait  upon  the  Dutchess  of 
Orleans  and  breakfast  in  her  chamber  with  Madam  de  Chas- 
tellux.  She  sends  to  her  father  to  announce  my  arrival  and 
desire  of  visiting  him.  The  old  gentleman  returns  a  very  po 
lite  answer,  and  we  agree  that  I  shall  dine  with  them.  I  find 
that  there  is  much  restraint  and  etiquette  here.  After  break 
fast,  she  reads  to  me  her  letters  to  and  from  the  Duke,  (Ega- 
lite)  and  then  we  walk  till  near  dinner  time.  She  tells  me 
the  history  of  their  breach  from  a  long  time  back,  and  the 


358  LIFE    OF 

manoeuvres  used  by  him  and  those  about  him.  He  is  a 
mighty  strange  fellow.  She  tells  me,  that  what  the  world 
attributes  to  fondness  in  her  was  merely  discretion.  She 
hoped  to  bring  him  to  a  more  decent  and  orderly  beha 
vior,  but  finds,  at  length,  that  he  is  to  be  governed  by  fear 
only.  She  speaks  of  her  difficulties  in  bringing  her  father  to 
act.  He  is  nervous  and  trembles  at  everything  like  exer 
tion.' 

The  same  afternoon  Mr  Morris  proceeded  to  Dieppe,  thence 
to  London,  and  returned  in  a  few  days  to  Paris. 

'  July  llth. — Colonel  Tarleton  and  Lord  Selkirk  are  here, 
(at  the  British  Ambassador's)  and  the  conversation  accidentally 
falls  on  American  affairs,  which  is  diverting,  as  they  did  not 
know  me.  Tarleton  says,  that  once  on  the  outposts  he  ob 
tained  a  list  of  General  Washington's  spies,  and  that  Clinton, 
after  putting  them  in  the  provost,  m  a  few  days  let  them  all 
out,  from  weakness  of  compassion.  I  blame  this  weakness,  &z.c. 
Go  from  hence  to  the  Louvre,  and  in  my  way  meet  the  muni 
cipality,  with  the  Drapeau  rouge  displayed.  At  the  Louvre 
we  get  into  the  carriage  of  my  friend,  and,  after  stopping  to 
take  my  telescope,  go  to  Chaillot ;  but  the  time  lost  there,  in 
taking  up  Madame  de  Cournelles,  brings  us  too  late  on  the 
heights  of  Passy  to  see  what  passed  in  the  Champs  de  Mars.  On 
our  return,  however,  we  learn,  that  the  militia  have  at  length 
fired  on  the  mob,  and  killed  a  few  of  them.  They  scamper 
ed  away  as  fast  as  they  could.  This  morning,  however,  they 
massacred  two  men.  And  this  evening  they  have,  it  is  said, 
assassinated  two  of  the  militia  in  the  street.  This  affair  will, 
I  think,  lay  the  foundation  of  tranquillity ;  although,  perhaps, 
a  more  serious  affair  is  necessary  to  restrain  this  abominable 
populace.  Go  to  Madame  de  Segur's,  to  pass  the  evening. 
Her  company  are  all  frightened  and  stay  away,  except  the 
Chevalier  de  'Bouflers.  Segur  tells  us  what  passed  between 
the  Queen  and  him,  and  how  he  has  been  deceived  by  her. 

'  August  6th. — M.  de  Montmorin  repeats  what  has  passed 
this  morning  with  the  King.  The  recital  of  the  scene  brings 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  359 

tears  both  into  his  eyes  and  mine.  Poor  man  !  He  consid 
ers  himself  as  gone,  and  that  whatever  is  now  done  must  be 
for  his  son. 

'  August  2lst. — Visit  Bergasse,  who  corrects  what  I  had 
written  this  morning,  (in  the  French  language.)  He  says  he 
will  write  to  the  King  tomorrow  on  the  state  of  affairs,  and  tell 
him,  that  having  obtained  the  communication  of  my  plan,  in 
order  to  correct  the  language,  he  sends  it  to  his  Majesty,  but 
under  the  strictest  injunction  of  secrecy. 

6  August  %6th. — Dine  with  Madame  de  Stae'l,  who  requests 
me  to  show  her  the  memoire  I  have  prepared  for  the  King.  I 
am  surprised  at  this,  and  insist  on  knowing  how  she  became 
acquainted  with  it.  She  tells  me  pretty  nearly.  I  read  it  for 
her  and  the  Abbe  Louis,  through  whom  she  gained  her  intel 
ligence,  and  they,  as  I  expected,  are  very  averse  to  so  bold  a 
tone.  I  am  well  persuaded  that  a  poor  conduct  will  be  adopt 
ed.  The  British  Ambassadress  came  in  during  our  lecture, 
which  interrupted  it  to  me  very  agreeably.  Madame  de  Stae'l 
is  getting  over  the  illusions  she  was  under  about  the  Constitu 
tion. 

'  August  21th. — Go  to  the  manufacture  of  Angouleme,  and 
afterwards  to  dine  with  Monsieur  de  Montmorin,  where  I  ar 
rive  late.  After  dinner  retire  into  his  closet  and  read  to  him 
the  plan  I  have  prepared  of  a  discourse  for  the  King.  He  is 
startled  at  it.  Says  it  is  too  forcible.  That  the  temper  of  the 
people  will  not  bear  it.  We  have  much  discourse  on  this 
subject.  I  leave  the  thing  with  him.  We  are  to  confer  fur 
ther  on  it,  and  he  is  to  show  it  to  the  King  on  Monday.  I 
give  him  leave,  which  otherwise  he  would  have  taken,  to  show 
it  to  his  daughter.  I  know  that  she  will  encourage  such  a  step, 
having  previously  mounted  her  imagination  to  that  point. 

£  August  30th. — Give  to  Monsieur  de  Montmorin  a  memoire 
on  the  present  state  of  things.  He  tells  me,  that  Madame  de 
Stae'l  once  took  him  in,  as  she  did  me,  and  that  her  father 
told  him,  that  it  was  a  common  trick  with  her  to  pretend  to 
know,  in  order  to  learn.  I  inform  him,  that  I  have  caused 


360  LIFE    OF 

her  to  believe,  that  I  have  given  up  the  idea  entirely,  and  de 
sire  him  to  speak  of  it  lightly,  and  as  of  a  thing,  which  1  had 
abandoned.  Ke  says,  that  it  is  now  in  the  King's  possession, 
who  found  the  discourse  prepared  for  him  difficult  to  swallow, 
because  it  acknowledges  the  loss  of  the  crown.  But  he  re 
plied  to  this,  that  it  was  only  defective,  because  he  had  not 
the  command  of  150,000  men. 

1  September  1st. — Go  to  the  British  Ambassador's,  where  I 
converse  a  little  with  the  Count  de  Lamarck,  who  is  or  pre 
tends  to  be  of  my  opinion  respecting  the  Constitution,  and  the 
conduct  to  be  pursued  by  the  King  in  that  regard.  Madame 
de  Stae'l  is  here,  and  is  in  violent  disputation  with  the  Abbe 
de  Montesquiou,  and  the  Bishop  d'Autun  is  in  part  the  subject, 
to  the  great  edification  of  Monsieur  de  Narbonne,  who  is  just 
arrived  from  Italy. 

1  September  12th. — This  morning  Bremond  calls  and  tells 
me,  that  the  King  objected  to  a  speech  prepared  for  him  by 
Felling,  in  consequence  of  a  memoire  he  had  received  in  Eng 
lish.  Mr  Short  tells  me,  that  on  Friday  last  in  Council,  M.  de 
Montmorin  produced  observations  written  by  Felling,  but  the 
King  preferred  mine,  and  on  this  he  felicitates  me.  I  lead  him 
off  the  scent,  but  he  tells  me  that  he  is  informed  of  this  in 
such  a  manner,  as  admits  of  no  doubt,  and  also  that  M.  de 
Montmorin  is  vexed  at  that  preference. 

'September  16th. — I  ask  M.  de  Montmorin  for  the  different 
papers  I  have  given  him.  He  tells  me  that  the  last  is  in  the 
King's  hands,  being  intended  to  regulate  his  future  conduct. 
On  inquiry,  I  find  that  he  did  not  deliver  it  till  after  his  Maj 
esty  had  accepted  the  Constitution.  This  is  wrong,  but  it  is 
too  late  to  do  any  good  by  saying  so.  The  first  paper,  being 
a  discourse  intended  for  the  King,  he  says  the  King  lias 
returned,  but  as  I  gave  it  to  him,  he  wishes  to  keep  it.  I  ask 
him  what  became  of  Felling's  work.  He  says  that  it  was 
only  a  memoire.  I  tell  him  what  Short  told  me.  He  says  it 
is  a  fabricated  story  ;  but  from  what  he  afterwards  says,  I  find 
that  Short's  and  Bremond's  are  different  editions  of  the  same 


GOUVEKNEUll    MORRIS,  361 

thing,  and  I  am  pretty  well  persuaded,  that  the  poor  King  has 
been  prevented  by  an  intrigue  from  acting  as  he  ought.' 

The  pipers  alluded  to  above  were,  first,  the  draft  of  a  speech 
intended  to  be  pronounced  by  the  King  to  the  Assembly,  on 
his  taking  the  oath  to  observe  the  Constitution ;  and,  secondly, 
a  memoir  respecting  the  general  state  of  France  at  that  time, 
and  the  course  which  it  was  expedient  for  the  King  to  pursue. 
The  latter  was  submitted  to  the  King  in  the  English  language. 
He  returned  the  original,  and  desired  Mr  Morris  to  furnish  him 
with  a  translation,  which  he  might  retain  for  his  own  use.* 
The  former  was  also  read  by  the  King,  but  it  was  not  used  for 
the  purpose  designed.  Mr  Morris  was  dissatisfied  with  the  con 
duct  of  his  friend  Montmorin,  on  account  of  the  part  taken  by 
him  in  this  affair.  The  report  of  M.  Bremond  and  Mr  Short, 
from  whatever  source  it  originated,  shows  that  theKing  was 
pleased  with  Mr  Morris's  draft,  and  was  inclined  to  adopt  it  in 
part,  at  least.  This  impression  could  hardly  get  abroad  with 
out  some  foundation.  How  far  the  Council  influenced  his  de 
cision,  OK  in  what  way  the  personal  agency  of  M.  de  Montmo 
rin  was  exercised,  are  points  now  left  to  conjecture. j- 

'  October  1st. — Ask  M.  de  Montmorin  for  my  discourse. 
He  promises  on  his  honor  to  give  it  me.  I  desire  him  to  give 
the  King  my  letter  about  subsistence.  That  I  care  nothing 
for  the  event,  but  it  is  his  duty  to  lay  the  matter  before  his 
Majesty.  1  ask  him,  who  made  the  King's  speech,  which  is 


*  Mr  Morris  writes;  'M.  de  Montmorin  comes  in,  and  gives  me 
the  Memoire  I  had  written  for  the  King.  He  shows  me  at  the  same 
time  a  note,  in  which  he  desires  a  translation  of  it.'  Again,  '  M.  de 
Montmorin  tells  me  the  King  is  urgent  for  my  translation,  which  lie 
supposes  is  in  order  to  communicate  it  to  the  Q,ueen.'  '  Give  him  the 
translation  as  he  goes  to  the  Council,  having  just  mentioned  to  him, 
that  the  strong  traits  are,  I  fear,  dangerous  just  now,  as  his  Majesty 
has  accepted  in  a  different  manner  from  what  I  expected.  He  tells 
me  that  there  is  no  danger.  September  23.7.' 

f|The  two  papers  are  printed  in  the  Second  Volume  of  this  work, 
pp.  "490,  5 12. 

VOL.    I.  31 


362  LIFE    OF 

excellent.  He  assures  me  that  the  groundwork  is  by  the 
King  himself.  I  desire  him  to  make  the  King  observe  the  dif 
ference  of  effect  between  this  and  those  long  stories,  which 
they  made  him  tell  heretofore.  He  says  that  he  has  already 
done  so. 

'  October  %d. — After  dinner  visit  Madame  de  Stael,  who 
has  a  motley  company,  which  she  says  have  partaken  of  a 
coalition  dinner.  There  is  Beaumetz,  the  Bishop  d'Autun, 
Alexander  Lameth,  the  Prince  de  Broglio,  &ic.  &c.  Malouet 
comes  in,  and  also  the  Count  de  Lamarck,  who  converses 
with  Madame,  I  observe,  en  particulier.  As  to  the  others, 
who  dined  with  her,  their  coalition  is  natural  enough.  Segur 
is  here,  who  tells  me  that  he  has  asked  for  the  Ambassade  de 
Londres,  and  is  told  that  it  will  meet  with  no  difficulty,  but 
must  be  left  to  the  successor  of  Monsieur  de  Montmorin. 

1  October  19th* — This  morning  the  Count  de  Moustier 
breakfasts  with  me.  He  tells  me  what  passed  yesterday  even 
ing  with  the  King  and  Queen,  and  says  that  I  stand  high  in 
their  opinion,  as  well  as  in  that  of  Monsieur  Montmorin.  He 
says  the  King  has  offered  him  the  Embassy  to  England,  and 
that  he  is  to  stay  there  until  a  proper  opportunity  shall  offer  of 
placing  him  in  the  Ministry,  which  would  at  present  be  dan 
gerous.  He  wishes  me  to  persuade  Montmorin  to  stay  long 
er,  which  I  promise  to  attempt.  He  says  that  he  will  urge 
the  sending  to  America  for  a  supply  of  provisions,  or  rather  of 
flour,  according  to  my  proposal  to  Monsieur  de  Montmorin. 
He  has  some  scheme  of  finance  in  his  head,  which  I  must  dis 
cover,  if  I  can. 

'  October  2\st. — The  Count  de  Moustier  calls  and  tells  me, 
that  he  has  asked  an  audience  of  the  Queen  on  the  subject  of 
flour.  Her  Majesty  told  him,  that  she  has  never  yet  seen  my 
letter  to  Monsieur  de  Montmorin,  and  she  thinks  it  is  of  a  na 
ture  not  to  have  escaped  her  attention.  He  desires  me  to 
give  him  a  copy.  He  then  tells  me,  that  the  King  of  Prussia 
will  furnish  money  to  assist  in  putting  the  finances  of  this  coun 
try  to  rights.  He  tells  me  what  passed  with  his  Prussian 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  363 

Majesty  on  that  subject,  and  that  he  intended  to  head  his  ar 
mies  for  re-establishing  the  French  monarchy.* 

'  I  dine  at  Madame  de  Stael's,  and  say  too  much  against  the 
Constitution,  to  which  she  provoked  me. 

'  October  22d. — Before  dinner,  I  go  into  M.  de  Montmo- 
rin's  closet,  and  there  urge  him  to  continue  for  some  time  lon 
ger  in  office,  then  to  retire  as  President  of  the  Council.  He 
will  not  agree.  First,  because  it  is  impossible  to  manage  the 
department  well.  And,  secondly,  because  he  has  so  point 
edly  declared  his  determination  to  retire,  that  he  cannot  re 
treat.  I  think  this  last  is  the  strongest  reason, 

1  He  repeated  to  me  this  morning,  what  he  had  once  men 
tioned  before,  viz.  that  he  considers  it  as  indispensably  neces 
sary,  that  the  Queen  should  be  present  at  the  discussion  of  af 
fairs  of  the  cabinet,  and  that,  for  this  purpose,  there  should  be 
a  privy  council,  to  which  Malouet  should  be  admitted.  I  do 
not  see  the  use  of  this  ;  neither  can  I  conceive  his  reason. 
If  he  expects  through  Malouet  to  govern  that  little  council, 
he  mistakes  his  man.  At  least,  I  think  so.  I  told  Monsieur 
de  Motleville,  that  it  appeared  to  me  most  fitting  to  remove 
Duportail  at  present,  and  place  there  some  brave,  honest  sol 
dier,  without  much  regard  to  his  abilities,  and  then,  when  de 
Moustier  comes  forward,  to  place  him,  de  Molleville,  as  Garde 
des  Sceaux,  and  Bourgainville  as  Minister  of  the  Marine.  He 
approves  of  this,  but  wishes  to  stay  where  he  is,  until  he  shall 
have  gained  some  reputation  by  putting  the  affairs  of  that  de 
partment  in  order. 

1  November  15th. — Call  and  visit  Madame  de  Stael.  She 
is  angry  with  me.  I  told  Monsieur  de  Molleviile,  that  she 
had  consulted  me  relative  to  Narbonne's  acceptance,  and  he 
has  used  it  as  a  pretext  against  his  appointment.  I  tell  her 


*  De  Moustier  had  recently  returned  from  an  embassy  to  the  King 
of  Prussia,  whither  he  had  been  sent  after  his  return  from  America. 


364  LIFE    OF 

that  I  see  nothing  in  this  to  make  a  handle  of.  That  every 
body  knows  Monsieur  Narbonrie  has  been  in  contemplation 
for  that  office,  and  therefore  it  is  natural  enough  to  ask  the 
opinion  of  different  people,  whether,  in  case  the  post  is  offer 
ed,  he  should  accept.  I  jhen  add,  that  he  had  better  not 
ibmk  of  it.  That  the  object  is  merely  to  fill  a  gap  for  a  few- 
months,  and  then  to  drop  the  person,  who  may  have  been  ap 
pointed.  She  tells  me,  that  the  Ministry  is  stronger  than  is 
imagined. 

4  November  26th. — M.  de  Montmorin  tells  me,  that  he  late 
ly  communicated  the  assurances,  that  one  of  the  provinces, 
with  all  the  troops  in  it,  might  be  depended  on.  He  adds, 
that  the  real  cause  why  he  quitted  the  Ministry  was,  that  he 
had  not  the  full  confidence  of  their  Majesties.  That  they 
were  governed  sometimes  by  counsels  from  Brussels,  some 
times  from  Coblentz.  That  he  urged  them  to  adopt  a  privy 
council  to  decide  in  all  cases,  and  endeavored  to  convince 
them,  that  unless  they  fixed  a  plan  of  conduct,  they  would  be 
greatly  injured,  but  in  vain. 

'  M.  Bremond  comes,  and  I  work  with  him  at  a  pamphlet 
on  the  finances.  I  dictate  and  he  writes. 

'  December  1th. — This  morning  employ  myself  in  preparing 
a  form  of  government  for  this  country.  At  half  past  four  go 
to  dine  with  Monsieur  de  Montmorin.  Find  him  employed 
in  reading  the  address  to  the  King  by  the  members  of  the  De 
partment  of  Paris.  It  is  well  written  in  many  respects ;  but 
the  style  is  rather  that  of  a  popular  harangue,  than  of  an  ad 
dress  to  a  monarch. 

'  December  13th. — Finish  the  copy  of  a  plan  of  government, 
and  of  general  principles  to  accompany  it. 

c  December  14th. — Inform  the  Minister  of  Marine,  (M.  de 
Molleville)  that  I  have  prepared  some  Notes  on  a  Constitution 
to  show  him.  He  says  he  has  sounded  the  King  on  the  sub 
ject,  who  has  commanded  him  to  attend  to  it.  He  has  re 
commended  to  his  Majesty  the  most  profound  secrecy,  and 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  365 

taken  occasion  to  inculcate  the  necessity,   from  seeing  in  a 
gazette  what  had  passed  in  Council.* 

'  December  21st. — The  Bishop  d'Autun  observes  to  me, 
that  the  Jacobins  have  not  been  able  to  raise  a  riot  about  their 
address.  I  tell  him  that,  since  the  frolic  at  the  Champ  de 
Mars,  there  is  little  danger  of  riots,  because  the  people  are 
not  very  fond  of  them,  when  they  find  that  death  is  a  game 
which  two  can  play  at.  He  says  that  the  King  is  in  wondrous 
high  spirits,  since  his  Vetos  have  gone  off  easily,  and  that  he 
will  apply  them  every  now  and  then.  Poor  King  ! 

'  January  IQth,  1792. — This  morning  M.  Bremond  and  M. 
Monciel  call  on  me  and  breakfast.  After  they  are  gone,  I 
read  and  write  till  iny  carriage  is  ready,  then  go  to  the  Minister 
of  the  Marine,  with  whom  I  have  a  conference  on  the  Bishop 
d'Autun's  mission,!  and  on  other  public  affairs.  He  tells  me, 
that  he  has  communicated  to  the  Queen  his  sentiments  on  the 
very  impolitic  step  now  taken,  and  that  she  is  sensible  of  this 
confidence.  He  says  the  King  spoke  of  me  in  very  favora 
ble  terms  the  other  day,  when  he  communicated  to  him  the 
jslan  of  a  correspondence  with  Monsieur  de  Monciel.  I  tell 
him,  that  it  is  time  to  arrange  matters  wth  the  Emperor,  &ic. 
He  says  (and  justly)  that,  unless  he  were  sure  that  the  King 
and  Queen  make  no  imprudent  confidences,  he  dares  not  risk 
himself.  The  risk  is  indeed  great. 

'  January  Llth. — M.  Monciel  informs  me,  that  he  has  con 
versed  with  Monsieur  Barthelemi,  upon  the  Bishop  d'Autun's 
errand  to  London.  He  informs  him,  that  the  object  is  to 
make  an  alliance  with  England,  in  order  to  counterbalance 
Austria  5  and  the  offer  to  England  is  the  Isle  of  France  and 
Tobago.  This  is  a  most  wretched  policy.  Bremond  says, 
the  Jacobin  party  have  got  hold  of  a  plan  of  their  enemies  to 
work  a  violent  change  in  the  Constitution,  and  he  brings  me 


*  See  the 'Notes  on  the  Form  of  a,  Constitution  for  France?  in  the 
present  work,  Vol.  iii.  p.  481. 
t  As  Ambassador  to  England. 
31* 


366  LIFE    OF 

t 

a  newspaper  which  contains  it.  There  is  reason  to  believe, 
that  some  such  thing  was  in  agitation.  It  was  very  ahsurd. 

'  M.  de  Marbois  assures  me,  that  he  is  faithful  to  the  King, 
and  considers  that  as  being  the  only  possible  fidelity  to  the  na 
tion.  He  told  me  that  he  hoped  the  Bishop's  embassy  would 
be  stopped. 

'  January  14th. — The  Bishop  d'Autun  goes  off  tomorrow. 
The  Assembly  have  this  day,  upon  a  report  of  the  Diplomatic 
Committee,  determined  to  attack  the  Emperor,  unless  he  begs 
pardon  by  the  tenth  of  February.  The  Bishop  says,  that  the 
nation  is  une  parvenue,  and,  of  course,  insolent.  He  says 
their  situation  is  such,  that  nothing  but  violent  remedies  can 
operate,  and  then  must  either  kill  or  cure. 

'January  16th. — M.  de  Montmorin  informs  me,  that  when 
the  Duke  of  Orleans  was  in  England,  he  tried  hard  to  obtain 
an  authority  to  offer  a  treaty  to  England,  which  was  of  course 
not  granted.  He  acquaints  me  with  the  conversation,  which 
he  had  on  that  subject  with  the  Bishop  d'Autun,  who  hopes, 
as  he  says,  to  turn  out  Pitt,  and  thinks  his  success  certain,  if 
lie  could  have  the  aid  of  the  Duke  of  Biron.  This  is  curi 
ous  enough. 

6  January  %2d. — This  morning  prepare  for  my  departure. 
Vic  d'Azyr  (the  Queen's  physician)  comes  in,  and  tells  me 
he  has  been  to  my  lodgings  at  the  request  of  her  Majesty,  to 
desire,  if  [  learn  anything  in  England  interesting  to  them,  that 
I  would  communicate  it.' 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  367 


CHAPTER  XX. 

MR   MORRIS     APPOINTED     MINISTER     FROM     THE     UNITED     STATES     TO      THE 

COURT    OF    FRANCE. PRESENTED    TO    THE     KING. AIDS     IN     CONCERTING 

A  SECRET  PLAN  FOR  THE  REMOVAL  OF  THE  KING  AND  ROYAL  FAMILY 
FROM  FRANCE. BERTRAM)  DE  MOLLEVILLE. MONCIEL. THE  KING  DE 
POSITS  MONEY  IN  THE  HANDS  OF  MR  MORRIS. — DUTCH*  S3  OF  OR- 
LKANS. 

SCARCELY  had  Mr  Morris  departed  from  Paris,  when  an  ar 
ticle  came  out  in  Brissot's  paper,  affirming  that  he  was  sent 
over  to  London  by  the  Aristocrats  and  the  Court,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  thwarting  the  plans  and  defeating  the  negotiations  of 
the  Bishop  d'Autun.  This  was  copied  into  the  British  pa 
pers,  hut  was  doubtless  without  any  foundation.*  He  had  been 
but  a  few  days  in  London,  when  he  received  intelligence  of 
his  appointment  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  the  United 
States  to  the  Court  of  France. 

The  news  of  this  appointment  was  not  altogether  unexpect 
ed.  His  friend  Robert  Morris  had  written  to  him  eighteen 
months  previously,  that  there  could  be  little  doubt  of  his  being 


*  When  the  report  of  the  above  imputation   of  Brissot   de  War- 
ville  readied  Mr  Morris,  he  wrote  to  him  the  following  note. 

*  Mr  Morris  is  informer],  that  Monsieur  de  Warville  has  imputed  to 
him,  in  terms  not  very  delicate,  an  intention  to  counteract  the  designs 
of  the  Bishop  d'Autun  in  England.     He  takes  the  liberty  to  assure  M. 
de  Warville,  that  he  is  much  misinformed.     Whether  the  French  Court 
does  or  does  not  wish  success  to  the  mission  of  M.  de  Perigord,  Mr 
Morris  will  not  pretend  to  conjecture,  till  he  knows  what  that  mission  ia ; 
but  if  the  idea  of  their  Majesties'  disinclination  be  no  better  founded, 
than  that  of  Mr  Morris's  agency,  he  ventures  to  assure  M.  de  Warville, 
that  it  is  totally  unworthy  of  credit.    London,  February  3d,  1792.* 


368  LIFE    OF 

intended  either  for  the  Court  of  London  or  Versailles,  and  that 
Mr  Jay  believed  it  would  be  the  former.  He  added,  that  Mi- 
Jay  had  conversed  with  the  President  on  the  subject,  before 
Mr  Jefferson's  arrival  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  considered  it 
as  a  fixed  point  in  the  President's  mind,  that  Gouverneur  Mor 
ris  should  be  nominated  to  one  of  the  two  Courts.  It  was  sup 
posed,  that  Mr  Jefferson's  partiality  would  induce  him  to  pre 
fer  Mr  Madison,  as  Minister  to  France,  and  that  Washington's" 
well  known  friendship  for  that  gentleman,  and  respect  for  his 
character  and  talents,  would  naturally  incline  him  to  accord 
with  the  opinion  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  Again,  a  movement 
was  made  in  Europe,  probably  through  M.  de  Montmorin,  to 
promote  Mr  Carmichael,  then  Charge  des  Affaires  in  Madrid,  to 
the  station  of  Minister  at  the  Court  of  Versailles.  Montmorin 
had  been  on  terms  of  intimacy  and  friendship  with  Carmichael, 
during  the  time  of  his  residence  in  Spain  as  Minister  from 
France.  Mr  Short,  also,  who  had  been  left  by  Mr  Jefferson 
as  Charge  in  Paris,  had  some  good  grounds  for  expecting  the 
appointment  of  Minister.  Amidst  these  floating  rumors,  Mr 
Morris  had  slender  expectations  of  being  designated  for  that 
mission,  although  he  had  reasons  for  anticipating  the  one  to 
England.  It  was  known,  however,  to  Robert  Morris,  that  his 
preference  was  for  France,  and  it  may  be  presumed  his  friend 
did  not  leave  the  President  ignorant  of  the  fact. 

Mr  Morris,  Mr  Pinckney,  and  Mr  Short  were  nominated  by 
the  President  on  the  same  day  to  the  Senate,  the  first  for  the 
Court  of  France,  the  second  for  England,  and  the  third  for 
Holland.  But  these  nominations  were  not  confirmed,  till  twen 
ty  days  afterwards,  during  which  period  there  was  much  de 
bate  on  the  question,  whether  it  was  for  the  interest  of  the 
United  States  to  have  Ministers  residing  permanently  at  foreign 
Courts.  The  sentiment  of  the  Senators  was  divided,  and  the 
same  was  understood  of  the  Representatives.  In  the  Senate 
there  would  seem  to  have  been  a  majority  against  the  question, 
for  the  appointments  were  after  all  confirmed  on  the  ground, 
that  there  was  then  a  '  special  occasion'  for  sending  Ministers 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  369 

to  the  three  respective  Courts.     These  were  the  first  appoint 
ments  of  Foreign  Ministers  under  the  new  government. 

In  Air  Morris's  case  were  also  other  considerations,  which 
his  enemies  made  the  most  of  against  him.  The  ill  success  of 
his  negotiation  in  England,  and  the  insinuations  that  had  got 
abroad  of  his  indiscreet  confidence  in  M.  de  la  Luzerne,  and  his 
abrupt  manners  towards  the  British  Ministry,  were  magnified 
by  his  political  adversaries  into  charges  of  a  grave  nature.* 
His  aristocratical  connexions  in  France,  and  his  hostility  to  the 
principles  of  the  revolution,  as  it  was  then  conducted,  were  al 
so  well  known,  and  thought  by  many  to  disqualify  him  for  the 
station  of  Minister  from  a  Republic,  in  alliance  with  that  nation, 
and  professing  a  sympathy  in  its  revolutionary  progress.  Owing 
to  these  combined  causes  of  opposition,  he  was  chosen  in  the 
Senate,  January  12th,  1792,  by  a  majority  of  only  five  votes 
out  of  sixteen,  there  being  eleven  against  him. 

When  the  notice  of  his  appointment  was  forwarded,  under 
the  seal  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  General  Washington  wrote 
him  a  private  letter,  in  which  he  frankly  enumerated  all  the  ob 
jections,  which  had  been  raised  against  him,  and  more  than  inti 
mated  a  belief  that  they  were  in  some  instances  too  well  found 
ed.  '  The  official  communications  of  the  Secretary  of  State,' 
says  the  President, c  accompanying  this  letter,  will  convey  to  you 
the  evidence  of  my  nomination,  and  the  appointment  of  you  to 


*  Mr  Morris  ever  considered  these  reports,  as  having  been  sent  out 
by  the  British  Ministers,  with  the  view  of  apologizing  for  their  own 
conduct,  in  not  coming  to  some  seasonable  arrangement  with  him, 
which  he  believed  they  afterwards  repented  of.  In  writing  to  Robert 
Morris,  November  14th,  1791,  he  says;  'The  obstacle  to  a  treaty  was 
in  the  British  Cahinets.  The  opposers  have  since  found  out,  that  they 
committed  a  fatal  error,  and  wish  to  get  clear  of  the  blame.  They 
would  have  been  very  glad  of  any  excuse  to  tread  the  ground  hack 
again,  but  fortunately  none  such  was  given,  and  they  have,  therefore, 
in  fear  of  French  influence,  sent,  you  a  Minister.  And  they  will  make  a 
treaty  with  us,  as  soon  as  the  people  are  ripe  for  it,  and  the  mercan 
tile  interests  feel  the  necessity.' 


370  LIFE    OF 

be  Minister  Plenipotentiary  for  the  United  States  at  the  Court 
of  France  ;  and  my  assurance,  that  both  were  made  with  all 
my  heart ,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  satisfy  you  as  to  that  fact.  I 
wish  I  could  add,  that  the  advice  and  consent  (of  the  Senate) 
flowed  from  a  similar  source.  Candor  forbids  it,  and  friend 
ship  requires,  that  I  should  assign  the  causes,  as  far  as  they 
have  come  to  my  knowledge.'  He  then  recapitulates  all  the 
particulars,  which  have  been  heretofore  mentioned,  respect 
ing  Mr  Morris's  sentiments,  manners,  and  transactions  in  Eng 
land  and  France.  ( It  was  urged,'  he  continues,  '  that  in 
France  you  were  considered  as  a  favorer  of  aristocracy,  and 
unfriendly  to  its  revolution,  (I  suppose  they  meant  the  Consti 
tution;)  that  under  this  impression  you  could  not  be  an  ac 
ceptable  public  character ;  and,  of  consequence,  you  would 
not  be  able,  however  willing,  to  promote  the  interest  of  this 
country  in  an  essential  degree.'  It  is  remarkable  here,  that 
the  President  regarded  Mr  Morris's  aristocratical  tendencies, 
as  appertaining  to  the  Constitution,  and  not  to  the  principles  or 
progress  of  the  revolution,  but  this  inference  would  scarcely 
be  drawn  from  his  Diary,  or  letters,  at  any  stage  of  his  resi 
dence  in  France.  To  the  revolution,  as  it  was  conducted, 
and  in  the  spirit  of  its  advocates  and  movers,  he  cannot  be  said 
ever  to  have  been  friendly. 

General  Washington  closed  his  letter  in  the  same  tone  of 
frankness,  which  he  had  begun,  seasoned  with  a  spice  of  ad 
monition,  that  could  not  fail  to  give  it  effect. 

1  Not  to  go  further  into  detail,  I  will  place  the  ideas  of  your 
political  adversaries  in  the  light,  in  which  their  arguments 
have  presented  them  to  me  ;  viz.  that  the  promptitude,  with 
which  your  lively  and  brilliant  imagination  displays  itself,  allows 
too  little  time  for  deliberation  and  correction,  and  is  .the  pri 
mary  cause  of  those  sallies,  which  too  often  offend,  and  of  that 
ridicule  of  character,  which  begets  enmity  not  easy  to  be  for 
gotten,  but  which  might  easily  be  avoided,  if  it  were  under 
the  control  of  more  caution  and  prudence.  In  a  word,  that  it 
is  indispensably  necessary,  that  more  circumspection  should 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  371 

be  observed  by  our  representatives  abroad,  than  they  conceive 
you  are  inclined  to  adopt.  In  this  statement  you  have  the 
pros  and  cons.  By  reciting  them,  I  give  you  a  proof  of  my 
friendship,  if  I  give  none  of  my  policy  or  judgment.  I  do  it 
on  the  presumption,  that  a  mind  conscious  of  its  own  rectitude 
fears  not  what  is  said  of  it,  but  will  bid  defiance  to  shafts,  that 
are  not  barbed  with  accusations  against  honor  or  integrity. 
Of  my  good  opinion,  and  of  my  friendship  and  regard,  you 
may  be  assured.' 

This  letter  was  received  by  Mr  Morris  in  the  same  friendly 
temper  in  which  it  had  been  written,  and  his  subsequent  con 
duct  as  Minister  to  the  French  government  affords  ample 
proof,  that  its  counsels  were  not  disregarded.  I  That  his  opin 
ions,  and  the  bold  manner  in  which  he  had  expressed  them  on 
all  occasions,  were  a  serious  obstacle  to  the  successful  exer 
cise  of  his  official  duties,  especially  after  the  overthrow  of  the 
monarchy  in  France,  and  the  triumph  of  the  disorganizing 
factions,  cannot  be  denied,  but  he  is  entitled  to  the  full  credit 
of  caution  and  circumspection,  and  to  the  praise  of  maintain 
ing  with  dignity  and  firmness  the  interests  of  his  country,  in 
circumstances  extremely  vexatious  and  trying.  It  may  with 
truth  be  affirmed,  that  no  American  Minister  abroad  ever 
had  a  more  difficult  task  to  perform,  or  executed  it,  consider 
ing  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed,  with  more  skill  and 
ability . 

His  official  correspondence,  while  he  was  Minister  to  the 
French  Court,  was  with  Jefferson  then  Secretary  of  State,  and 
occasionally  with  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  To 
Washington  he  wrote  constantly,  as  to  a  private  friend,  and 
presented  a  more  detailed  narrative  of  affairs,  than  was  con 
tained  in  his  public  despatches.  It  would  be  difficult  to  find, 
within  the  same  compass,  so  full  an  account  of  the  political 
progress  and  changes  of  the  French  Revolution  for  nearly  five 
years,  as  may  be  gathered  from  his  letters,  private  and  official. 
He  viewed  the  great  panorama  of  passing  events  with  a  pene 
trating  and  comprehensive  mind,  and  sketched  what  he  saw 


372  LIFE    OF 

in  a  style  of  bold  and  graphic  accuracy.  Allowance  is  to  be 
made  for  the  bias  of  his  opinions,  and  his  settled  aversion  to 
the  principles  of  the  revolutionists,  but  his  judgment  seldom 
deceived  him,  and  his  sincerity  may  always  be  relied  on. 
His  sp3culations  are  uttered  as  speculations,  and  may  be  c';s- 
tinguished  as  such.  No  one  ever  need  confound  them  with 
the  deliberate  convictions  of  his  understanding,  his  deductions 
from  argument,  or  his  statement  of  facts.  Frankness,  honesty, 
and  a  fearlessness  in  expressing  his  sentiments,  were  promi 
nent  features  of  his  mind,  and  appear  in  all  his  writings. 

When  Mr  Morris  arrived  in  Paris,  on  the  sixth  of  May, 
there  was  a  rumor  afloat,  that  the  French  Cabinet  did  not  in 
tend  to  receive  inm,  as  Minister  from  the  United  States;  but 
if  such  a  design  had  at  any  time  been  entertained,  it  was 
abandoned,  and  never  communicated  to  him  from  any  official 
source. 

1  May  15Z/L — I  go  to  Mr  Short's,  from  whence  we  go  to 
gether  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  interview  here 
is  Very  short.  He  observes,  that  I  am  already  acquainted 
with  the  King.  I  reply,  that  I  never  saw  his  Majesty  but  in 
public,  nor  ever  exchanged  a  word  with  him  in  my  life, 
although  some  of  their  gazettes  have  made  me  one  of  his 
Ministers,  and  that  I  am  persuaded  he  would  not  know  me,  if 
he  should  see  me.  Upon  this,  he  says,  that,  since  I  have 
mentioned  it,  he  will  acknowledge  that  such  is  the  general 
idea.  I  tell  him,  that  I  am  naturally  frank  ciad  open,  and 
therefore  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  in  the  time  of  the  Con 
stituent  Assembly,  I  endeavored,  being  then  a  private  individ 
ual,  and  prompted  by  my  regard  for  this  nation,  to  effect  cer 
tain  changes  in  the  Constitution,  which  appeared  to  me  essen 
tial  to  its  existence.  That  I  was  not  successful,  and  being  at 
present  a  public  man,  I.  consider  it  as  my  duty  not  to  meddle 
with  their  affairs.  1  ask  him  then,  when  I  shall  wait  upon  him 
to  be  presented,  and  he  says  he  will  let  me  know,  but  he  thinks 
the  sooner  it  is  done  the  better. 

'  June  2d.— I  am  presented  to  the  King,  who,  on  receiving 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

my  letter  of  credence,  says  "  C"  est  de  la  part  des  Etats  Unis" 
and  his  tone  of  voice  and  his  embarrassment  mark  well  the 
feebleness  of  his  disposition.  I  reply,  "  Oui,  Sire,  et  ilsm'ont 
charge  de  temoigner  a  votre  Majeste  leur  attachement  pour 
elle,  et  pour  la  nation  Francaise."  I  am  afterwards  presented 
to  the  Queen,  who  shows  me  her  son  and  says,  "  11  n' est  pas 
encore  grand."  I  reply,  "J'espere,  Madame,  qu'il  sera  bien 
grand,  et  veritablement  grand."  "  Nous  y  travaillons,  Mon 
sieur."  1  then  go  to  mass.'* 


*The  following  letter  from  Hamilton  to  Morris  will  serve  as  a  key 
to  someoftlje  published  correspondence  of  the  latter,  during  his  resi 
dence  in  France  as  Minister  from  the  United  States. 

'  Philadelphia,  June  22d,  1792. 
«  My  dear  Sir, 

'I  accept  your  challenge  to  meet  you  in  the  field  of  mutual  confiden 
tial  cummumcation ',  though  I  cannot  always  promise  punctuality,  or 
copiousness.  I  will  however  do  the  best  I  can. 

4  Will  it  not  be  a  necessary  preliminary  to  agree  upon  a  cypher  ? 
One  has  been  devised  for  me,  which,  though  simple  in  execution,  is  te 
dious  in  preparation.  1  may  shortly  forward  it. 

*  In  the  mean  time,  let  us  settle  some  appellations  for  certain  official 
characters.     I  will  call. 

The  President,  Scavola.  REPRESENTATIVES. 

The  Vice.  President,  Brutus.  James  Madison,  Tarquin. 
Secretary  of  State,  Scipio.  Ames,  Valerius. 

Secretary  at  War,  Sempronius.  Abraham  Baldwin,  Hampden. 

Sec'y  of  the  Treasury,  Paulus.  John  Lawrence,  Solon. 
Attorney  General,  Lysander  Mercer,   Tacitus. 

Murray,  Livy. 

SENATORS.  Thomas  Fitsimmons,  Cicero. 

Robert  Morris,  Cato.  Egbert  Benson,  Cromwell. 

Oliver  Ellsworth,  Virginius.  Jeremiah  Wadsworth,  Titius. 

Rufus  King,  Leonidas.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  Quintus. 
George  Cabot,  Portius.  Giles,  Chronus 

Aaron  Burr,  Savius. 
Richard  Henry  Lee,  Marcus. 

Monroe,   Sydney. 
Ralph  Izard,  Themistocles. 

*  You  see  that  I  have  avoided  characteristic  names.    In  my  next 

VOL.  i.         32 


374  LIFE    OF 

'  June  4th. — Dine  at  Dumouriez's  (Minister  of^JForeign 
Affairs.)  The  society  is  noisy  and  in  bad  style.  After  din 
ner,  I  converse  with  M.  Bonne-Carrere,  and  give  him  reasons 
why  they  should  repeal  the  decrees  respecting  our  commerce. 
He  says  he  is  fully  in  opinion  with  me,  but  nothing  can  be 
done  till  they  have  brought  the  Assembly  into  greater  consis 
tence.  I  observe  that  Dumouriez  is  anxious  to  converse. 
Give  him  the  opportunity,  and  begin  by  delivering  the  letter 
from  the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the  King,  on  his  ac 
ceptance  of  the  Constitution.  He  says,  that  he  cannot  attend 
to  the  affairs  of  the  United  States,  until  after  his  return  from 
the  frontiers.  He  s'ays  the  King  of  Prussia  will  not  act  against 
France ;  that  he  is  quite  easy  on  that  head  ;  that,  if  the  ne 
gotiators  in  England  have  made  any  considerable  offers  since 
he  came  into  the  Administration,  ft  is  without  authority.  He 
is  against  all  treaties,  other  than  those  of  commerce.  He 
thinks  there  is  no  danger  to  the  Constitution  at  present,  that 
it  will  triumph  over  every  obstacle,  and  must  amend  itself.  I 
think  he  cannot  believe  one  half  he  says. 

'  June  llth. — M.  Monciel  calls  and  tells  me,  that  the  La- 
meth  party  have  pressed  him  hard  to  accept  the  place  of 
Minister  of  the  Interior.*  I  advise  him  to  take  nothing  but  the 
office  of  Foreign  Affairs.  He  quits  me  with  that  intention,  but 


you  shall  have  a  sketch  of  the  general  state  of  the  country,  its  politics 
and  parties.  I  thank  you  for  your  calculations,  as  I  will  for  every 
suggestion  you  shall  make.  I  shall  seldom  fail  to  get  either  a  new 
idea,  or  a  new  application  of  an  old  one.  I  shall  endeavor  to  put  in 
train,  by  this  opportunity,  the  papers  you  advise  to  be  sent  to  the 
Russian  Ambassador.  If  jour  courage  is  not  put  to  the  test,  by  being 
put  to  wear  what  you  have  won,  it  will  not  be  my  fault.  Do  you  know 
enough  of  the  catechism  in  the  vulgar  tongue  to  fulfil  what  you  have 
lately  undertaken  ?  Yours  sincerely, 

'ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

*  Monciel  became  Minister  of  the  Interior  on  the  eigteenth  of  June, 
but  he  went  out  with  the  rest  of  the  Ministers  on  the  ninth  of  July, 
having  held  the  place  only  twenty  days. 


GOUVEKNEUR    MORRIS.  375 

says  they  have  offered  him  the  Interior,  as  a  step  towards  the 
other  office. 

*  June  IQth. — Bremond  tells  me,  that  Monciel  will  call  on 
me  early  tomorrow.  He  has  had  a  long  conversation  with 
the  King,  and  is  well  pleased  with  him.  There  is  to  be  a 
sort  of  riot  tomorrow  about  fixing  a  Maypole  before  the 
Chateau.' 

'  June  20th. — There  is  a  great  movement  in  Paris,  and  the 
guard  is  paraded.  I  dine  with  the  Baron  de  Blome.  After 
dinner  we  learn,  that  the  deputation  of  the  Fanxbourgs  has 
forced  the  unresisting  guard,  filled  the  Chateau,  and  grossly 
insulted  the  King  and  Queen.  His  Majesty  has  put  on  the 
Bonnet  rouge,  but  he  persists  in  refusing  to  sanction  the  de 
crees.  The  Constitution  has  this  day,  I  think,  given  its  last 
groan. 

'  June  25th. — The  King  has  received  an  offer  of  assistance 
from  Picardy.  Bremont  comes  and  writes  under  my  dicta 
tion  a  plan  to  be  submitted  by  the  King  to  the  Assembly. 

t  June  2Sth — This  morning  M.  de  Monciel  calls  on  me  be 
fore  I  am  up,  and  tells  me  that  M.  de  Lafayette  is  arrived, 
and  is  to  go  this  morning  to  the  Assembly.  The  King,  on  re 
ceiving  the  project  prepared  for  him,  said  it  would  be  very 
good,  if  they  could  count  on  the  Gardes  Rationales.  1  tell 
him,  that  Lafayette's  visit  can  produce  nothing,  and  therefore 
he  must  exert  himself  to  bring  forward  the  Picards.  He  thinks 
Lafayette  may  be  rendered  instrumental  to  the  sortie  of  the 
King  from  Paris,  and  he  counts  on  the  Swiss.  This  latter 
part  of  the  plan  is  the  most  reasonable.  Dress  and  go  to 
Court,  but  find  that  the  Corps  Diplomatique  is  postponed  till 
tomorrow. 

'  June  29tk. — I  go  to  Court.  Madame  Elizabeth  and  the 
Queen  remark  to  me,  that  I  came  yesterday.  I  tell  the  latter, 
that  it  was  the  fault  of  the  post,  for  so  Sequeville  told  me,  and 
the  remark  seerns  directed  against  him  and  Lalive.  Lafayette 
speaks  tome  at  Court  in  the  tone  of  ancient  familiarity.  I  tell 
him  that  I  should  be  glad  to  see  him  for  a  few  minutes.  He 


376  LIFE    OF 

says  that  he  is  going  out  of  town  this  evening,  but  gives  me 
rendezvous  at  Monsieur  de  Montmorin's.  I  observe  to  him 
that  he  must  soon  return  to  his  army,  or  go  to  Orleans  ;  and 
that  he  must  determine  to  fight  for  a  good  Constitution,  or  for 
that  wretched  piece  of  paper,  which  bears  the  name ;  that  in 
six  weeks  it  will  be  too  late.  He  asks  what  I  mean  by  a  good 
Constitution,  whether  it  is  an  aristocratic  one.  I  tell  him, 
yes ;  and  that,  I  presume,  he  has  lived  long  enough  in  the 
present  style  to  see,  that  a  popular  government  is  good  for 
nothing  in  France.  He  says  that  he  wishes  for  the  American 
Constitution,  but  a  hereditary  Executive.  I  reply  that,  in  such 
case,  the  monarch  will  be  too  strong,  and  must  be  checked  by 
a  hereditary  Senate.  He  says  it  goes  hard  with  him  to  give 
up  that  point.  Here  ends  our  colloquy. 

'  July  2d. — Monciel  and  Bremond  call  on  me.  The  King 
has  neither  plans,  money,  nor  means.  The  Lameth  faction 
are  all  as  naked  as  he.  Monciel  says,  that  he  is  afraid  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Constitutionalists.  The  French, 
says  Monciel,  are,  I  am  afraid,  too  rotten  for  a  free  govern 
ment.  I  tell  him  that  the  experiment  may,  nevertheless,  be 
tried,  and  despotism  still  remains  as  a  last  resort. 

'July  1th. — The  different  parts  of  the  Assembly  are  united, 
and  all  is  love  and  kindness.  This  arises  from  fear  among 
the  republicans.  The  King  has  been  to  the  Assembly,  which 
I  disapprove. 

*  July  Sth. — Bremond  calls  and  tells  me,  that  Monciel  in 
tends  to  resign.  He  opposed  in  Council  what  was  done  yes 
terday,  and  spoke  privately  both  to  the  King  and  Queen,  but 
without  effect.  Go  to  Court.  Her  Majesty  is  in  good  spirits, 
and  very  affable.  I  am  not  pleased,  however,  with  her  con 
duct. 

'  July  9th. — Spend  the  evening  at  Madame  d'Albani's. 
The  Venetian  Ambassador,  who  had  expressed  great  hopes 
and  expectations  yesterday,  from  the  reconciliation  scene,  is 
quite  done  over  to  day.  Brissot  has  pronounced  a  fiery  dis 
course  against  the  King. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  377 

*  July  llth. — Bremond  comes  this  morning  and  lells  me, 
that  their  Majesties  flashed  in  the  pan  yesterday  morning, 
which  occasioned  the  resignation  of  the  Ministry.  This  I  sus 
pected.  He  says  they  have  reproached  Monciel,  who  retort 
ed  smartly.  On  the  ground  of  these  reproaches,  we  prepare 
heads  of  a  discourse  for  Monciel,  in  the  view,  if  their  Majes 
ties  come  round,  to  strike  a  still  more  important  stroke.  I 
think  there  is  a  want  of  mettle,  which  will  ever  prevent  them 
from  being  truly  royal. 

1  July  12th. — Bremond  has  seen  Pellin,  who  blames  Mon 
ciel  for  precipitation,  and  says  that  things  may  yet  be  arranged. 
Monciel  is  to  have  an  interview  with  the  King  and  Queen 
this  morning.  I  go  to  Court.  The  countenances  of  their 
Majesties  are  a  little  down. 

'July  llth. — Monsieur  and  Madame  de  Montmorin  and 
Madame  de  Beaumont,  Lord  Gower  and  Lady  Sutherland, 
and  Mr  Huskisson,  secretary  to  Lord  Gower,  the  Venetian 
Ambassador,  and  Spanish  Charge  d'Affaires,  dine  with  me.  In 
the  evening,  Monsieur  de  Montmorin  takes  me  into  the  garden 
to  communicate  the  situation  of  things  and  ask  my  opinion.  I 
tell  him,  that  I  think  the  King  should  quit  Paris.  He  thinks 
otherwise,  and  fosters  a  thousand  empty  hopes  and  vain  ex 
pectations.* 


*  On  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  July,  Mr  Morris  received  a  mes 
sage  from  Paul  Jones,  that  he  was  very  ill,  and  desired  to  see  him.  Mr 
Morris  called  immediately,  and  found  him  dying.  He  was  in  full  pos 
session  of  his  faculties,  however,  and  at  his  request  Mr  Morris  drew 
his  will,  which  was  certified  in  a  regular  form  by  a  notary.  He  went 
afterwards  for  the  Queen's  physician,  Vic  d'Azyr,  and  returned  with 
him,  but  when  they  arrived,  Jones  was  dead. 

Some  persons  wished  to  have  a  pompous  funeral,  which  Mr  Morris 
declined,  as  involving  a  large  and  unnecessary  expense,  which  he  had 
no  right  to  contract  for  such  a  purpose.  He  was  censured  in  his  own 
country,  it  seems,  for  what  was  considered  nn  undue  apathy  on  this 
occasion.  Writing  to  Robert  Morris  some  time  afterwards,  he  said, 
*  It  is  somewhat  singular,  that  he,  who  detested  the  French  revolu- 
32* 


378  LIFE    OF 

1  July  20th. — This  morning  Bremond  calls  and  tells  me. 
that  in  consequence  of  the  memoire,  which  he  made  up  from 
my  hints,  and  which  Monciel  presented  to  the  King,  a  conver 
sation  had  taken  place  between,  M.  de  Montmorin,  and  M.  de 
Bertrand.  He  gives  me  the  heads  of  the  manifesto,  which  is 
to  appear,  and  desires  to  know  what  step  the  King  should  take 
in  consequence  of  it.  He  informs  me  that  Mallet-Dupan  is 
sent  by  M.  Bertrand  to  be  secretary  to  the  Duke  of  Bruns 
wick. 

1  July  24th. — Monciel  brings  me  the  King's  money,  at  his 
Majesty's  request,  who  tells  him  at  the  same  time,  that  I  have 
always  given  him  good  advice,  and  he  has  the  greatest  confi 
dence  in  me.  We  consider  what  is  to  be  done  in  the  case  of 
a  suspension.  Monciel  and  I  go  after  dinner  to  Bertrand's, 
and  bring  him  a  good  deal  into  our  views. 

'  July  25th. — At  a  little  after  two  M.  Monciel  and  M.  Ber 
trand  come.  I  read  the  memoires  written  for  the  King,  at  the 
time  of  his  acceptance  of  the  Constitution.  We  dine,  and  after 
dinner  read  the  plan  of  a  Constitution.  Then  discuss  the  steps 
which  the  King  is  to  to  take.  M.  Bertrand  is  a  stickler  for 
the  ancien  regime,  but  we  drive  him  a  little  out  of  his 
opinion,  which  he  will,  1  think,  come  back  to  again.  He  is  to 


tion,  and  all  those  concerned  in  it,  should  have  been  followed  to 
the  grave  by  a  deputation  from  the  National  Assembly,  and  that  I 
should  read  in  your  gazettes  something  like  a  severe  reflection  on 
me,  for  not  paying  him  due  respect;  I,  who,  during  his  life,  had 
rendered  him  all  possible  service,  and  possessed  his  confidence  to  the 
last,  so  that  he  wished  to  name  me  with  you  for  executor/ 

Mr  Morris  had  met  Paul  Jones  at  Amsterdam,  where  he  had  pro 
jects  of  some  sort  in  reference  to  Sweden,  and  Mr  Morris  wrote  at 
the  time,  '  we  adjust  the  means  by  which  he  is  to  get  a  direct  offer 
from  the  Swedish  Ambassador  or  Minister  here.  They  have  made  a 
kind  of  indirect  application  through  Kosciuszko.'  He  next  had  a  plan 
for  going  round  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  Not  long  afterward?,  he 
went  over  to  England,  and  engaged  in  a  speculation  with  Dr  Ban 
croft  for  supplying  the  wool  dyers  with  quercitron  bark. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  379 

prepare  tomorrow  the  form  of  a  letter  to  accompany  the  mani 
fest.  Monciel  is  to  be  with  him,  which  is  right. 

1  July  26th. — Monciel  informs  me3  that  Berlrand  has  begun 
his  work  by  mentioning  the  cahiers,  which  is  idle  enough.  He 
is  to  see  the  King  at  eleven,  and  give  him  the  result  of  the 
measures,  which  I  have  proposed,  and  which  we  have  dis 
cussed. 

1  July  Qlth. — Bremond  and  Monciel  call.  We  work  all  the 
morning  to  prepare  some  memoires  for  the  King. 

1  July  2Qth. — Bremond  comes  this  morning,  and  after  him 
Monciel,  who  stay  till  three  o'clock.  We  finish  the  form  of  a 
letter  from  the  King  to  the  Assembly. 

*  July  20th. — Monciel  calls  to  tell  me  he  has  delivered 
to  the  King  the  letter,  and  one  from  M.  Bert  rand,  on  which 
he  has  communicated  his  observations. — In  the  evening  I  go 
to  Madame  d'Albani's,  where  I  find  them  all  terrified  at  a 
riot,  in  which  the  Marseillois  have  killed  one  or  two  of  the 
Gardes  Rationales.  There  is  much  stir  in  Paris. 

1  August  2d. — M.  de  Monciel  says  they  are  trying  to  send 
him  to  Orleans.  We  agree  on  the  conversion  of  the  King's 
paper  into  specie. 

'  August  4th. — Bremond  brings  me  this  morning  5000 
louis  d'ors,  which  he  has  purchased.  He  is  to  have  the  cor 
respondence  of  the  Jacobins  for  1000. — Monciel  calls,  and  we 
complete  a  letter  to  be  written  by  the  King  to  the  President 
of  the  section  of  the  Fauxbourg  St  Marceau,  about  the  river 
Bievre,  which  will,  it  is  supposed,  give  his  Majesty  that  Faux 
bourg.  Monciel  says  the  King  and  Queen  are  much  distress 
ed  and  in  great  apprehension. — I  call  at  M.  de  Montmorin's, 
where  I  find  a  family  in  deep  distress.  At  my  return  home, 
I  find  Lady  Sutherland  at  my  door.  She  comes  to  obtain  an 
interview  between  me  and  the  Chevalier  de  Coigny.  I  tell 
her  that  I  will  be  at  home,  if  he  will  call  on  me  tomorrow.  He 
wishes  to  give  my  ideas  directly  to  the  Queen,  without  pass 
ing  through  the  medium  of  Monsieur  de  Montmorin.  They 
expect  all  to  be^  murdered  this  evening  at  the  Chateau. 


380  LIFE    OF 

'  August  6th. — Go  to  Court  this  morning.  Nothing  remark 
able,  only  that  they  were  up  all  night  expecting  to  be  mur 
dered. 

i  August  1th. — This  morning  M .  de  Monciel  calls,  and  the 
Chevalier  de  Coigny,  with  whom  I  have  a  long  conversation 
on  the  state  of  affairs.  Monciel  tells  me  that  the  King  would 
not  listen  to  the  entrusting  of  his  secret  to  St  Croix.  We  di 
gest  a  petition  for  the  Marseillois,  calculated  to  make  the  King 
declare  himself.  Monsieur  de  Coigny  is  to  push  the  same 
point  with  the  Queen. 

1  August  Slh. — M.  de  Monciel  calls  and  tells  me  that  things 
are  going  on  well.  The  King  seems  to  hold  the  proper  opin 
ions  also,  which  is  a  desirable  thing. 

'August  9th. — This  morning  M.  de  Monciel  brings  me 
some  money.  I  dress  and  go  to  Court. 

'August  Wth. — This  morning  M.  de  Monciel  calls.  His 
report  is  tranquillizing ;  but  shortly  after  he  leaves  me,  the  can 
non  begin,  and  musketry  mingled  with  them  announce  a  warm 
day.  The  Chateau,  undefended  but  by  the  Swiss,  is  carried, 
and  the  Swiss,  wherever  found,  are  murdered.  The  King 
and  Queen  are  in  the  National  Assembly,  who  have  decreed 
the  suspension  of  his  authority.' 

Except  what  is  contained  in  the  above  hints,  little  is  known 
of  the  scheme  concerted  between  Mr  Morris,  M.  de  Monciel, 
Bremond,  and  others,  for  the  removal  of  the  King  and  the 
Royal  Family  from  Paris.  I  find  a  press  copy  of  a  letter,  in 
Mr  Morris's  hand  writing,  without  address,  date,  or  signature., 
which  relates  to  this  subject,  and  affords  some  further  elucida 
tions.  He  first  gives  an  account  of  the  discourse  and  memoir 
he  had  written  for  the  King,  respecting  the  Constitution,  as 
heretofore  noticed,  and  then  proceeds  in  substance  as  follows. 

His  Majesty  had  conceived  similar  ideas  to  those  contained 
in  the  project  of  a  discourse,  and  unfolded  more  at  large  in 
the  memoir  accompanying  it.  He  abandoned  them  with  re 
gret.  Besides,  he  saw  in  the  conduct  of  M.  de  Montmorin  a 
finesse,  which  weakened  his  confidence  in  that  Minister.  At 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS,  381 

the  same  time,  the  appalling  situation  of  the  King  made  it 
necessary  to  receive  the  services  of  persons,  who  were  hardly 
known  to  him.  Among  those,  whom  circumstances  had 
brought  into  the  Ministry,  was  M.  Terrier  de  Monciel,  a  man 
known  by  Mr  Morris  to  be  faithful  to  the  King,  although  his 
connexions  were  such  as  might  justly  render  him  suspected. 
Mr  Morris  believed  it  to  be  his  duty,  therefore,  to  assure  his 
Majesty,  that  he  might  confide  in  M.  Monciel.  The  conse 
quence  was,  that  the  King  charged  him  with  a  very  important 
affair,  namely,  to  devise  the  means  of  rescuing  him  from  his 
perilous  situation. 

For  this  purpose  Monciel  held  frequent  consultations  with 
Mr  Morris,  and  after  considering  the  various  means,  which 
presented  themselves,  it  was  agreed  that  the  only  effectual 
course  to  be  pursued  was  the  removal  of  the  Royal  Family  from 
Paris.  The  project  for  this  enterprise  was  so  well  concerted, 
and  the  measures  so  discreetly  taken,  that  it  was  hardly  possi 
ble  for  it  to  fail.  Just  at  that  juncture  it  was  renounced  by 
the  King,  even  on  the  very  morning  fixed  for  his  departure, 
and  when  the  Swiss  guards  were  on  their  way  to  cover  his  es 
cape.  His  Ministers,  finding  themselves  seriously  compromit- 
ted,  gave  in  their  resignations.  The  moment  was  the  more 
critical  for  the  King,  as  he  already  possessed  proofs,  that  a 
conspiracy  was  forming  against  his  person.  One  resource  on 
ly  remained,  which  was  to  get  the  victory  in  the  combat  about 
to  be  raised  by  the  conspirators,  as  soon  as  they  should  find 
themselves  in  force. 

M.  de  Monciel,  having  had  an  explication  with  the  King  and 
Queen,  consented  to  serve  them  as  before,  notwithstanding 
he  had  retired  from  the  Ministry.  The  plan  was  to  collect,  as 
soon  as  possible,  a  kind  of  royal  army,  an  affair  of  extreme  de 
licacy,  which  would  inevitably  endanger  those  engaged  in  it,  if 
the  enemies  of  the  King  should  get  the  upper  hand.  M.  de 
Monciel  associated  himself  in  this  work  to  M.  Bremond,  a 
man  of  courage,  zeal,  and  fidelity,  but  passionate,  talkative, 
and  imprudent.  This  last  quality  was  almost  essential,  since 


382  LIFE    OF 

the  situation  of  the  Royal  Family  was  such,  as  to  keep  at  a  dis 
tance  all  those,  who  were  removed  by  the  dictates  of  pru 
dence,  and  whose  zeal  could  be  cooled  by  the  prospect  of  a 
hazardous  undertaking. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  month  of  July,  the  King  sent  his 
thanks  to  Mr  Morris  for  the  counsels  he  had  rendered,  testi 
fying  his  regret  that  they  had  not  been  followed.  In  short,  he 
desired  Mr  Morris  to  continue  the  aid  of  his  advice  in  what 
was  doing,  and  to  become  the  depositary  of  his  papers  and 
his  money.  Mr  Morris  answered,  that  his  Majesty  might  al 
ways  count  on  his  efforts ;  that  the  Royal  House  of  France 
did  not  appear  to  him  more  sure  than  the  palace  of  the  Tuil- 
eries,  since  the  King  had  long  been  exposed  to  the  hatred  of 
conspirators  ;  that  neither  the  King's  papers  nor  money  would 
be  secure  in  his  posession ;  but,  as  to  this  latter,  he  would 
not  object  to  receive  it,  and  hold  the  same  at  the  disposal  of 
the  King,  it  being  understood,  that,  in  any  event,  no  right  of 
property  on  his  part  would  attach  to  the  money  thus  depos 
ited.  Hereupon  the  King  sent  to  him,  by  the  hands  of  M. 
de  Monciel,  five  hundred  and  forty  seven  thousand  and  five 
livres.  It  was  expected,  that  a  large  portion  of  this  sum  would 
be  distributed  among  the  persons,  who  were  concerned  in  ex 
ecuting  the  project  for  removing  the  King  from  Paris,  and  it 
was  in  train  for  this  destination  by  the  orders  of  the  King,  on 
the  second  of  August.  To  conceal  the  design  as  much 
as  possible,  it  was  the  intention  to  employ  the  Marseil- 
loisr  and  other  agents  of  the  conspirators,  and  that  no  room 
might  be  left  for  deception  and  perfidy,  the  payments  were  to 
be  delayed  till  the  services  were  rendered. 

The  events  of  the  tenth  of  August  put  an  end  to  the  whole 
affair.  On  that  day  M.  de  Monciel  and  his  family,  with  ma 
ny  other-persons,  took  refuge  in  Mr  Morris's  house,  and  ere 
long  Monciel  was  obliged  to  conceal  himself.  Bremond  was 
in  the  same  condition.  Madame  de  Monciel  was  charged 
with  making  arrangements  for  saving  the  persons,  who  had 
been  compromitted,  and  some  of  whom,  from  their  opera- 


GOITVERNEUR    MORRIS.  383 

tions,  were  strongly  suspected.  D'Angremont  was  seized,  and 
condemned,  but  he  had  the  courage  to  keep  silence.  The 
force  of  money  procured  the  means  of  saving  the  rest,  some 
by  escape,  others  by  concealment.  Monciel  went  to  London.* 
The  whole  amount  of  money,  deposited  with  Mr  Morris  in 
the  King's  name,  was  about  seven  hundred  and  forty  eight 
thousand  livres.  Out  of  this,  Bremond  took  five  thousand 
louis  d'ors,  in  a  way  not  very  satisfactory  to  the  other  par 
ties,  but  to  which  they  could  not  object  without  the  risk  of  an 
exposure.  Other  large  sums  were  withdrawn  by  Monciel  for 
purposes  above  specified.  The  remainder  was  remitted  to 
London,  where  advances  were  made  to  Monciel,  till  at  last 
there  was  left  in  the  hands  of  Mr  Morris  only  the  amount  of 


*  An  American  gentleman,  who  was  in  Paris  at  that  time,  has  pub 
lished  the  following  anecdote. 

'On  the  ever  memorable  tenth  of  August,  after  viewing  the  destruc 
tion  of  the  royal  Swiss  Guards,  and  the  dispersion  of  the  Paris  militia, 
by  a  band  of  foreign  and  native  incendiaries,  the  writer  thought  it  his 
duty  to  visit  the  Minister,  who  had  not  been  out  of  his  hotel  since  the 
insurrection  began,  and,  as  was  to  be  expected,  would  be  anxious  to 
learn  what  was  passing  without  doors.  He  was  surrounded  by  the  old 
Count  d'Estaing,  and  about  a  dozen  other  persons  of  distinction,  of  dif 
ferent  sexes,  who  had,  from  their  connexion  with  the  United  States,  been 
his  most  intimate  acquaintances  at  Paris,  and  who  had  then  taken  refuge 
with  him,  for  protection  from  the  blood-hounds,  which,  in  the  forms 
of  men  and.  women,  were  prowling  in  the  streets  at  the  time.  All  was 
silence  here,  except  that  silence  was  occasionally  interrupted  by  the 
crying  of  the  women  and  children.  As  I  retired,  the  Minister  took  me 
aside,  and  observed,  "  I  have  no  doubt,  Sir,  but  there  are  persons  on  the 
watch,  who  would  find  fault  with  my  conduct  as  Minister,  in  receiving 
and  protecting  these  people,  but  I  call  on  you  to  witness  the  declara 
tion,  which  I  now  make,  and  that  is,  that  they  were  not  invited  to  my 
house,  but  came  of  their  own  accord  ;  whether  my  house  will  be  a  pro 
tection  to  them,  or  to  me,  God  only  knows,  but  I  will  not  turn  them 
out  of  it,  let  what  will  happen  to  me"  ;  to  which  he  added,  "  you  see,  Sir, 
they  are  all  persons  to  whom  our  country  is  more  or  less  indebted,  and 
it  would  be  inhuman  to  force  them  into  the  hands  of  the  assassins, 
had  they  no  such  claim  upon  me."  ' 


384  LIFE    OF 

six  thousand  seven  hundred  livres,  equal  to  one  hundred  and 
sixty  eight  pounds  sterling,  after  making  a  proper  allowance 
for  the  depreciation  of  Assignats. 

As  before  stated,  there  is  no  certain  means  of  ascertaining 
the  date  of  the  letter,  from  which  the  preceding  narrative  is 
drawn,  nor  the  person  for  whom  it  was  designed,  but  circum 
stances  favor  the  idea,  that  it  was  written  at  Vienna  in  De 
cember,  1796,  and  directed  to  the  daughter  of  Louis  Six 
teenth,  the  present  Dutchcss  d'Angoulerne,  who  was  then  at 
the  Austrian  Court.  He  calls  the  person,  to  whom  he  writes, 
1  Son  Mtesse  Royale,'  and  (  Princesse;'  and,  speaking  of  him 
self,  in  the  third  person,  he  says  ;  '  For  this  reason  he  has  come 
to  Vienna,  having  no  other  object  than  to  communicate  the 
facts  herein  mentioned,'  that  is,  the  facts  relating  to  the  money. 
In  the  same  letter  is  folded  a  press  copy  of  an  account  current, 
exhibiting  in  detail  the  amounts  received  and  paid  out,  and 
showing  the  balance  in  fuvor  of  the  King.  This  balance,  of 
one  hundred  and  forty  seven  pounds  sterling,  he  adds,  '  Mr 
Morris  will  have  the  honor  to  pay  to  any  person,  whom  her 
Royal  Highness  shall  designate.'  He  also  enjoins  profound 
secrecy. 

Bertrand  de  Molleville,  in  his  Annals  of  the  French  Revolu 
tion,  tells  of  another  plot  to  rescue  the  King,  of  which  he  was 
at  the  head,  and  which,  by  his  account,  was  in  operation  at 
the  same  time  with  this  of  M.  de  Monciel,  and  the  King 
was  giving  encouragement  to  both  of  them,  without' letting  the 
leaders  of  either  know  the  existence  of  the  other.  From  Mr 
Morris's  Diary  it  appears,  that  Bertrand  was  with  him  and 
Monciel  on  several  occasions,  while  their  plan  was  in  progress, 
and  it  might  naturally  be  inferred,  that  he  was  accessory  to 
their  counsels,  but  from  Bertrand's  description  of  his  own  plot, 
and  his  surprise  at  detecting  another  at  a  very  late  hour,  this 
is  not  probable.  It  must  have  been  Monciel's  object  to 
amuse  Bertrand,  and  quell  suspicion  of  the  doings  of  himself 
and  associates.  In  this  he  succeeded.  Bertrand's  plan  was 
suspended  by  order  of  the  King,  and  its  projector  was  neither 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  385 

flattered  nor  pleased  to  discover,  that  his  Majesty  was  secret 
ly  lending  himself  to  another  project,  which  he  chose  t» 
shroud  in  mystery.  It  should  he  recollected,  however,  that, 
in  the  King's  dangerous  situation,  it  was  both  his  interest  and 
his  duty  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  best  means  offered  for 
.his  escape,  and  then  to  judge  for  himself.  The  principles  of 
honor,  as  well  as  the  dictates  of  discretion,  forbade  his  disclos 
ing  the  schemes  of  one  party  to  the  agents  of  another.  His 
fault  was  to  approve  all,  and  follow  none. 

From  the  circumstance  of  the  King's  paying  over  so  much 
money  to  promote  Monciel's  plan,  it  is  probable  he  gave 
that  the  preference,  and  had  resolved  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
He  evidently  adhered  to  it  down  to  the  very  morning  of  the 
tenth  of  August.  Bertrand  writes  as  if  he  had  got  correct 
hints  of  the  details  of  that  plan,  though  it  seems  quite  certain 
he  did  not  know  who  were  its  authors  or  abettors.  According 
to  him,  the  design  was  for  the  King  and  Royal  Family  to  take 
the  route  to  Compiegne,  where  everything  was  to  be  in  readi 
ness,  in  case  of  necessity,  to  convey  them  out  of  the  kingdom, 
by  way  of  the  forest  of  Ardennes  and  the  principality  of 
Beaumont,  This  is  not  improbable,  as  it  was  a  part  of  Mon 
ciel's  scheme,  if  occasion  required,  to  call  in  the  military  aid 
of  Lafayette,  who  was  stationed  with  his  army  in  that  quarter. 
Several  other  plans  of  escape,  besides  the  two  above  mention 
ed,  were  sent  to  the  King,  and  one  in  particular  by  Madame 
de  Stae'l,  the  accomplishment  of  which  was  to  have  been 
under  the  guidance  of  her  friend  Narbonne.* 


*  Six  years  after  the  above  events,  Mr  Morris  met  at  Francfort,  in 
Germany,  a  Mr  Crawford,  from  whose  account  it  appeared,  that  he  had 
vbeen  a  private  agent  from  the  English  government  to  procure  the 
removal  of  the  Queen  and  Dauphin.  The  following  is  from  Mr  Mor 
ris's  Diary. 

1 Francfort,  June  8th,  1798.— Mr  Crawford  says  he-  came  to  Paris  in 

December,  1791,  and  continued  there  till  April,  1792.     He  endeavored 

to  persuade  the  Queen  and  Dauphin  to  leave  France,  a  thing  which, 

he  says,  the  British  government  desired,  as.  a  means  of  saving  the 

VOL.  i.         33 


386  LIFE    OF 

Two  or  three  notes  from  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans,  written 
at  this  time  of  perilous  excitement  and  cruel  disasters,  will 
exhibit  pleasing  evidences  of  the  goodness  of  her  heart  and 
warmth  of  her  feelings. 

The  Dutchess  of  Orleans  to  Mr  Morris,,  August  %lst. — 'I 
pray  you  to  send  the  letter  accompanying  this  to  the  person, 
who  wrote  to  me  by  you.  I  feel  that  his  departure  will  increase 
the  void  of  which  he  complains,  and  I  wish  it  were  in  my  pow 
er  speedily  to  lessen  it.  No  more  agreeable  idea  ever  presents 
itself  to  my  mind,  than  that  of  the  tea-table,  where  the  admin 
istration  of  liberty  and  equality  is  so  well  established.  You  en 
courage  the  hope,  that  this  shall  soon  be  renewed.  I  am  again 
charged  with  gratitude,  with  thanks,  with  a  thousand  things, 
from  my  father.  Madame  de  Chastellux  will  write  to  you  the 
earliest  moment.  You  do  justice  to  all  my  sentiments  towards 
you ;  they  shall  be  as  unchangeable  as  they  are  sincere.' 

Mr  Morris  to  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans,  September  1th. — *  The 
letter  of  the  good  Princess  reached  me  at  the  moment,  when 
the  horrors  were  beginning.  They  have  not  yet  reached 
their  limit.  The  vengeance  of  Heaven  will,  sooner  or  later, 
strike  the  wretches,  who  have  escaped  from  human  justice ; 
and  the  God  of  peace  and  mercy,  will,  I  hope,  have  pity  on 
this  people,  pardon  them,  and  give  them  at  last  repose  and 
tranquillity.  Ah  !  Princess,  if  virtue  and  goodness  like  yours 
were  found  in  all,  the  exterminating  angel  would  very  soon 
sheath  his  sword.  I  pray  you  to  present  my  homage  to  Mon- 
seigneur,  your  father,  and  to  believe  always  in  the  sentiments 
of  respect  and  affection  which  animate  me.' 

Dutchess  of  Orleans  to  Mr  Morris,  September  IQth. — ;  Your 


King,  and  even  the  monarchy.  Crawford  saw  the  royal  consorts  two 
or  three  times  a  week  regularly  ;  and  the  plan  of  the  flight  was  arrang 
ed.  But  the  Queen  changed  her  mind,  as  usual,  and  declared  that 
ehe  would  never  separate  her  fortunes  from  those  of  the  King.  This 
determination  so  often  resumed,  or  rather,  as  I  think,  instilled,  proved 
her  ruin.1 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  387 

attentions  touch  me  deeply.  You  share,  I  am  persuaded, 
my  father's  grief  and  mine,  and  conceive  in  what  affliction 
we  are  plunged.  All  the  circumstances  of  this  death  are 
heart-rending ;  we  are  overwhelmed  by  it.  To  my  affliction 
is  added  my  maternal  anxiety,  which  increases  every  day. 
My  children  were  well  on  the  sixth.  They  were  at  Toul. 
But  how  many  events  may  have  taken  place  since  that  time ! 
Alas  !  We  know  but  too  well  how  many  may  happen  in  a 
very  brief  space.  My  father  is  always  grateful  for  your  re 
membrance.  He  charges  me  to  thank  you  sincerely,  and  to 
speak  well  of  him  to  you.  Our  good  Mr  Morris  knows  the 
value  I  attach  to  his  friendship,  and  merits  the  sentiments, 
which  I  have  devoted  to  him  forever.' 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

NEGOTIATION  FOR  PAYING  A  PART  OF  THE  FRENCH  DEBT. DOUBTS  RAIS 
ED  IN  THIS  RESPECT  BY  THE  CHANGE  OF  GOVERNMENT. DIFFER 
ENCES  WITH  THE  FRENCH  MINISTERS. MR  MORRIS  DEMANDS  HIS 

PASSPORT,  AND    THREATENS   TO   LEAVE    PARIS. CAPTURE    OF  LAFAY 
ETTE. VIEWS  OF  THE  AMERICAN  MINISTERS  AT  LONDON,   PARIS,  AND 

THE  HAGUE,  AS  TO  THEIR  AUTHORITY   TO    DEMAND    HIS  RELEASE. 

IMPRISONMENT  OF  MADAME  DE  LAFAYETTE  IN  PARIS. — DISAGREEABLE 

SITUATION  OF  MR  MORRIS,  AS  MINISTER  IN  PARIS. RETIRES  INTO  THE 

COUNTRY. HIS    VARIOUS    OFFICIAL    ACTS    AND    DUTIES. IMPRISON 
MENT   OF   THOMAS    PAINE    AT  THE    LUXEMBOURG,   AND   MR  MOR- 

RIS'S    ATTEMPT    TO    PROCURE    HIS    RELEASE. MR    MORRIS'S    RECALL. 

ONE  of  Mr  Morris's  first  official  transactions  with  the  French 
ministry,  was  an  arrangement  respecting  the  liquidation  of  a 
portion  of  the  debt  due  from  the  United  States  to  France. 
This  debt  had  been  contracted  during  the  American  revolution, 
the  original  amount  being  thirty-four  millions  of  livres.  The 
interest  and  a  part  of  the  principal  had  already  been  paid.  In 
the  year  1790,  Congress  authorized  the  President  to  borrow 
a  sum  or  sums  not  exceeding  fourteen  millions  of  dollars,  to  be 


LIFE    OF 

appropriated  towards  the  payment  of  the  public  debt.  The 
business  of  contracting  for  the  loans,  thus  authorized  by  Con 
gress,  was  entrusted  by  the  President  to  Mr  Short,  then  Charge 
des  Affaires  from  the  United  States  to  France,  and  he  received 
instructions  accordingly  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
repair  to  Holland,  and  contract  for  loans  on  the  best  terms  that 
should  offer,  within  certain  limits  prescribed  by  the  Secretary. 
The  disposal  of  this  money  after  it  was  borrowed,  and  while 
in  the  bankers'  hands,  as  well  as  all  arrangements  with  the 
French  government  concerning  the  debt,  was  also  committed 
to  Mr  Short. 

When  Mr  Morris  presented  his  credentials  to  the  King,  as 
minister  from  the  United  States,  Mr  Short  had  already  made 
considerable  progress  in  negotiating  loans,  and  there  was  at 
that  time  a  large  sum  of  money  belonging  to  the  United  States 
in  the  hands  of  their  bankers  at  Amsterdam.  As  the  interest 
on  this  money  was  lost,  while  thus  lying  useless,  both  Mr  Short 
and  Mr  Morris  thought  it  advisable,  that  some  provision  should 
be  made  for  paying  it  over  to  the  French  government,  on  ac 
count  of  the  American  debt.  Mr  Short  had  received  his  cre 
dentials  and  instructions  as  Minister  Resident  in  Holland,  and 
was  obliged  to  depart  speedily  for  the  Hague.  The  question 
then  arose,  as  to  the  person  duly  empowered  to  manage  the 
affairs  of  the  American  debt.  Mr  Morris's  instructions  con 
tained  nothing  whatever  on  that  head,  whence  he  inferred,  that 
the  President  intended  the  business  to  remain  in  the  hands  of 
Mr  Short.  On  the  contrary,  Mr  Short  considered  his  agency 
at  an  end,  when  the  new  Minister  was  accredited,  and  took  it 
for  granted  that  the  whole  business  devolved  on  him.  ,In  a 
concern  of  so  ranch  responsibility  and  delicacy,  however,  Mr 
Morris  declined  acting,  without  explicit  instructions  to  that  ef 
fect.  Nevertheless,  as  the  public  good  seemed  to  require  it,  he 
consented  to  negotiate  a  payment  to  the  French  ministry,  as  Mr 
Short's  agent,  the  latter  promising  to  sanction  any  arrangement 
thus  made,  and  to  order  the  money  to  be  paid  for  carrying  it 
into  execution. 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  389 

With  this  understanding  on  both  sides,  Mr  Short  went  to 
Holland,  and  Mr  Morris  concluded  an  agreement  with  the 
Commissioners  of  the  Treasury,  by  which  six  millions  of  livres 
were  to  be  paid  to  the  French  bankers  in  Holland,  towards 
the  liquidation  of  the  American  debt.  On  the  6th  of  August 
he  gave  notice  of  the  same  to  Mr  Short,  who  was  then  at  the 
Hague,  and  requested  him  to  make  a  transfer  of  that  amount 
accordingly.  By  some  accident,  the  letter  conveying  this  in 
formation  did  not  reach  Mr  Short,  till  the  16th  of  the  month, 
very  nearly  the  time  that  intelligence  arrived  of  the  revolu 
tion  of  the  tenth.  Here  was  a  new  and  unexpected  dilemma. 
The  King  was  suspended,  and  the  old  government  dissolved. 
Could  the  money  rightfully  be  paid  to  the  men,  who  had  then 
put  themselves  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  might  perhaps  be 
superseded  jn  a  week  or  a  month  by  others,  who  would  not 
acknowledge  their  authority,  nor  the  validity  of  the  payment? 
Mr  Short  thought  not,  and,  moreover,  believed,  that  he  had 
authority  only  to  pay  the  money  to  the  King,  or  to  the  govern 
ment  existing  at  the  time  he  received  his  instructions.  At  all 
events,  he  resolved  to  write  to  Mr  Morris,  and  wait  for  his 
answer,  as  he  had  not  heard  from  him  since  the  events  of  the 
tenth.  In  reply,  Mr  Morris  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  the 
change  of  government  did  not  invalidate  the  transaction,  and 
that  the  money  ought  to  be  paid. 

Mr  Short  was  surprised  at  this  decision,  so  contrary  to  his 
own  views,  and  [to  the  views  of  almost  every  person  whom 
he  consulted,  yet  having  great  confidence  in  the  judgment  of 
Mr  Morris,  and  believing  it  to  have  been  the  real  intention  of 
the  President,  that  the  Minister  in  Paris  should  have  entire 
control  in  the  affairs  of  the  debt,  although  by  some  oversight 
nothing  had  been  said  about  it  in  the  instructions,  he  resolved 
to  pay  over  the  money.  In  doing  this,  he  bethought  himself 
of  a  mode  of  obtaining  security  for  the  payment,  in  case  any 
succeeding  government  should  disavow  the  transaction.  It 
happened,  that  the  Executive  Council  in  Paris  named  as  their 
bankers  the  same  house  in  Amsterdam,  which  had  formerly 
33* 


390  LIFE  OF 

acted  in  that  capacity  for  the  King.  It  was  Mr  Short's  plan 
for  these  bankers  to  receive  the  money,  as  paid  from  the 
United  States  on  account  of  the  King  of  France,  and  for  them 
to  give  a  receipt  in  this  form.  To  this  the  bankers  objected, 
and  would  act  only  in  the  name  of  the  Executive  Council. 
At  length,  on  the  fifth  of  September,  the  money  was  paid, 
more,  as  Mr  Short  acknowledged,  in  conformity  with  Mr 
Morris's  judgment,  than  his  own. 

As  it  turned  out,  although  the  new  order  of  things  in  France 
continued,  and  there  was  afterwards  no  difficulty  about  the 
payments  of  the  debt  on  that  ground,  yet  Mr  Short's  senti 
ments  accorded  exactly  with  those  of  his  own  government  at 
the  time.  When  the  news  of  the  revolution  of  the  tenth  of 
August  reached  the  United  States,  Hamilton,  then  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  happened  to  be  absent  from  the  seat  of 
government.  He  wrote  immediately  to  Mr  Short,  directing 
him  to  suspend  all  further  payments,  adding  that  he  would  be 
responsible  for  obtaining  the  President's  confirmation  of  that 
order.  It  was  in  fact  confirmed,  for  the  Secretary  of  State, 
in  his  first  letter  to  Mr  Morris,  after  the  intelligence  of  the 
above  event  had  been  received,  and  when  it  was  known  only 
through  the  public  papers,  gave  him  the  same  instructions, 
advising  him  not  to  mention  the  fact  to  the  existing  authority, 
unless  occasion  rendered  it  necessary,  and  then  with  the 
assurance,  that  the  United  States  had  no  design  to  delay  the 
payment,  and  were  only  solicitous  to  pay  the  debt  to  such 
persons,  as  were  really  authorized  by  the  nation  to  receive  it. 

Notwithstanding  this  coincidence  of  opinions  between  Mr 
Short  and  his  own  government,  he  was  severely  censured  by 
the  ruling  powers  in  France.  M.  Maulde,  then  French 
Ambassador  at  the  Hague,  represented  Mr  Short's  conduct  in 
very  unfavorable  terms  to  the  Executive  Council,  even  affirm 
ing  that  he  refused  to  pay  the  money,  till  a  written  approba 
tion  signed  by  the  King  should  be  obtained.  This  was  an 
error,  since  Mr  Short  requested  only,  that  the  bankers  would 
receive  it  in  the  King's  name.  The  Ambassador  also  hinted, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  391 

that  Mr  Short's  intimacies  at  the  Hague  were  among  the 
Foreign  Ministers,  who  were  hostile  to  the  French  revolution. 
The  Executive  Council,  jealous  of  their  new  authority,  wrote 
to  Mr  Morris  expressing  great  indignation  at  these  reports  of 
their  Ambassador,  and  adding  their  conviction,  that  the 
American  government  would  disapprove,  in  the  most  pointed 
manner,  the  course  pursued  by  their  Minister  at  the  Hague. 
All  this,  however,  was  manifestly  unjust,  because  Mr  Short, 
from  the  nature  of  the  case,  could  have  no  other  motive  than 
that  of  doing  his  duty,  by  paying  the  money  into  proper  hands. 

Mr  Morris  had  a  concise  argument,  in  regard  to  the  validity 
of  the  payment.  The  contract  had  been  made  with  the  old 
government,  and  the  money  was  paid  to  the  only  persons 
pretending  to  represent  the  nation.  Should  the  King  be 
restored,  therefore,  no  future  claim  could  be  presented ;  and 
should  the  new  order  of  things  continue,  the  security  was 
equally  certain,  for  the  money  had  been  paid  on  that  footing. 
But  in  case  of  difficulty  on  either  side,  the  United  States  had 
the  staff  in  their  own  hands,  and  could  walk  with  it  which  way 
they  pleased.  They  owed  more  money,  and,  in  a  final 
adjustment,  could  insist  on  this  amount  being  allowed  as  a  part 
of  the  extinguished  debt. 

While  the  above  transaction  was  going  on  in  Holland,  the 
Executive  Council  labored  hard  to  push  Mr  Morris  into 
another  arrangement,  which  he  resisted.  At  this  time  the 
French  government  were  furnishing  large  supplies  of  provi 
sions  to  the  inhabitants  of  St  Domingo.  An  agreement  had 
previously  been  entered  into,  by  which  four  hundred  thousand 
dollars  of  the  American  debt  were  to  be  paid  in  the  United 
States,  and  expended  there  in  purchasing  provisions  for  that 
island.  This  was  thought  a  favorable  scheme  to  the  United 
States,  because  it  was  virtually  paying  the  amount  to  their 
own  citizens,  in  exchange  for  produce,  instead  of  sending  it  to 
Europe.  Tt  was  now  proposed  by  the  French  Ministry,  to 
extend  the  sum  thus  expended  to  four  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars  more.  Some  initiatory  steps  to  this  effect  had  already 
been  taken  with  Mr  Short. 


392  LIFE    OF 

In  opening  the  subject  to  Mr  Morris,  the  Minister  of  Marine 
first  had  an  interview  with  him,  and  afterwards  the  three  Min 
isters,  Lebrun.  Claviere,  and  Monge,  in  concert.  He  told 
them  at  once,  that  he  had  no  instructions,  and  could  not  act. 
This  they  chose  to  consider  an  evasion,  and  said  he  must  of 
course  regr.rd  his  instructions  as  adequate  to  the  fulfilment  of 
the  essential  functions  of  his  office,  and  particularly  to  the 
completion  of  such  business,  as  his  predecessor  had  commenc 
ed.  He  repeated  what  he  had  often  told  them,  that  all  money 
concerns  were  still  in  the  hands  of  Mr  Short.  He  then  ad 
ded,  that  even  if  he  were  to  make  such  an  agreement  as  they 
desired,  it  would  be  void,  as  he  had  no  instructions  to  treat 
with  the  new  government.  On  their  own  account,  therefore, 
it  was  better  for  them  to  wait  till  he  could  write,  and  obtain 
the  directions  of  his  government.  This  last  argument  was  lit 
tle  relished.  M.  Claviere,  in  particular,  ventured  some  re 
marks,  which  Mr  Morris  thought  indecorous,  and  to  which  he 
replied  with  suitable  firmness  and  spirit.  He  maintained  his 
position,  that  he  could  do  nothing  in  this  line  without  instruc 
tions.  The  meeting  broke  up  with  little  cordiality  of  feeling 
on  either  side. 

The  next  day  M.  Lebrun,  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  wrote 
to  Mr  Morris  pressing  the  same  thing  anew,  in  a  style  far 
from  courteous  or  conciliatory.  He  spoke  of  the  American 
Minister's  pretended  insufficiency  of  powers,  and  observed  that, 
upon  the  principle  of  his  having  no  instructions  to  treat  with 
the  new  French  government,  his  functions  must  have  ceased 
altogether,  and  be  then  void.  But  he  insisted  that  this  was  a 
false  view  of  the  subject,  that  the  King  was  only  suspended, 
and  that,  as  the  government  itself  was  immutable,  no  Minister 
or  Representative  could  refuse  to  treat  with  it,  unless  he  had 
express  orders  from  his  court,  or  constituents.  His  instructions 
must  necessarily  remain  in  force,  till  countermanded.  And 
above  all,  he  was  surprised  to  hear  such  an  objection  from  a 
Representative  of  the  American  Republic.  The  part  acted  by 
France,  in  establishing  the  independence  of  that  nation,  (which 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

M.  Lebrun  modestly  declared  was  her  work)  should  not  be 
forgotten,  and,  if  gratitude  slumbered,  good  will  should  be 
awake. 

In  reply,  Mr  Morris  recapitulated  the  reasons,  which  ren 
dered  it  impossible  for  him,  without  further  instructions,  to 
meddle  in  the  affairs  of  the  debt.  On  the  other  topic  he  ob 
serves  ;  e  As  to  the  supension  of  the  King,  Sir,  you  must  sure 
ly  agree  with  me,  that  a  Minister  has  no  right  to  express  any 
opinion  whatever,  without  the  previous  order  of  his  nation. 
And  when  I  spoke  of  it  to  you,  I  was  not  disposed  to  give 
my  opinion  ;  nor,  at  your  solicitation,  did  I  express  anything 
farther,  than  that  you  might  perceive  that  even  if  it  were  pos 
sible  for  me  to  run  the  risk  of  committing  myself,  by  consent 
ing  to  the  pecuniary  arrangements  which  you  desired,  and 
which  were  not  confided  to  me  by  my  government,  you  would 
still  be  unable  to  claim  from  them  the  execution  of  my  en 
gagements  ;  for  though  they  might  recognise  your  authority, 
yet  they  would  consider  it  necessary  for  you  to  wait  my  new 
credentials.'  He  then  says,  that  he  had  recently  given  no 
tice  of  his  intention  to  remain  in  Paris,  but  the  style  of  the  Min 
ister's  letter  was  such,  that  he  is  now  induced  to  request  his 
passport,  with  the  view  of  going  over  to  England,  and  remain 
ing  there  till  he  should  receive  further  orders  from  the  United 
States. 

It  was  in  this  letter,  that  Mr  Morris  used  the  unluckly  di 
plomatic  phrase,  '  ma  cour,'  in  referring  to  his  own  govern 
ment,  and  which  sounded  so  harsh  in  the  ears  of  these  newly 
fledged  French  republicans,  that  they  never  forgave  him.  It 
was  treasured  up  with  exemplary  care,  and  figured  long  after 
wards  in  the  list  of  charges,  contained  in  the  memorable  let^- 
ter  of  Citizen  Genet  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  written  in  conse- 
qnence^  of  the  recall  of  that  citizen  being  demanded  from  the 
French  government. 

The  following  paragraphs  in  Mr  Morris's  Diary  would  seem 
to  imply  a  suspicion,  that  the  offensive  letter  was  dictated  by 
Brissot,  though  sent  in  the  name  of  M.  Lebrun. 


394  LIFE     OF 

'August  3\st. — Just  before  dinner,  I  receive  an  insulting 
letter  from  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  In  the  evening  the 
Bishop  d'Autun  tells  me  it  is  written  by  Brissot  ;  and  that 
their  intention  is  to  force  me  into  an  acknowledgment  of  the 
present  government.  He  urges  me  to  go  away,  because  all 
the  others  of  the  Corps  Diplomatique  go,  and  because  I  shall 
in  staying  be  exposed  to  all  the  insidious  malevolence  of  bad 
men.  He  recites  a  scene  which  passed  in  his  presence,  and 
which  is  alike  shocking  and  ridiculous.  He  tells  me  that 
there  is  a  division  already  among  the  rulers  here.  He  com 
municates  the  views  of  those,  who  in  the  natural  course  of 
things  must  become  strongest.  I  give  him  my  reasons  for 
thinking,  that  they  pursue  an  impracticable  object. 

1  September  1st. — I  employ  the  greater  part  of  this  morning 
in  making  a  reply  to  the  letter  of  M.  Lebrun  and  copying  it. 
In  the  evening,  I  read  both,  or  rather  show  them,  to  the  Bish 
op  d'Autun,  who  approves  much  of  my  answer,  and  observes 
that  the  letter  is  both  absurd  and  impertinent.  I  had  sent  for 
Swan,  and  told  him  that  his  friend,  Brissot,  instead  of  promot 
ing,  had  spoiled  his  business,  and  would  drive  me  out  of  the 
country.  He  says  that  he  laments  this  last  point  much,  as  a 
few  days  must  overset  the  present  establishment.  I  rather 
think  he  is  mistaken,  as  to  the  time  at  least.  And  there  may 
be  yet  many  overturns  before  there  is  a  settled  government'.* 


*  The  other  Foreign  Ministers  had  already  obtained  their  passports, 
but  not  without  difficulty  and  vexation. 

'August  2lst. — Visit  Lady  Sutherland  to  take  leave.  They  cannot 
get  as  yet  their  passports.  The  Venetian  Ambassador  has  been 
brought  back  and  very  ignominiously  treated.  Even  his  papers  examin 
ed,  as  is  said  by  him.  This  is  strong,  and  raises  in  my  mind  a  question, 
whether  I  ought  not  to  show  resentment  by  leaving  the  country.  I 
have  company  at  dinner,  and  in  the  evening  I  go  to  sup  with  Lady 
Sutherland.  They  cannot  get  passports.  He  is  in  a  tearing  passion. 
He  has  burnt  his  papers,  which  I  will  not  do.  They  give  me  broad 
hints  that  honor  requires  of  me  to  quit  this  country. 

'August  29th.— The  Dutch  Ambassador  tells  me  that  he  has  received 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  395 

Several  days  passed  away  before  anything  further  was 
heard  from  M.  Lebrun.  At  length  an  apologetical  letter  was 
received,  in  which  he  stated  that  his  meaning  had  been  misun 
derstood,  and  explained  his  views  more  fully,  adding  that  he 
saw  no  reason  why  Mr  Morris  should  not  await  his  instructions 
in  Paris,  and  hoped  that  on  reconsideration  he  would  decide 
to  remain.  This  was  satisfactory,  and  he  concluded  to  stay, 
asking  only  for  a  passport  to  travel  in  the  interior  of  France. 

'  September  5th. — Mr  P.  informs  me,  that  the  Ministry  and 
Secret  Committee  are  in  amaze.  Verdun,  Stenai,  and  Cler- 
mont.  are  taken.  The  country  submits  and  joins  the  enemy. 
The  party  of  Robespierre  has  vowed  the  destruction  of  Bris- 
sot.  The  Bishop  d'Autun  says,  that  he  has  seen  one  of  the 
Commission  Extraordinaire,  that  is,  the  Secret  Committee, 
who  tells  him  that  there  is  the  most  imminent  danger.  I  was 
told  that  one  of  the  principal  Jacobins  had  expressed  his  fears, 
or  rather  despair,  not  so  much  on  account  of  the  enemy's 
force,  as  of  their  internal  divisions. 

1  September  7th. — The  Bishop  d'Autun  says,  that  he  hopes 
to  get  his  passport,  and  urges  me  to  rftacure  one  for  myself, 
and  quit  Paris.  He  says  that  he  is  persuaded,  that  those  who 
now  rule  mean  to  quit  Paris  and  take  off  the  King,  and  that 
their  intention  is  to  destroy  the  city  before  they  leave  it.  I 
learn  that  the  Commune  have  shut  the  barriers,  because  they 
suspect  the  Assembly  of  an  intention  to  retreat. 

1  September  8th. — The  Bishop  d'Autun  has  got  his  pass 
port.  He  does  not  think  the  Duke  of  Brunswick  will  be  able 
to  reach  Paris,  and  he  urges  me  strongly  to  leave  it.  I  have, 


his  orders,  and  shall  ask  for  his  passports  tomorrow.  In  the  evening 
a  number  of  persons  enter,  upon  an  order  to  examine  my  house  for 
arms  said  to  be  hidden  in  it.  I  tell  them  they  shall  not  examine, — 
that  theie  are  no  arms,  and  that  they  must  seize  the  informer,  that 
I  may  bring  him  to  punishment.  I  am  obliged  to  be  very  peremp 
tory,  and  at  length  get  rid  of  them.' 


396  LIFE    OF 

however,  received   from  the  Minister  an  indirect  apology  for 
his  impertinent  letter,  and  therefore  I  shall  slay. 

This  first  intercourse  with  the   new   government  promised 
but  indifferently  for  the  future.     Both  parties  had  got  out  of 
humor,  and  considering   Mr  Morris's  well  known  sentiments 
in  regard  to  the  revolution,  it  is  not  surprising,   perhaps,  that 
he  should  meet  with  no  more  cordiality  or  comity  from  the 
successive  leaders  in  the  new  government,  than   his  official 
character  demanded,  or  their  interest  in  keeping  on  good  terms 
with  the  United  States  made  it  expedient  for  them  to  show. 
Mr  Morris's  own  impressions  in  this  respect  are  discoverable  in 
a  letter  to  Mr  Short,  dated  November  14th.     'The  Ministry,' 
he  observes,  c  had  taken  up  the  idea,  that  the  management  of 
what  relates  to  the  debt  was  in  my  hands,  and  that  you  acted 
in  consequence  of  directions  from  me.     They  wished  me  to 
do  things,  which  were  by  no  means  in  my  power.     I  endeav 
ored  to  undeceive  them,  but  in  vain.     Every  step  I  took  in  re 
lation  to  it,  however  indifferent,  was  considered  as  a  proof  of 
their  hypothesis,  and  they  treated  my  refusal   as  a  disavowal 
of  the  late  revolution.     1  assured  them,  that  I   could  neither 
adopt  nor  reject  it,  being  merely  an  agent.     But  this  answer 
ed  little  purpose,  and  the  whole  Council  are  personally  my 
enemies.     You  may  say  that  they  are  unreasonable,   and  the 
like,  but  that  does  not  alter  the  thing.'     In  this  affair  of  the 
money,  Mr  Morris  must  be  allowed  to  have  met  the  rude  ap 
proaches  of  the  agents  of  the  Executive  Council  with  mode 
ration  and  consistency.     He  acted  clearly  on  the  just  princi 
ples  of  the  case,  and  from  firm  conviction  of  duty,  without  re 
gard  to  political  bias,  or  personal   feeling.     In  whatever  he 
had  to  do  with  the  government,  he  encountered  constant  annoy 
ances  even   in  trifles.     When  he  came  over  from  England, 
he  was  obliged  to  pay  duties  on  his  carriage  and  other  effects, 
at  the  custom-house  in  Calais,  a  charge  from  which  Ambassa 
dors  and  public  Ministers  are  always  exempt.     For  the  honor 
of  his  country,  he  would  not  submit  to  a  departure,  unimport 
ant  as  it  was,  from  the  usage  of  nations,   and  it  took  three 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  397 

months  of  assiduous  application  and  much   writing,  ere    he 
could  obtain  a  remission  of  the  duties. 

The  revolution  of  the  tenth  of  August  may  be  regarded, 
both  as  involving  the  overthrow  of  the  monarchy,  and  the  an 
nihilation  of  the  constitutional  party.  The  imbecility  of  the 
King,  the  intrigues  and  false  councils  of  the  Queen,  the  mad 
ness  and  folly  of  the  high  toned  monarchists,  had  gradually 
undermined  the  little  strength  originally  possessed  by  the  Con 
stitution,  and  treacherously  paved  the  way  for  the  ruin  of  its 
friends.  Lafayette  was  at  the  head  of  the  Constitutionalists  ; 
he  had  labored  in  that  cause  with  an  ardor  and  consistency 
worthy  of  his  character,  and  sustained  with  fidelity  the  true 
interests  of  the  King,  long  after  he  was  himself  deserted  by 
that  monarch,  and  denounced  by  his  infatuated  counsellors. 
He  spared  no  sacrifice  of  courage  and  influence  to  resist  the 
torrent,  which  the  feeble  measures  of  Louis  was  permitting 
daily  to  gain  force,  and  which  Lafayette  foresaw  would  speed 
ily  bear  away  the  landmarks  of  order,  uproot  the  pillars  of 
government,  and  lead  in  its  desolating  train  a  wild  and  bloody 
anarchy. 

All  his  efforts,  disinterested,  daring,  and  chivalrous  as  they 
were,  proved  unavailing.  Forsaken  by  his  timid  friends  on 
the  one  side,  and  menaced  by  his  frantic  enemies  on  the  other, 
nothing  was  left  for  him  but  to  fly  from  a  scene,  where  the 
arm  of  patriotic  virtue  was  paralysed,  and  danger  held  out  no 
hope  for  the  brave.  The  Jacobins,  resolved  on  his  destruction, 
had  decreed  his  arrest  in  the  National  Assembly  ;  his  army, 
hitherto  faithful  and  devoted,  were  now  becoming  infected  with 
the  poison,  that  had  wrought  up  to  such  a  pitch  of  insanity 
the  populace  of  the  capital ;  emissaries  were  coming  out  to  watch 
his  motions,  and  doubtless  to  seize  his  person.  At  this  critical 
moment,  he  left  his  army  encamped  at  Sedan,  and,  in  compa 
ny  with  a  few  confidential  associates,  set  off  for  the  Nether 
lands,  intending  to  seek  an  asylum  m  Holland,  or  the  United 
States.  At  Rochefort,  the  first  Austrian  post,  he  and  his  com 
panions  were  detained,  and  eventually  conducted  as  prisoners 
VOL.  i.  34 


398  LIFE    OF 

first  to  Namur,  and  thence  to  Nivelle,  a  town  near  the  battle 
ground  of  Waterloo.  Shortly  afterwards,  as  all  the  world 
knows,  they  were  transferred  to  the  dungeons  of  Wesel  and 
Magdeburg,  and  ultimately  to  those  of  Olmutz. 

This  treatment  of  Layfayette  by  the  allied  monarchs,  like 
the  partition  of  Poland,  and  other  great  acts  of  despotic  infa 
my,  has  been  viewed  by  writers  of  all  nations  and  parties,  with 
sentiments  of  unmingled  reprobation.  Even  Sir  Walter  Scott, 
barren  as  he  is  of  facts,  and  parsimonious  as  he  is  of  -justice, 
in  all  that  concerns  Lafayette,  even  Sir  Walter  Scott  censures 
this  conduct,  as  indicating  a  littleness  of  spirit  disgraceful  in  a 
prince,  and  at  war  with  morality,  the  laws  of  nations,  and 
sound  policy.  Lafayette  had  to  the  last  borne  arms  in  sup 
port  of  the  King;  he  had  left  France  to  escape  the  sanguinary 
violence  of  the  very  enemies,  whom  the  allies  were  combined 
to  crush  ;  he  had  voluntarily  put  himself  In  the  power  of 
these  allies  ;  and  yet,  under  these  circumstances,  equally 
forgetful  of  magnanimity,  honor,  and  justice,  they  seized  him 
as  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  treated  him  as  a  malefactor.  Little 
could  General  Lafayette  have  anticipated  such  perfidy,  and  it 
was  not  till  he  reached  Nivelle,  that  he  was  fully  aware  of  the 
fate  that  awaited  him  in  the  hands  of  the  allies.  From  that 
place,  on  the  26th  of  August,  he  wrote  the  following  letter  to 
Mr  Short,  Resident  Minister  at  the  Hague  from  the  United 
States. 

£  My  dear  Friend, 

'  You  have  been  acquainted  with  the  atrocious  events,, 
which  have  taken  place  in  Paris,  when  the  Jacobin  faction  on 
the  tenth  of  August  overthrew  the  Constitution,  enslaved  both 
the  Assembly  and  the  King,  the  one  by  terror,  the  other  by 
destitution  and  confinement,  and  gave  a  signal  for  pillage  and 
massacre. 

'  I  could  have  found  a  high  station  in  the  new  order  of 
things,  without  even  having  meddled  with  the  plot.  But  my 
feelings  did  not  admit  of  such  an  idea.  I  raised  an  opposition- 
to  Jacobin  tyranny  ;  but  you  know  the  weakness  of  our  hon- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  399 

nfaes  gens,  I  was  abandoned  ;  the  army  gave  way  to  clubish 
acts.  Nothing  was  left  for  me  but  to  leave  France.  We 

O 

have  been  stopped  on  our  road  and  detained  by  an  Austrian 
detachment,  which  is  absolutely  contrary  to  the  droits  des  gens, 
as  may  appear  from  the  enclosed  Declaration,  which  i  request 
you  to  have  published.  You  will  greatly  oblige  me,  my  dear 
friend,  by  setting  out  for  Brussels  as  soon  as  this  reaches  you, 
and  insist  on  seeing  me.  I  am  an  American  citizen,  an 
American  officer,  no  more  in  the  French  service.  That  is 
your  right,  and  I  do  not  doubt  of  your  urgent  and  imme 
diate  arrival.  God  bless  you.  -'  LAFAYETTE.' 

The  Declaration  was  published  in  the  Leyden  Gazette,  a 
paper  edited  with  much  ability  by  professor  Luzac,  and  which, 
during  the  American  Revolution,  had  been  firmly  attached 
to  the  cause  of  the  United  States.  The  editor  was  learned 
and  liberal,  bold  and  independent.  The  above  Declaration  he 
published  without  charge,  saying  he  was  happy  to  do  it  as  a 
homage  of  respect  to  the  name  of  Lafayette.  When  Mr  Short 
received  General  Lafayette's  letter,  he  felt  himself  delicately 
situated,  but  a  little  reflection  convinced  him,  that  nothing  in 
reality  could  be  done.  However  strong  his  desire  to  rescue 
his  friend,  and  however  highly  he  knew  such  an  act  would  be 
lauded  by  the  whole  American  people,  and  by  the  generous 
and  just  in  all  countries ;  he  saw  clearly  that  he  had  no  au 
thority  to  make  such  an  attempt,  and  that  an  application  to  the 
Austrian  government,  where  he  was  not  recognized,  would  be 
looked  upon  and  slighted  as  a  presumptuous  interference.  He 
conversed  with  the  Austrian  Minister  at  the  Hague  on  the  sub 
ject,  who  said  he  would  write  for  information. 

That  he  might  leave  nothing  undone,  however,  towards 
effecting  the  relief  of  the  illustrious  prisoner,  Mr  Short  wrote 
immediately  to  Mr  Morris  and  Mr  Pinckney,  American  Min 
isters  in  Paris  and  London,  stating  the  facts  of  the  case,  and 
asking  advice.  Their  letters  in  reply  will  be  the  best  exposi 
tors  of  their  opinions. 


400  LIFE    OF 

GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS    TO    WILLIAM    SHORT. 

«  Paris,  September  12th,  1792. 
«  Dear  Sir, 

'  The  situation  of  M.  de  Lafayette  I  have  long  lamented, 
and  since  these  last  disasters,  1  feel  more  than  ever  a  desire 
to  alleviate  his  distress.  I  had  already  meditated  on  the  cir 
cumstances  in  which  he  might  be  placed,  and  his  imprisonment 
was  among  those  events,  which  appeared  not  improbable. 
The  enemy  may  consider  him  as  a  prisoner  of  war,  as  a  desert 
er,  or  as  a  spy.  In  the  first  capacity  he  might  be  delivered 
up,  to  be  sacrificed  by  his  countrymen ;  in  the  last  he  might 
be  made  the  victim  of  resentment,  excited  by  his  former  con 
duct.  As  a  deserter,  he  is  entitled  to  protection,  but  I  doubt 
whether  he  would  choose  to  be  so  protected. 

'  I  incline,  however,  to  the  opinion,  that  the  enemy  mean  to 
use  him  in  a  different  capacity,  and  that  his  future  treatment 
will  depend  entirely  on  himself;  but  at  the  same  time,  I  fear 
that  the  employment  they  would  give  him,  is  not  such  as  he 
will  choose  to  engage  in.  Be  all  this,  however,  as  it  may,  he 
is  in  their  power,  and  they  will  do  as  they  please.  The  rea 
sons  you  urge  for  his  liberation  are  cogent,  and  I  hope  they 
will  be  attended  to  ;  but  power  sometimes  makes  law  for 
itself,  and  in  such  cases,  it  cares  but  little  for  history  or  pos 
terity. 

*  Supposing  that  M.  de  Lafayette  were  a  natural  born  sub 
ject  of  America,  and  taken  under  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed,  I  do  not  exactly  see  how  the  United  States 
could  claim  him.  He  was  not  in  their  service.  If  he  had 
been  made  a  prisoner  of  war,  could  they  claim  him  as  their 
citizen  ?  If  claimed  and  delivered  up,  would  they  not  be  bound 
to  put  him  to  death,  for  having  attacked  a  neutral  power,  or 
else,  by  the  very  act  of  acquitting  him,  declare  war  against 
those  who  had  taken  him  ?  Can  the  United  States  interfere 
in  an  affair  of  this  sort,  without  making  themselves  parties  in 
the  quarrel  ?  But  M.  de  Lafayette  is  a  Frenchman,  and  it 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  401 

is  as  a  Frenchman,  that  he  is  taken  and  is  to  be  treated. 
Again,  supposing  the  right  as  clear  as  it  is  questionable,  I  pre 
sume  that  before  the  United  States  made  such  demand,  they 
would  determine  to  go  all  lengths  to  establish  their  right,  in 
case  it  should  be  refused ;  for  otherwise  by  advancing  the 
claim,  and  then  receding,  they  would  sit  down  quietly  under 
an  insult.  Consequently  they  would  consider  well,  before 
they  placed  themselves  in  a  situation  to  be  dishonored,  or  else 
drawn  into  a  war. 

;  These  are  points  of  such  magnitude,  that  I  do  not  feel  my 
self  competent  to  decide  on  them,  in  behalf  of  my  country  5 
and,  therefore,  if  I  were  Minister  to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  I 
should,  I  think,  confine  myself  to  prayer  and  solicitation,  until 
I  received  express  orders  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  But  as  I  am  not  Minister  to  the  Emperor,  I  rather 
think  that  my  interference  would  prove  offensive,  and  do  more 
harm  than  good  to  Monsieur  de  Lafayette,  And  not  only 
the  Emperor,  and  perhaps  the  King  of  Prussia  too,  might  com 
plain,  if  they  thought  it  worth  while  to  take  any  notice  of  such 
unauthorized  application;  but  the  government  of  this  country, 
also,  might  feel  itself  offended,  and  that  in  either  of  those 
events,  which  are  now  at  the  issue  of  the  sword.  If  there  was, 
however,  any  probability  that  a  demand  on  our  part  would 
liberate  him,  it  might  be  well  to  attempt  it.  You  may  perhaps 
find  out  how  that  matter  stands,  through  the  medium  of  the 
Court  at  which  you  are,  and  this  it  would,  I  think,  be  well  to 
do.  *  If  thy  Austrian  Ministry  should  wish  an  excuse  to  deliver 
him  from  bondage,  they  may  admit  of  that  which  you  men 
tion,  but  certainly  they  will  not  consider  it  as  a  reason.  I  am, 

&C.  <  GOUVERNEUR    MoitlUS.' 

THOMAS    P1XCKNEY    TO    WILLIAM    SHORT. 

«  London,  September  14th,  1792. 
1  Dear  Sir, 

c  Among  the  afflicting  considerations,  which  have  impressed 
themselves  on  my  mind,  from  the  moment  I  heard  of  the  mis- 
34* 


402  LIFE    OF 

fortune  of  our  friend  and  fellow-citizen,  the  Marquis  Lafayette, 
none  have  affected  me  with  such  painful  sensations,  as  the 
conviction,  that  no  exertions  of  his  American  friends  can  be 
of  utility  to  him  in  his  present  situation  ;  and  since  the  receipt 
of  your  favor  of  the  seventh,  which  did  not  reach  me  till  yes 
terday,  this  subject  has  scarcely  been  a  'moment  out  of  my 
thoughts.  But  I  search  in  vain  for  some  foundation  whereon 
to  establish  a  right  to  demand  his  liberation ;  and  to  demand 
it  with  a  certainty  of  refusal,  and  with  a  consciousness,  that 
such  refusal  may  be  founded  on  principles  of  propriety,  would, 
without  benefitting  our  friend,  commit  our  country  and  our 
selves. 

< 1  feel  myself,  however,  so  much  interested  in  this  business, 
that  it  will  afford  me  real  pleasure  to  find  that  Mr  Morris,  or 
you,  upon  more  mature  reflection,  have  devised  any  plan  to 
which  my  concurrence  can  add  efficacy.  And  in  order  to 
evince  the  readiness,  with  which  I  contribute  my  endeavors  to 
strike  out  some  expedient,  which  may  be  serviceable,  I  ven 
ture  to  enclose  for  the  deliberation  of  Mr  Morris  and  yourself 
a  rough  sketch  of  a  note,  to  which,  however,  I  perceive  forci 
ble  objections  ;  and  only  submit  it  as  the  least  exceptionable 
of  such  ideas,  as  have  suggested  themselves  to  me.  A  claim 
of  the  rights  of  an  American  citizen,  to  a  person  in  the  Mar 
quis's  circumstances,  appears  to  me  to  be  claiming  nothing, 
and  it  can  only,  I  fear,  at  best,  serve  as  a  testimonial  of  national 
gratitude,  and  may  be  a  consolatory  tribute  to  the  feelings  of  a 
man,  of  whose  services  and  zeal  for  our  country  there  is  I  be 
lieve  but  one  sentiment  in  America.  If  a  measure  of  that,  or 
any  other  nature,  should  be  adopted,  it  ought,  I  conceive,  to  be 
so  conducted  as  to  avoid  involving  any  discussion  of  principle, 
and  should  be  the  joint  act  of  all  the  American  Ministers  in 
Europe,  if  distance  of  situation  will  permit  their  uniting  in  the 
time  necessary  to  render  it  serviceable.  I  am,  &c. 

'  THOMAS  PINCKNEY.' 

The  draft  of  a  note,  to  which  Mr  Pinckney  alludes,  was  intend- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  403 

ed  to  be  signed  conjointly  by  the  Amercan  Ministers  in  Europe, 
and  sent  to  the  Imperial  Ministers  at  the  Courts  where  they  re 
sided.     It  contained  merely  a  declaration,  that  Lafayette  was 
a  citizen  of  the  United   States,  an  expression  of  confidence, 
that  he  would  be   protected  in  the  rights  belonging  to  such  a 
character,  and  an  assurance,  that  a  liberal  construction  of  these 
rights  in  his  favor  would  command  the  utmost  gratitude  of  their 
constituents.     But  the  paper  was  never  sent.     The  American 
Ministers  were  persuaded  of  the  impropriety,   and  the  total 
inefficiency,  of  any  interference  on  their  part,  and  were  com 
pelled  to  leave  this  early  and  ardent  friend  of  their  country  to  the 
rigor  of  his  fate,  watching  only  for  such  incidental  events  or 
circumstances,    as   might   be    turned    to  his    advantage.     So 
completely  was   he  hidden   from  the  world,  that  for  a  long 
time  no  intelligence   of  him  could  be  obtained,     Mr  Short,  by 
reason  of  the  place  of  his  residence,  had  the  best  opportuni 
ty  of  gaining  information.     He  wrote  to  Mr  Morris  as  follows. 
1  The  Hague,  December  Ith,  1792. — As  to  our  fellow-citizen 
in  confinement,  and  of  whom  you  desire  to  be   fully  inform 
ed,  I  can  only  tell  you,  that  the   most  impenetrable  secrecy 
has  been  observed  with  respect  to  him  and  his  fellow  suffer 
ers.     It  is  certain,  that  he  is  the  individual  of  all  Fiance,  that 
both  Austrians  and  Prussians  hate  the  most  cordially.     The 
desire  of  revenge,  and   determination  to  punish,   made   them 
commit  the  most  flagrant  act  of  injustice,  and  the  most  shame 
ful  violation  of  the  droit  des  gens.     They  are  probably  sensi 
ble  of  it,  and   therefore*  wish  to  smother  the  whole   business, 
and  the  victims  also.     It  is  certain  the  agents  of  the  Emperor 
and  of  Prussia  here,  are  ignorant  of  what  passes  ;  which  is 
probably  confined  to  the  walls  of  the  donjon  of  Wesel.     It  has 
been   reported,  that  our  fellow-citizen  has  lost  his  reason,  and 
is  in  a  state  of  insanity.     Although  I  cannot  assure,  that  it  is 
not  so,  yet  I  should  suppose  it  was  not,  from  what  these  gen 
tlemen  have  told  me,  though  they  can  only  speak  from  con 
jecture.     In  fine,  I  have  never  been  able  to  learn   a  single 
word  with  certainty   respecting   these  prisoners,   since  their 


404  LIFE    OF 

transportation  to  Wesel,  nor  has  anybody  else  here  been  able 
to  do  it.' 

When  the  news  of  these  transactions  reached  the  American 
government,  they  approved  the  conduct  of  the  Ministers,  and 
instructed  them  to  spare  no  pains,  by  the  use  of  all  feasible 
means,  to  procure  the  liberation  of  Lafayette.  The  result  is 
well  known.  There  was  no  intercourse  between  the  Courts 
of  Prussia  and  Austria  and  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
and  consequently  no  mode  of  opening  a  direct  negotiation. 
And  il  there  had  been,  there  was  no  probability  of  success. 
The  allied  powers  had  decided  the  point  on  grounds,  from 
which  they  were  not  to  be  moved  by  appeals  to  justice,  rea~ 
son,  morality,  religion,  or  any  other  principles,  which  usually 
operate  on  minds  conscious  of  rectitude  and  an  honorable  pur 
pose.  They  had  shamefully  set  all  these  at  defiance,  and 
yielded  to  a  pitiful  spirit  of  malevolence  and  revenge,  in 
torturing  a  person  of  high  rank  and  character,  whom  the 
caprices  of  fortune  had  betrayed  into  their  hands.  Would 
such  men  be  influenced  by  the  laws  of  nations,  or  the  claims  of 
right  pressed  upon  them  by  Commissioners  from  the  new 
world  ?  Surely  not.  Washington  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  expressly  in  behalf  of  Lafayette,  but  it 
was  disregarded.  Any  other  application,  through  whatever 
channel,  or  presented  in  whatever  manner,  would  have  met 
with  the  same  neglect.  While  Lafayette  was  in  the  prison  of 
Magdeburg,  some  secret  attempts  were  made  by  his  friends  in 
London  to  effect  his  release,  but  without  avail.  Mr  Pinck- 
ney  was  consulted  by  the  persons  concerned,  and  he  favored 
their  plans,  as  far  as  prudence  and  circumstances  would  per 
mit. 

In  the  mean  time,  Mr  Morris  bethought  himself  of  a  dif 
ferent  expedient.  He  drafted  a  petition  to  be  sent  by 
Madame  de  Lafayette  to  the  King  of  Prussia.  It  was  in  the 
nature  of  a  supplicatory  address,  and  intended  to  work  upon  the 
gentler  qualities  of  a  heart,  which  hail  shown  itself  insensible  to 
the  higher  trails  of  magnanimity  and  justice.  '  He,  in  whose 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  405 

favor  I  implore  the  mercy  of  your  Majesty,'  she  is  made  to  say 
in  the  petition,  ;  has  never  known  crime.  Faithful  to  his 
King,  when  he  could  no  longer  be  of  service  to  him,  he  left 
France.  At  the  moment  when  he  was  made  prisoner,  he  was 
crossing  the  Low  Countries  to  take  refuge  in  America.  He 
believed  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  law  of  nations, 
and  he  trusted  to  it  with  so  much  the  more  confidence,  as  the 
generous  sentiments  of  your  Majesty  were  not  unknown  to 
him.  I  may  perhaps  be  blind  to  the  character  of  a  beloved 
husband,  but  1  cannot  deceive  myself  in  being  persuaded, 
that  your  Majesty  will  grant  the  prayer  of  an  unhappy 
woman.'  This  draft  was  forwarded  to  Madame  de  Lafayette 
with  a  letter. 

'  Paris,  November  7th,  1792. 
1  My  Dear  Madam, 

'  I  need  not  tell  you  why  the  enclosed  paper  is  transmitted 
to  you.  I  know  not  the  titles  of  the  King  of  Prussia.  These 
should  be  properly  placed,  you  know,  because  monarchs  are 
very  sensitive  on  that  subject.  If  reports  say  true,  his  majesty 
is  more  likely  to  listen  to  a  woman  than  to  a  man,  and  this  is 
favorable  ;  but  what  would  be  still  more  advantageous,  would 
be  to  have  your  letter  presented  by  the  favorite  of  the  day.  I 
am  told  that  Madame  de  Guiche  has  lately  received  his  adora 
tions.  If  you  were  to  plead  your  cause  in  a  court  of  justice, 
it  might  be  well  to  insist  on  the  rights  of  our  unfortunate  friend, 
but  as  the  person  to  whom  you  address  yourself  is  both  judge 
and  party,  the  matter  of  right  must  be  touched  with  great  gen 
tleness. 

1  Be  of  good  courage,  for  sooner  or  later  the  present  clouds 
will  be  dissipated.  All  human  things  are  liable  to  change. 
You  may  remember,  that  I  used  to  inculcate  that  maxim  when 
circumstances  were  smiling.  It  was  then  true,  and  it  is  still 
true.  But  then  it  was  unpleasant,  and  now  it  will  afford  con 
solation.  Farewell,  my  dear  Madam.  It  will  give  me  sincere 
pleasure  to  be  useful  to  you  and  yours. 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 


406  LIFE    OF 

As  soon  as  Mr  Morris  learned,  that  the  prisoner  in  Mag 
deburg  was  distressed  for  money,  be  gave  directions  to  the 
banker  of  the  United  States  at  Amsterdam  to  pcy  to  bis  order 
ten  thousand  florins,,  stating  at  the  same  time,  that  he  did  this 
without  authority,  and  held  himself  individually  responsible  for 
the  amount.  It  was  ultimately  allowed  by  the  government, 
under  the  name  of  compensation  for  Lafayette's  military  ser 
vices  in  America. 

The  following  letter,  written  in  the  prison  of  Magdeburg, 
by  General  Lafayette  to  the  Princess  d'Henin,  presents  a 
vivid  picture  of  bis  sufferings  in  that  dungeon,  and  at  Wesel. 
The  Princess  d'Henin  was  then  residing  in  London.  By  the 
advice  of  her  friends,  she  forwarded  to  General  Washington 
the  original  letter,  from  which  has  been  made  the  translation 
here  published. 


«  Magdeburg,  March  15th,  1793. 

'  I  arn  still  alive,  my  dear  Princess,  and  able  to  tell  you  so, 
but  these  are  the  only  two  important  facts  which  I  can  send 
you.  This  letter  is  designed  both  for  you  and  my  wife  and 
children,  of  whose  place  of  residence  lam  ignorant,  and  for 
those  among  my  friends  to  whom  you  and  Madame  Lafayette 
shall  think  proper  to  communicate  it. 

'  You  have  been  informed  of  all  that  has  happened  to  us, 
from  the  time  of  the  fatal  rencounter  at  Rocbefort,  till,  given 
up  by  Austria  to  Prussia,  we  were  transported  to  Wesel.  You 
must  also  have  learnt  some  particulars  respecting  our  captivi 
ty  in  that  citadel.  It  would  require  a  very  long  account  to  in 
form  you  of  all  the  precautions,  tbat  were  devised  to  cut  off 
every  communication  between  us  and  the  rest  of  the  world,  to 
retain  us  in  our  prison,  to  watch  us  closely,  and  to  multiply 
our  privations.  Latneth  was  dying  for  several  weeks;  I  suf 
fered  very  much  in  my  lungs  and  nerves,  from  fever  and  want 
of  sleep  ;  our  iwo  other  companions  suffered  also ;  and  as  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  407 

King  of  Prussia  bad  again  prohibited  us  from  taking  fresh  air, 
although  the  physician  thought  it  necessary  ;  as  it  bad  been 
signified  to  Maubourg,  who  was  by  accident  apprized  of  my 
condition,  that  even  on  the  bed  of  death  we  should  not  see 
each  other;  and  as  the  commandant  was  responsible  with  his 
head  for  his  vigilance,  we  were  glad  to  hear  of  our  removal, 
which  would  reunite  us  again  for  some  time,  and  which,  by 
enabling  us  to  respire  fresh  air,  would  greatly  contribute  to  re 
establish  our  health. 

'  Our  passage  through  Germany,  whatever  may  have  been 
the  original  intention,  was  most  highly  honorable  to  the  mar 
tyrs  of  a  glorious  cause,  and  has  not  a  little  contributed  to  ex 
cite  towards  us  a  flattering  interest,  and  ideas  very  different 
from  tho.se  which  were  anticipated.  The  observations  that 
were  made  respecting  the  last  sixteen  years  of  my  life,  the 
stale  of  things  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine,  and  the  spectacle  of 
the  four  captives,  did  not  appear  to  me  during  our  journey  to 
indicate  anything  that  could  alarm  us. 

1  And  now  I  will  present  you  with  a  description  of  my  pris 
on  and  my  manner  of  life. 

*  Represent  to  yourself  an  opening  made  in  the  rampart  of 
the  citadel,  and  encompassed  with  a  high  and  strong  palli- 
sade.  It  is  by  that  passage,  that  entering  successively  through 
four  gates,  each  one  of  which  is  armed  with  chains,  locks,  and 
bars  of  iron,  you  may  reach,  not  without  difficulty  and  noise, 
my  cell.  This  cell  is  three  paces  broad  and  five  and  a  half 
long,  containing  no  other  ornament  than  two  French  verses, 
which  rhyme  with  the  words  to  suffer  and  to  die  (souffrir  et 
mourir).  The  wall  next  to  the  ditch  is  dripping  with  moisture, 
and  that  opposite  permits  the  light  of  day,  but  not  the  rays  of 
the  sun,  to  enter  through  a  small  but  closely  grated  window. 
Imagine  also  two  sentinels,  whose  eyes  constantly  penetrate 
my  subterranean  abode,  but  from  beyond  the  pallisade  in  or 
der  to  prevent  our  speaking  to  each  other,  spies  set  over  us 
distinct  from  the  guard;  and  in  addition  to  this,  the  walls,  the 
ramparts,  the  ditches  and  the  guards,  within  and  without  the 


408  LIFE    OF 

citadel  of  Magdeburg,  and  you  will  see,  my  dear  Princess7 
that  the  foreign  powers  neglect  nothing  to  retain  me  in  their 
dominions. 

1  The  clanking  of  my  four  gates  is  renewed  each  morning, 
when  they  are  opened  to  admit  my  domestic ;  again  at  dinner, 
when  I  eat  in  presence  of  the  commandant  of  the  citadel  and 
of  the  guard ;  and  lastly  at  night  to  remand  my  servant  to  his 
prison  ;  after  which,  havhig  made  fast  all  the  locks,  the  com 
mandant  carries  with  him  the  keys  into  the  apartment,  where, 
since  my  arrival,  the  King  has  ordered  him  to  sleep. 

;  Books  are  furnished  me,  from  which  the  white  leaves  have 
been  torn  out,  but  I  have  no  news,  no  gazettes,  no  communi 
cation,  neither  ink,  nor  pen,  nor  pencil ;  and  it  is  by  a  miracle 
that  I  possess  this  sheet,  on  which  I  write  to  you  with  a  tooth 
pick. 

'  My  health  declines ;  my  physical  has  almost  as  much  need 
of  liberty  as  my  moral  constitution.  The  small  quantity  of  air, 
which  reaches  me  in  this  subterranean  cell,  affords  little  relief 
to  my  lungs ;  I  am  often  afflicted  with  fever ;  I  have  no  exer 
cise,  and  little  sleep  ;  yet  I  make  no  complaint,  knowing  by 
experience  how  useless  it  would  be.  But  I  am  tenacious  of 
my  life,  and  my  friends  may  be  assured  of  the  active  concur 
rence  of  all  the  sentiments,  which  lead  me  to  value  the  preser 
vation  of  my  existence,  although  considering  my  situation,  and 
the  progress  of  my  suffering,  I  cannot  much  longer  answer  for 
their  efficacy.  Perhaps  it  is  better  to  prepare  them  in  this 
manner,  than  to  surprise  them  hereafter  with  the  worst. 

'  The  account  which  I  have  given  you,  will  serve  also  for  my 
three  companions,  whose  situation  is  similar.  I  doubt  if  La- 
meth  will  long  hold  out ;  he  was  dying  at  Wesel,  and  is  but  lit 
tle  better  here.  M.de  Pusy  suffers  much,  although  he  is  less  ill. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  Maubourg,  whose  cell  is  situated  on 
the  same  subterranean  corridor  with  mine,  and  as,  in  order  to 
prevent  me  from  suffocating  at  once,  they  open  the  two  inner 
most  of  my  four  gates  a  few  hours  before  dinner,  I  am  some 
times  able,  on  the  unbarring  of  his  doors,  and  in  the  presence 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  409 

of  the  commandant,  to  observe  with  much  pain,  that  his  appear 
ance  is  greatly  changed.  Whatever  care  they  have  taken  to 
tantalize  us  by  the  deprivation  of  news,  we  have  at  length  ob 
tained  intelligence  of  the  success  of  the  French  armies,  the 
mismanagement  of  public  affairs,  the  assassination  of  the  King, 
in  which  all  the  laws  of  humanity,  of  justice,  and  of  the  nation 
al  compact  have  been  trampled  under  foot,  and  the  abomina 
ble  murder  of  my  virtuous  friend,  Larochefoucauld  ;  but  all  in 
formation  respecting  my  wife,  my  children,  and  my  other 
friends,  has  been  so  completely  intercepted,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  words  from  Damas  at  the  time  of  our  singular  meet 
ing  at  Ham,  that  I  am  in  the  most  painful  anxiety  as  to  the 
state  of  all  that  is  most  dear  to  me.  If  it  were  true,  as  they 
take  pains  to  tell  us,  but  which  I  cannot  believe,  that  all  who 
do  not  abjure  the'principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Rights  must 
leave  England,  my  family  surely  cannot  be  there. 

1  Ten  thousand  florins  have  been  deposited  here  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States,  which  sum  will  prevent  me,  when  my 
own  money  shall  be  exhausted,  from  living  on  bread  and  wa 
ter  ;  but  although  my  American  friends  are  doubtless  more 
occupied  concerning  my  liberty  than  my  sustenance,  I  have 
not  heard  anything  further.  I  know  that  the  Prince  of  Coburg 
has  had  great  success  against  the  dispersed  detachments  of 
Dumouriez,  yet  in  the  midst  of  the  strifes  of  anarchy,  and  of 
so  many  hostile  attacks,  liberty,  in  spite  of  all  her  enemies,  will 
not  perish. 

t  This  letter  will  reach  you  byway  of  Hamburg,  but  I  know 
not  through  what  channel.  If  any  American  should  be  there, 
it  will  be  forwarded  by  him.  I  beg  you  to  pay  whatsoever 
shall  be  necessary,  and  to  send  letters  in  return.  As  I  am 
ignorant  what  precautions  will  be  taken,  and  only  request  you 
to  avoid  the  post  offices  both  in  England  and  elsewhere,  it  will 
remain  with  the  bearer,  with  you,  and  the  friends  to  whom 
Lametb  may  write,  to  arrange  this  matter.  But  you  will  con 
ceive  with  what  anxiety  I  wait  for  letters  from  my  family,  and 
from  you.  I  recommend,  moreover,  an  inviolable  discretion, 
VOL.  i,  35 


410  LIFE    OF 

on  which  may  depend  the  fortune  and  the  life  of  every  person, 
who,  being  under  the  rule  of  these  governments,  shall  have 
rendered  us  any  service ;  and  the  fear  of  compromitting  them 
makes  me  weigh  every  word  with  circumspection,  from  which 
I  flatter  myself  you  will  not  infer  any  diminution  of  my  forti 
tude. 

'  You  will  easily  conceive  how  ardently  we  sigh  for  our  res 
urrection  from  this  tomb.  It  was  neither  just  nor  politic  to 
arrest  us,  nor  is  it  just  or  politic  to  retain  us.  This  we  have 
once  represented ;  our  friends  may  directly  and  indirectly  oft 
en  repeat  it.  This  slow  death  is  dreadful  to  us,  and,  without 
inquiring  to  whom  it  can  give  joy,  I  should  be  extremely  glad 
if  you  could  extricate  us  from  it.  Communicate  to  the  family 
of  Pusy  and  of  Maubourg,  who  are  in  France,  this  intelligence 
respecting  my  two  companions.  Send  us  information  of  them, 
and  in  London  see  the  friends  of  Lameth.  They  have  each  a 
servant,  and  I  have  two ;  one  of  whom,  Felix,  has  been  put 
into  a  separate  cell,  and  the  other,  a  native  of  Chavaniac,  waits 
on  me.  We  wish  their  families  may  know  that  they  are  not 
dead. 

'  If  you  know  my  aunt,  judge  how  anxious  I  am  concerning 
her  health.  I  embrace  my  wife  and  my  children.  Adieu, 
my  dear  Princess  ;  a  thousand  kindnesses  to  my  friends ;  you 
know  mine  for  you. 

'  LAFAYETTE.' 

'.P.  S.  I  know  not  what  disposition  has  been  made  of  my 
plantation  at  Cayenne,  but  I  hope  Madame  Lafayette  will  take 
care  that  the  negroes,  who  cultivate  it,  shall  preserve  their  lib 
erty.' 

Madame  de  Lafayette  and  her  children,  in  common  with 
most  others  of  the  nobility,  were  confined  to  their  province. 
They  continued  at  the  family  residence  of  Chavaniac,  in  Au- 
vergne.  Owing  to  a  disastrous  train  of  events,  she  found  the 
state  of  her  husband's  affairs  much  deranged,  and  was  particu 
larly  concerned  on  account  of  a  list  of  debts  to  dependants  and 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  411 

other  persons,  who  had  rendered  services  to  her  family,  and 
for  the  liquidation  of  which  she  considered  his  honor  and  her's 
as  standing  pledged.  To  relieve  her  anxiety,  and  enable  her 
to  discharge  these  debts,  Mr  Morris  loaned  to  her  from  his 
private  funds  one  hundred  thousand  livres.  On  this  occasion 
she  wrote  to  him  ;  '  In  the  midst  of  all  its  anguish,  my  heart  tru 
ly  dilates  at  this  moment  with  the  feeling  of  lively  gratitude, 
which  your  goodness  inspires  in  me.  I  already  owe  to  you 
the  hope  of  seeing  the  chains,  to  me  indissoluble,  imposed  by 
honor  and  probity,  broken.  In  any  other  circumstances,  and 
even  in  these,  were  it  to  any  other  person,  it  would  be  very 
painful  to  me  to  incur  such  obligations,  as  I  am  now  contract 
ing  to  you ;  but  I  think  of  him,  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  the 
steps  taken  in  my  behalf,  of  those  who  with  me  are  to  receive 
the  benefit  of  them,  and  I  feel  the  consolation,  rather  than  the 
weight,  of  these  obligations.  My  gratitude  to  you,  Sir,  must 
be  very  sincere,  and  deeply  felt,  since  it  triumphs  over  all  my 
resolutions,  and  I  accept  your  offers  of  personal  service,  al 
though  I  feel  their  full  value  and  generosity.  It  would  not  be 
easy  for  me  to  express  my  feelings  better,  than  by  such  con 
fidence.' 

At  length  Madame  de  Lafayette  was  brought  up  to  Paris, 
and  imprisoned.  Her  friends  were  naturally  alarmed  for  her 
safety.  Mr  Morris  made  an  immediate  application  to  the  pro 
per  authority  for  her  relief,  stating  in  substance,  that  he  did 
not  know  whether  she  was  brought  up  to  be  tried,  or  only  to 
a  safer  place  of  confinement ;  that  he  did  not  pretend  to  med 
dle  with  matters  foreign  to  his  mission,  but  thought  it  proper 
on  that  occasion  to  prove  his  attachment  to  the  cause,  in  which 
the  French  were  embarked ;  that  his  letter  was  not  official, 
but  dictated  by  a  friendly  sentiment ;  that  the  family  of  Lafay 
ette  was  beloved  in  America,  where  the  whole  people  enter 
tained  a  grateful  recollection  of  his  services,  and,  therefore,  the 
death  of  his  wile  might  lessen  their  attachment  to  the  French 
Republic;  that  it  would  furnish  the  partisans  of  England  with 
the  means  of  misrepresenting  what  passed  in  France  ;  that  so 


412  LIFE    OF 

far  from  conciliating  friends  to  the  Republic,  it  would  gratify 
its  enemies,  who  would  rejoice  at  the  destruction  of  everything, 
which  bore  the  name  of  Lafayette. 

This  letter  was  written  a  short  time  before  Mr  Morris 
ceased  to  be  Minister,  and  was  succeeded  by  Mr  Monroe.  It 
did  not  procure  her  release  from  imprisonment,  but  it  seems  to 
have  averted  the  catastrophe  of  the  death,  which  awaited  her, 
for,  in  writing  to  him  a  few  weeks  afterwards  from  her  prison, 
she  speaks  of  his  having  t  saved  her  from  the  rage  of  a  mon 
ster,  and  prevented  a  crime.'  Again,  at  a  later  period,  in 
alluding  to  the  money  she  had  borrowed,  she  writes  ;  <  this  is 
a  slight  obligation,  it  is  true,  compared  with  that  of  my  life, 
but  allow  me  to  remember  both,  while  life  lasts,  with  a  senti 
ment  of  gratitude,  which  it  is  precious  to  feel.  That  life  was 
restored  to  me,  a  more  endearing  gift,  if  it  can  administer  con 
solation  to  him,  whom  I  love.'  This  was  written  at  Altona, 
after  she  had  escaped  from  the  perils,  which  threatened  her  in 
Paris,  and  was  on  her  way,  with  her  two  daughters,  to  share 
the  dismal  fate  of  her  husband  in  the  prison  of  Olmutz.  Her 
courage,  constancy,  and  sufferings,  in  executing  that  bold  en 
terprise,  are  well  known,  and  their  record  is  among  the  bright 
est  pages  in  the  annals  of  female  heroism. 

In  the  midst  of  the  sanguinary  horrors  of  Paris,  Mr  Morris 
was  advised  from  many  quarters  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
other  foreign  Ministers,  and  leave  the  country,  but  this  he  de 
clined,  and  remained  firm  at  his  post,  though  surrounded  with 
innumerable  difficulties,  and  much  real  danger.  He  was  at 
one  time  arrested  in  the  street,  because  he  had  not  a  Carte  de 
Citoyen,  and  taken  before  the  tribunal  of  arrests.  At  another 
time,  a  body  of  armed  men  came  into  his  house,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  searching  it,  although  by  the  laws  of  nations  it  ought 
to  have  been  exempt  from  all  such  intrusions.  Again,  on  a 
short  journey  into  the  country,  he  was  arrested  and  sent  back 
to  Paris,  under  pretence  that  the  passport,  which  he  had  re 
ceived  from  the  government,  was  out  of  date.  These  insults, 
it  is  true,  were  commonly  followed  by  apologies  from  the  Min- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  413 

isters,  chiefly  on  the  ground  of  its  being  impossible  to  control 
all  the  acts  of  subordinate  agents,  during  the  violent  scenes  of 
revolutionary  change.  This  was  true,  nor  is  it  probable  that 
the  government  were  accessary  to  any  direct  marks  of  disre 
spect  to  the  American  Minister ;  it  was  their  strong  interest  to 
pursue  a  different  course.  They  were  deserted  by  all  the 
world,  except  the  United  States,  and  they  could  have  no  mo 
tive  for  offending  and  alienating  this  last  and  only  friend.  Such 
were  the  rapid  transitions,  however,  from  one  form  of  anarchy 
to  another,  and  such  monsters  worked  their  way  through  blood 
and  carnage  to  the  head  of  affairs,  that  the  laws  of  nations  and 
of  honor  afforded  but  a  feeble  security  to  any  individual  with 
in  the  reach  of  their  power.  Indeed,  Mr  Morris  had  provo 
cations  enough  for  demanding  his  passport,  and  retiring  from 
France,  had  he  chosen  to  view  them  as  he  would  have  clone  in 
tranquil  times,  but  he  looked  upon  the  public  interests  as 
paramount  to  all  other  considerations,  and  as  demanding  every 
personal  sacrifice,  not  absolutely  at  variance  with  the  honor  of 
his  country. 

After  the  tenth  of  August  his  Diary  became  a  barren  record  of 
unimportant  events,  and  in  the  January  succeeding  he  brought 
it  to  a  close,  with  the  following  memorandum.  '  The  situation 
of  things  is  such,  that  to  continue  this  journal  would  compro 
mise  many  people,  unless  I  go  on  in  the  way  I  have  done  since 
the  end  of  August,  in  which  case  it  must  be  insipid  and  use 
less.  I  prefer,  therefore,  the  more  simple  measure  of  putting 
an  end  to  it.'  He  confined  himself  closely  to  his  public  du 
ties,  and  all  that  is  known  of  his  ministerial  career  may  be 
found  in  his  correspondence  of  that  period. 

So  critical  was  his  situation  at  one  time,  that  a  rumor  went 
abroad,  and  was  circulated  in  the  English  and  American  news 
papers,  of  his  having  lost  his  life.  In  allusion  to  this  report, 
he  wrote  thus  to  Robert  Morris. 

«  Paris,  March  12th,  1793. 
6  My  Dear  Friend, 

*  I  have  received  yours  of  the  third  of  February,  and  reply 
35* 


414  LIFE    OF 

shortly,  that  I  may  reply  immediately.  My  reason  for  which 
is,  that  I  am  told  that  the  London  Gazetteers  have  killed  me, 
besides  burning  my  house,  and  other  little  pleasantries  of  the 
same  kind.  Now  as  these  accounts  may  be  republished,  I  ap 
prize  you  thereof,  and  pray  you  to  vouch,  that  it  was  not 
true  at  the  time  of  publication. 

4  You  tell  me  that,  in  my  place,  you  would  resign  and  come 
home  ;  but  this  is  not  quite  so  easily  done  as  said.  In  the 
first  place,  1  must  have  leave  to  resign  from  the  President ; 
but  further,  you  will  consider  that  the  very  circumstances, 
which  you  mention,  are  strong  reasons  for  abiding,  because  it 
is  not  permitted  to  abandon  a  post  in  the  hour  of  difficulty. 
T  think  the  late  decrees  respecting  our  commerce  will  show 
you,  that  my  continuance  here  has  not  been  without  some 
use  to  the  United  States.  I  am  always  and  truly  yours, 

'  GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.' 

That  he  might  have  retirement,  and  be  freed  from  the 
confusion  and  disorders  of  the  capital,  he  purchased  a  country 
house,  and  about  twenty  acres  of  land,  at  Sain  port,  nearly 
thirty  miles  from  Paris,  to  which  he  removed,  and  at  which 
he  resided  during  the  rest  of  his  stay  in  France,  except  oc 
casional  visits  to  Paris.  His  secretary,  Mr  Livingston,  re 
mained  chiefly  in  the  city.  He  describes  his  country  seat  as 
an  agreeable  residence,  situated  on  the  margin  of  a  small 
stream,  and  close  upon  the  borders  of  the  village  of  Sainport. 

'My  prospect/  says  he,  'is  rural,  not  extensive.  At  a 
mile  and  a  half,  on  the  southwest,  are  the  ruins  of  baths, 
which  once  belonged  to  the  fair  Gabrielle,  favorite  mistress  of 
Henry  the  Fourth  ;  and  at  half  of  that  distance,  in  the  oppo 
site  direction,  stands  on  a  high  plain  the  magnificent  Pavilion 
built  by  Bouret.  He  was  what  is  here  called  an  homme  de 
finance.  He  expended  on  that  building  and  its  gardens 
about  half  a  million  sterling,  and  after  squandering  in  the 
whole  about  two  millions  sterling,  he  put  himself  to  death, 
because  he  had  nothing  to  live  on,  I  think  you  will  acknow- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  415 

ledge,  that  the  objects  just  mentioned  are  well  calculated  to 
show  the  vanity  of  human  pursuits  and  possessions. 

'  My  time  is  spent  in  reading  and  writing,  of  which  last  I 
have  not  a  little.  The  French  privateers  employ  many  of  my 
hours,  for  the  masters  and  agents  of  the  American  vessels  they 
take,  apply  to  me  for  advice  and  assistance.  The  other  day 
I  was  desired,  on  the  part  of  a  merchant  in  London,  to  c^jm  of 
the  Ministry  some  rice  and  indigo;  but  I  know  neither  by 
whom,  nor  when,  nor  where  they  were  taken,  nor  where  they 
are  deposited.  Without  observing,  however,  on  so  strange  and  so 
lame  a  request,  I  desired  the  person  who  made  it  to  appoint  an 
agent  in  the  port,  with  directions  to  state  a  proper  claim  before 
the  competent  judicature.  I  wonder  what  this  person  would 
have  thought,  had  anybody  asked  a  Secretary  of  State  in  Eng 
land  to  deliver  up  goods  taken  by  one  of  his  privateers. 

'  I  have  had  applications  to  grant  the  privileges  of  the 
American  flag  to  vessels  owned  by  Frenchmen  and  others. 
Some  of  the  applicants  were  offended  at  my  refusal  of  that 
trifling  favor.  The  state  of  the  government  here  is  also  a 
great  plague,  for  it  is  difficult  to  discover  the  best  mode  of 
compassing  an  object,  when  the  parties  who  are  to  decide  are 
perpetually  changing.  Our  old  Congress  was  nothing  to  this 
Convention ;  and  you  will  form  a  tolerable  idea  W-  the  nature 
and  extent  of  that  influence,  which  the  city  of  Paris  exercises, 
from  some  late  events.' 

His  official  duties  related  to  few  objects,  but  these  were  in 
cessantly  recurring.  They  consisted  (besides  the  money 
affairs,  which  have  already  been  noticed,)  in  protests  against 
decrees  of  the  Convention  of  France,  imposing  restrictions  on 
the  commerce  of  the  United  States,  and  thereby  violating  the 
treaty  between  the  two  countries  ;  in  remonstrances  against  the 
outrages  of  French  privateers  upon  American  shipping,  and 
reclamation  of  vessels  unlawfully  seized ;  in  urging  the  peti 
tions  and  claims  of  American  captains,  whose  ships  were 
detained  in  French  ports  on  various  pretences;  and  in  apply 
ing  for  the  release  of  American  citizens,  who  contrived  to  get 


416  LIFE    OF 

into  prison,  either  by  being  taken  for  Englishmen,  or  by  some 
informality  in  their  papers.     These  objects,  in  their  various 
«and  complicated  relations,  required  industrious  attention,  and 
careful  management. 

Some  months  previous  to  the  end  of  his  mission,  Mr  Morris 
was  called  on  to  render  an  act  of  kindness,  if  not  of  official 
duty,  to  his  old  friend  Paine,  who  had  found  his  way  into  the 
prisons  of  the  Luxembourg  in  Paris.    The  reader  will  remem 
ber  on  what  footing  their  acquaintance  stood,  in  the  days  of 
the  American  Revolution.     They  had  since  met  in  England, 
where  Paine  frequently  visited  Mr  Morris,  and  endeavored  to 
interest  him  in  a  new  bridge  he  had  invented,  in   the  intervals 
of  his  political  speculations.     Knowing  Mr  Morris's  turn  for 
mathematics  and  mechanics,  he  requested  him  to  calculate  the 
arch  of  his  bridge,  and  to  render  him  other  assistance  in  that 
line.     At  length  Paine  came  to  Paris,  being  adopted  as  a  citi 
zen  by  the  Convention,  and  chosen  a  member  of  that  body  by 
the  Department  of  Calais.     Here  he  renewed  his  visits  to  the 
American  Minister,  with  a  show  of  attachment ;  but  Mr  Morris 
discovered,  or  was  confirmed  in  the  belief,  that  he  was  playing 
a  treacherous   part,  and  intriguing  against  him.     Paine  was 
imprisoned  as  being  one  of  the  Girondist  party  in  the  Conven 
tion,  and  it  i«  not  exactly  known  how  he  escaped  the  fate  of 
his  confraternity.     Mr  Morris   ascribes  it  to  the  contempt  in 
which  he  was  held.     He  had  become  extremely  intemperate, 
and  disgusting  in  his  person  and  deportment.     At  his  request, 
however,  Mr  Morris  applied  for  his  release  as  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States. 

The  application,  it  must  be  confessed,  was  neither  pressing 
in  its  terms,  nor  cogent  in  its  arguments.  It  was  little  more 
than  a  statement  of  facts,  as  to  Paine's  birth  in  England,  and 
citizenship  in  America.  In  truth,  Mr  Morris  did  not  believe 
he  had  any  right  to  claim  him  on  that  ground,  for,  although  he 
was  once  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  he  had  since  become 
a  citizen  of  France,  and  in  that  character  he  was  imprisoned. 
The  Minister  replied  nearly  to  the  same  effect,  namely,  that 
in  accepting  the  title  of  French  citizen,  and  sitting  in  the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  417 

legislative  councils  of  the  nation,  he  had  subjected  himself  to 
the  laws  of  the  Republic,  and  renounced  the  protection,  which 
the  law  of  nations  and  the  treaties  with  the  United  States 
might  otherwise  have  secured  to  him.  The  Minister's  letter 
Mr  Morris  enclosed  in  another  to  Paine,  who  wrote  in  reply  ; 

'  1  received  your  letter  enclosing  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  the 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  You  must  not  leave  me  in  the 
situation  in  which  this  letter  places-  me.  You  know  I  do  not 
deserve  it,  and  you  see  the  unpleasant  situation  into  which  I 
am  thrown.  I  have  made  an  essay  of  a  letter,  in  answer  to  the 
Minister's  letter,  which  I  wish  you  to  make  the  ground  of  a 
reply  to  him.  They  have  nothing  against  me,  except  they 
do  not  choose  I  should  be  in  a  state  of  freedom  to  write  my 
mind  freely  upon  the  things  I  have  seen.  Though  you  and  I 
are  not  on  terms  of  the  best  harmony,  I  apply  to  you  as  the 
Minister  of  America ;  and  you  may  add  to  that  service  whatev 
er  you  think  my  integrity  deserves.  At  any  rate,  I  request 
you  to  make  Congress  acquainted  with  my  situation,  and  to 
send  to  them  copies  of  the  letters  that  have  past  on  the  subject. 
A  reply  to  the  Minister's  letter  is  absolutely  necessary,  were 
it  only  to  continue  the  reclamation,  otherwise  your  silence  will 
be  a  sort  of  consent  to  his  observations.' 

This  draft  of  a  letter,  to  which  he  alludes,  was  ingenious, 
He  first  proves  himself  to  have  been  an  American  citizen,  a 
character  of  which  he  affirms  no  subsequent  act  had  deprived 
him.  The  title  of  French  citizen  was  a  mere  nominal  and 
honorary  one,  which  the  Convention  chose  to  confer,  when 
they  asked  him  over  to  help  them  in  making  a  constitution. 
But  let  the  nature  or  honor  of  the  title  be  what  it  might,  the 
Convention  had  taken  it  away,  of  their  own  accord.  '  He  was 
excluded  from  the  Convention  on  the  motion  for  excluding 
foreigners.  Consequently  he  was  no  longer  under  the  law  of 
the  Republic  as  a  citizen,  but  under  the  protection  of  the 
treaty  of  alliance,  as  fully  and  effectually  as  any  other  citizen 
of  America.'  It  was,  therefore,  the  duty  of  the  American 
Minister  to  demand  his  release. 


418  LIFE    OF 

Such  is  the  drift  of  Paine's  argument,  and  it  would  seem,  in 
deed,  that  he  could  not  be  a  foreigner  and  a  citizen  at  the 
same  time.  It  was  hard,  that  his  only  privilege  of  citizenship 
should  be  that  of  imprisonment.  But  this  logic  was  a  little 
too  refined  for  the  revolutionary  tribunals  of  the  Jacobins  in 
Paris,  and  Mr  Morris  well  knew  it  was  not  worth  while  to 
preach  it  .to  them.  He  did  not  believe  there  was  any  serious 
design  at  that  time  against  the  life  of  the  prisoner,  and  he  con 
sidered  his  best  chance  of  safety  to  be  in  preserving  silence 
for  the  present.  Here  the  matter  rested,  and  Paine  was  left 
undisturbed,  till  the  arrival  of  Mr  Monroe,  who  procured  his 
discharge  from  confinement.  For  several  months  he  lived  in 
Mr  Monroe's  house,  but  so  intemperate  were  his  habits,  and 
disagreeable  his  person,  that  it  was  necessary  to  exclude  him 
from  the  family,  and  send  his  meals  to  his  own  apartments. 

Whilst  Mr  Morris  was  thus  representing  his  country  in 
France  with  dignity,  firmness,  and  propriety,  the  Citizen  Genet, 
French  Minister  in  the  United  States,  was,  by  some  strange  in 
fatuation,  practising  a  very  extraordinary  series  of  experiments 
upon  the  forbearance  of  the  American  people.  These  are 
too  well  known  to  need  recapitulation.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
the  diplomatic  aberrations  of  the  Citizen  Minister  compelled  the 
American  government  to  demand  his  recall  from  the  French 
Republic.  This  demand  was  transmitted  through  the  hands 
of  Mr  Morris,  and  was  acceded  to  immediately.  In  return, 
the  French  government  solicited  the  American  Minister's  re 
call,  which,  as  an  act  of  reciprocity,  could  not  be  refused.  No 
charge  whatever  appears  to  have  been  preferred,  nor  anything 
more  than  a  request,  on  the  ground  of  a  '  reciprocal  act.' 
When  the  Secretary  of  State  communicated  this  intelligence, 
he  assured  Mr  Morris  that  his  conduct  had  given  perfect  sat 
isfaction.  The  President  likewise  wrote  him  two  private  let 
ters,  containing  the  same  assurance,  and  adding  that  his  confi 
dence,  friendship,  and  regard,  were  undiminished.  After  these 
testimonies,  Mr  Morris  had  little  to  regret  in  resigning  a  sta 
tion,  which  had  been  anything  to  him  but  a  source  of  enjoy 
ment. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  419 

He  was  not  unprepared  for  this  event.  The  persons  in 
power  he  knew  very  well  entertained  towards  him  no  friendly 
feeling.  His  former  devotedness  to  the  cause  of  the  King,  and 
the  boldness  with  which  he  always  expressed  his  political  sen 
timents,  had  fixed  impressions  not  to  he  removed  or  softened. 
Of  this  he  was  made  fully  aware,  on  more  occasions  than  one  ; 
for,  although  his  representations,  relating  directly  to  the  concerns 
of  his  country,  were  duly  regarded,  yet  in  matters  of  minor 
weight,  resting  chiefly  on  personal  influence,  he  met  with  de 
lays  and  evasions  by  no  means  flattering.  In  one  instance,  a 
lady  of  high  respectability,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  house, 
and  to  whom  he  had  afforded  protection,  was  seized  and  im 
prisoned,  contrary  to  his  remonstrances  and  his  claims  under 
the  laws  of  nations. 

He  had  also  heard  rumors  of  the  intention  to  ask  his  recall, 
and  in  such  a  way  as  left  him  little  room  to  doubt  the  fact. 
It  may  be  imagined,  however,  that  he  was  not  much  gratified 
at  the  readiness  with  which  a  bare  request  for  that  object, 
unsupported  by  a  single  valid  reason  or  pretended  charge,  was 
listened  to  by  his  government.  The  sole  ground  of  his  recall 
was  the  tenor  of  his  political  opinions,  which  had  nothing  to 
do  with  his  character  as  Minister.  After  the  downfall  of  the 
King,  he  had  not  entered  in  the  remotest  degree  into  the 
affairs  of  France,  and,  except  the  little  altercation  about  the 
St  Domingo  business,  which  happened  at  the  beginning  of  his 
mission,  there  had  been  a  perfect  harmony  between  him  and 
the  successive  Ministers  of  the  French  Republic.  He  should 
be  judged  by  his  conduct  after  his  official  appointment,  and 
not  by  his  previous  acts  or  sentiments  as  a  private  individual. 
This  was  a  strong  view  of  the  case,  and  it  no  doubt  occurred 
to  Washington,  yet  circumstances  wore  a  complexion  at  that 
time,  which  made  it  expedient  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of 
the  French  Cabinet  in  this  matter,  especially  as  it  is  desirable, 
in  any  state  of  things,  that  a  minister  should  be  acceptable  to 
the  government  at  which  he  is  accredited. 


420  LIFE    OF 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

MR  MONROE. — MR  MORRIS  LEAVES  FRANCE. — TRAVELS  IN  SWITZERLAND. 
— VISITS  M.  NECKER  AND  MADAME  DE  STAEL. — BASLE. — SCHAFFHAU- 
SEN. — PASSES  THROUGH  GERMANY  TO  HAMBURG. — RESIDES  AT  ALTO- 
NA. — TRAVELS  IN  HOLSTEIJV. — ARRIVES  IN  LONDON. — INTERVIEW  WITH 
LORD  GRENVILLE. — COUNT  WARANZOW. — MR  PITT. — TRAVELS  IN  ENG 
LAND  AND  SCOTLAND. — BISHOP  OF  LANDAFF. — CONVERSATION  WITH 
THE  KING. — RETURNS  TO  THE  CONTINENT. — VISITS  BERLIN,  DRESDEN, 
AND  VIENNA. — SIR  MORTON  EDEN. 

MR  MONROE  arrived  at  Paris  in  August,  1794,  as  successor 
to  Mr  Morris,  whose  purpose  then  was  to  return  soon  to  the 
United  States.  In  the  end,  however,  this  plan  was  altered. 
He  remained  several  years  in  Europe,  visiting  some  of  the 
principal  Courts,  and  travelling  through  many  countries.  The 
limits  of  this  memoir  will  admit  only  a  brief  notice  of  these 
peregrinations,  and  such  sketches  from  his  Diary,  now  again  re 
sumed,  as  will  mark  the  occasional  turn  of  his  thoughts,  and 
objects  of  his  inquiry.  He  left  Paris,  on  the  twelfth  of  Oc 
tober,  for  Switzerland. 

From  the  Diary,  October  12th,  1 794.—'  Before  I  left  Paris, 
Mr  Monroe  called  on  me  and  explained  his  conduct  and  his 
views.  He  begins  to  find  out  that  fine  words  are  of  little 
value  ;  and  his  letters  from  America  show  me,  that  something 
more  is  expected,  and  justly  expected  there,  for  the  many 
violences  committed  against  our  merchants.  In  my  opinion, 
he  has  taken  the  wrong  tone  at  first,  and  will  find  much  diffi 
culty  in  changing  it  now.  Time  must  determine  a  pretty  se 
rious  question  on  that  subject,  so  far  as  I  am  personally  con 
cerned  at  least.  I  have  the  consolation  to  have  made 
no  sacrifice,  either  of  personal  or  national  dignity,  and  I  believe 
I  should  have  obtained  everything,  if  the  American  govern- 


GOUVERNETJR    MORRIS.  421 

ment  had  refused  to  recall  me.  I  rejoice  that  I  am  no  long* 
er  in  the  pitiful  situation,  which  I  have  so  long  endured.  For 
the  rest,  experience  must  decide,  and  I  hope  that  events  will 
be  favorable  to  America.' 

On  entering  Switzerland,  he  passed  a  day  with  M.  Necker 
at  Copet,  and  another  with  Madame  de  Stael,  who  was  then 
living  in  that  neighborhood. 

'  October  23d. — Go  to  dinner  at  Madame  de  Stael's,  where 
I  am  received  with  great  warmth ;  the  more  necessary  as  I 
have  a  villanous  ague.  A  good  appetite  at  dinner,  but  the 
ague  comes  on  very  strong,  and  then  the  fever,  which  is  gentle. 
We  have  much  talk,  or  rather  I  have,  for  they  are  desirous  of 
information  both  public  and  private ;  and  I  am  more  in  condi 
tion  to  give  it  than  most  others,  There  is  here  a  little  French 
society,  which  live  at.  her  expense,  and  are  as  gay  as  circum 
stances  will  permit.  The  road  to  her  house  is  up-hill  and  ex 
ecrable,  so  that  I  think  I  shall  not  again  go  thither.  On  my 
return,  being  much  out  of  sorts,  I  find  the  bed  the  properest 
place  for  me,  and  my  pillow  the  fittest  society. 

'  Basle,  November  9th. — Supper  is  here,  I  find,  the  great 
meal ;  dinner  being  an  affair  of  twelve  o'clock.  In  going  out 
this  morning  I  observed  that  everybody  as  I  passed  saluted 
me  with  great  respect.  I  thought  it  odd,  that  the  manners  of 
any  country  should  extend  so  far  the  exterior  of  civility,  and 
especially  to  strangers.  It  seemed  like  what  we  read  of  in 
China.  This  evening  Madame  Ehinger  explains  the  mystery. 
In  the  same  inn  with  me  lodge  some  deputies  of  the  other 
Cantons,  who  according  to  the  constitution,  pass  three  months 
here,  and  are  even  obliged  to  live  in  this  inn.  They,  it  seems, 
use  the  same  coach  which  I  have  for  this  day,  and,  of  course, 
all  the  profound  reverences,  which  I  observed,  were  made  to 
me  as  deputy — perhaps  only  to  the  coach.  This  extreme 
respect  for  the  Magistracy  proves,  however,  in  favor  of  the 
government. 

1  Schaffhausen,  November  1 5th. — Go  with  Monsieur   Hu- 
ber  to  see  the  falls  of  the  Rhine,  and  walk  a  good  part  of 
VOL.  i.         36 


422  LIFE    OF 

the  way,  which  I  think  does  me  good.  We  look  at  the  fa 
mous  bridge.  I  am  not  architect  enough  to  understand  it, 
but  I  wonder  much  it  has  never  been  imitated.  If  time  would 
permit,  I  would  get  a  plan  of  it,  for  it  would  certainly  be  use 
ful  in  America.  The  cataract  of  the  Rhine  is  a  very  fine  ob 
ject.  The  color  of  the  water,  which  resembles  that  of  the 
ocean,  is  prodigiously  fine  when  beaten  into  foam.  There  is 
also  in  the  little  slope  of  the  rock,  over  which  it  rushes  down, 
an  advantage  of  effect ;  for  the  river,  instead  of  seeming  to  fall 
from  the  want  of  a  support,  as  is  the  case  in  perpendicular 
cataracts,  here  leaps  and  bounds,  and  then  precipitates  itself, 
as  if  indignant  that  anything  should  have  presumed  to  impede 
its  course.  The  whole  height  is  said,  from  actual  measure 
ment,  to  be  between  seventy  and  eighty  feet,  and  the  river  is 
large.  At  the  foot  is  a  good  salmon  fishery;  but  they  take 
these  fish,  I  understand,  with  a  harpoon  only,  and  the  amuse 
ment  of  angling  for  them  is  unknown.  I  had  always  suppos 
ed  that  salmon  returned  to  the  sea  after  spawning,  but  I  find 
this  is  not  the  case.  They  are  taken  in  the  Rhine  all  the 
year,  and  in  December  the  flesh  is  quite  white  and  very  soft 
and  insipid.  Those  which  I  have  tasted  at  Berne  and  Basle 
are  very  poor  at  present,  and  they  are  growing  worse  daily. 

'  While  we  are  at  dinner,  a  woman  comes  in  to  sell  a  curi 
ous  kind  of  stockings.  They  are  lined  with  a  silky  fleece  of 
some  animal,  and  must  be  very  warm.  She  asks  a  guinea  a 
pair  for  them,  and  tells  us  that  the  Duke  of  Wurtemberg  paid 
her  two  guineas  a  pairs.  M.  Huber,  who  talks  German  well, 
offers  for  me  one  guinea  for  two  pair.  She  declares  she  can 
not  take  it ;  and,  conversing  of  the  value,  she  says  that  to  an 
Earl  or  a  Count  they  are  worth  three  crowns,  and  therefore 
Englishmen  ought  to  pay  four.  He  being  a  Swiss,  and  I  an 
American,  we  send  her  away  with  our  offer,  and  presently  af 
ter  she  returns  and  accepts  the  one  guinea  for  two  pairs.  So 
much  for  the  candor  and  plain  dealing  of  the  Swiss.  I  think 
I  have  observed  in  this  country,  that  the  spirit  of  commerce 
has  operated  in  the  cities  a  depravation  of  morals,  which 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  423 

nothing  can  cure  but  that  same  spirit  carried  still  further.  It 
teaches  eventually  fair  dealing  as  the  most  profitable  dealing. 
The  first  lesson  of  trade  is,  My  son,  get  money.  The  second 
is,  My  son,  get  money  honestly  if  you  can,  but  get  money. 
The  third  is,  My  son,  get  money ;  but  honestly,  if  you  would 
get  much  money.' 

Departing  from  Switzerland,  our  traveller  pursued  his  route 
through  Germany,  by  way  of  Studgard,  Wurtzburg,  Cassel, 
Gottingen,  and  Hanover,  to  Hamburg,  where  he  arrived  in 
December.  At  this  place,  or  rather  at  Altona,  near  Ham 
burg,  he  resided  during  the  winter  and  the  following  spring. 
In  May  he  made  a  tour  through  Holstein  to  the  borders  of  the 
Baltic,  visiting  the  cities  of  Kiel  and  Lubec,  and  the  beautiful 
Lake  of  Ploe'n,  the  subsequent  residence  of  Lafayette  and  his 
family,  after  their  release  from  Olmutz,  which  Mr  Morris  de 
scribes  as  affording  one  of  the  most  enchanting  prospects,  that 
he  had  evsr  beheld. 

Returned  from  this  journey  through  Holstein,  which  had 
been  merely  a  jaunt  of  pleasure  for  two  weeks,  he  went  over 
to  London  in  June. 

t  London,  June  29th. — This  morning  the  Count  de  Moustier 
calls  on  me,  and  we  have  a  long  conversation.  He  is  working 
to  place  himself  as  one  of  the  new  King  of  France's  Ministers, 
if  I  can  judge  of  his  views  by  his  conversation.  He  tells  me, 
that  the  King  will  be  well  disposed  to  conciliate  with  all  par 
ties.  I  mention  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  but  he  thinks  that  plan 
may  encounter  some  difficulties.  While  he  is  liere,  Mr  Bur 
gess  comes  in.  He  gives  me  a  rendezvous  at  Lord  Grenville's, 
and  descants  on  the  rights  of  ci-devant  Monsieur  to  be  ac 
knowledged  as  king  of  France  ;  whence  I  conclude,  that  the 
administration  here  lean  to  that  idea. 

1  Go  thence  to  the  Marquis  de  Spinola's.  The  conversation 
here,  where  our  company  consists  of  the  Aristocrats  of  the 
first  feather,  turns  on  French  affairs.  They,  at  first,  agree 
that  union  among  the  French  is  necessary.  But,  when  they 
come  to  particulars,  they  fly  off  end  are  mad.  Madame  Spin- 


424  LIFE    OF 

ola  would  send  the  Duke  of  Orleans  to  Siberia.  An  Abbe,  a 
young  man,  talks  much  and  loud,  to  show  his  esprit ;  and,  to 
hear  them,  one  would  suppose  that  they  were  quite  at  their 
ease  in  a  petit  soupe  de  Paris.  Our  little  Abbe  tells  us,  that 
the  leaders,  finding  how  strong  is  the  disposition  of  the  people 
towards  monarchy,  will  place  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  on  the 
throne,  and  that  he,  finding  it  impossible  to  gain  the  good 
opinion  of  the  gentlemen  of  France,  must  at  length  accept.  I 
ask  him,  if  it  be  wise  to  place  him  in  that  predicament.  He 
answers,  whether  wise  or  not,  the  King  will  not  be  able  to  pre 
vent  his  followers  from  insulting  him.  There  is,  I  fear,  too 
much  truth  in  this.  His  connexion  with  Montesquieu  is  men 
tioned,  as  a  sad  blot  in  his  escutcheon;  yet  Montesquieu,  what 
ever  may  be  his  heart,  is  certainly  one  of  their  best  heads,  and 
they  have  not  too  many  people  of  understanding  among  them. 
Burgess  spoke  of  them  this  morning  with  much  contempt,  and 
indeed  their  conduct  is  not  calculated  to  inspire  respect. 

*  July  2d. — This  morning  at  eleven,  I  wait  by  appointment 
on  Lord  Grenville,  and  stay  till  half  past  twelve.  We  have  a 
long  conversation  on  general  politics,  the  line  to  be  adopted  by 
Great  Britain  in  the  present  moment,  and  therein  of  acknowl 
edging  the  French  King.  I  mention  the  acquisition  of  Flan 
ders  by  this  country,  and  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from 
it.  His  Lordship  seems  to  be  very  attentive  to  this  idea.  I 
tell  him  my  opinion  of  Prussia,  and  the  relations  in  which  it 
stands  to  this  country,  in  which  he  seems  to  agree.  I  state  to 
him  what  I  conceive  as  practicable,  respecting  Austria  and 
Russia,  in  the  present  moment,  and  show  him  how  far  it  would 
affect  France,  by  pushing  the  King  of  Prussia  to  extremity. 
This  also  strikes  him  forcibly.  I  state  the  various  advantages, 
which  might  result  from  acknowledging  the  French  King ; 
the  treaties  which  might  be  formed  with  him;  the  difference 
between  appearing  as  auxiliaries  and  invaders;  and  further, 
the  necessity  of  a  moderate  line  of  conduct  on  the  part  of  the 
new  King,  so  as  to  lessen,  if  not  destroy,  opposition  to  him. 
Touch  on  the  means  of  keeping  Spain  steady.  Observe  to 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  425 

him,  that  Sardinia  must  ever  be  the  ally  of  France,  and  the 
enemy  of  Austria.  I  notice  the  state  of  Italy,  and  the  utter 
indifference  to  Great  Britain,  whether  that  country  continue  in 
its  present  political  form,  or  put  on  any  other.  He  wishes  to 
know  the  state  of  France.  I  observe  to  him  that  half  a  dozen 
different  people,  going  through  that  country,  will  each  give  a 
different  account  of  it,  and  that  he  can  in  his  cabinet  form  a 
better  opinion  on  principles,  which  I  explain,  and  then  add 
correspondent  information.  I  take  up  what  might  be  the 
feelings  of  this  country,  on  the  step  proposed,  and  cite  the 
conduct  of  Queen  Elizabeth  as  an  authority,  which  they  would 
be  little  inclined  to  question,  whatever  might  be  its  intrinsic 
merit. 

'  Having  gone  far  into  that  affair,  I  then  mention  as  a  busi 
ness  I  have  no  right  to  meddle  in,  but  which,  from  its  impor 
tance,  presses  itself  upon  me,  the  taking  of  our  ships,  and  the 
ill  blood  which  might  thereby  be  excited ;  how  useful  it  would 
be  to  give  immediate  relief,  the  very  bad  consequences  of  de 
lay  to  the  party  interested,  and  its  resulting  effects  on  national 
feelings.  He  says,  that  he  believes  everything  is  done,  which 
can  be  done,  to  give  despatch.  He  then  mentions  a  declara 
tion  by  Mr  Innis  to  the  Governor  of  Kentucky,  that  the  influ 
ence  of  the  British  cabinet  has  been  used  to  prevent  our  suc 
cess  in  negotiation  for  the  free  use  of  the  Mississippi,  and  how 
injurious  this  is,  as  they  are  really  desirous  we  should  have  it. 
He  apprehends  that  the  American  government  are  not  so  well 
disposed  towards  Great  Britain,  as  he  had  been  led  to  imagine. 
I  say  everything,  which  appears  to  me  proper  for  removing 
that  impression,  and  suggest  a  confidential  application  by  the 
British  Minister.  He  states  the  danger  of  publicity  from  the 
nature  of  our  government,  and  its  consequent  effects.  On 
which  I  suggest  a  verbal  communication  to  the  President.  To 
this  also  he  is  disinclined,  as  not  coinciding  with  their  habits  of 
business ;  but  wishes  that  I  would  write  a  private  letter  on  the 
subject,  which  I  promise.  At  coming  away,  he  expresses  the 

36* 


426  LIFE    OF 

wish  to  see  me  again  before  I  leave  town,  also  that  Mr  Pitt 
wishes  to  see  me. 

4  Dine  at  Monsieur  de  Ciricello's,  the  Neapolitan  Minister. 
The  Duke  d'Harcourt,  who  is  here,  speaks  to  me,  first  respect 
ing  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  afterwards  generally  on  French 
affairs.  He  has  much  the  idea  of  re-establishing  the  Parlia- 

O 

ments.  1  recommend,  on  the  part  of  the  new  King,  such  gen 
eral  declarations  as  will  bind  him  down  to  nothing,  excepting 
a  general  oblivion  of  the  past  with  very  few  exceptions.  Try 
to  convince  him,  that  re-establishing  the  Parliaments  will  be, 
in  the  first  instance,  attended  with  much  difficulty  on  the  part 
of  the  people,  and,  in  the  second,  will  occasion  much  opposi 
tion  by  them  to  his  measures. 

1  July  \\tJi. — I  call  on  the  Count  Woranzow,  and  show  him 
the  draft  of  a  Manifesto  by  the  new  King  of  France,  which  I 
gave  to  Lord  Grenville  last  Wednesday,  and  which  he  has  re 
turned  with  his  wish,  that  it  may  arrive  in  season.*  The 
Count  Woranzow  is  well  pleased  with  it,  and  thinks  the  Due 
d'Harcourt  should  give  money  to  the  person,  who  will  carry  it 
to  the  King.  I  tell  him  that  is  a  matter  to  be  settled  among 
them.  He  gives  me  an  account  of  the  strange  levity,  and  wild 
negotiations  of  the  Count  d'Artois,  and  the  pitiful  folly  of  a  M. 
Serenne,  to  whom  he  gives  his  confidence.  He  fears  that, 
when  arrived  at  Vendee,  he  will  surround  himself  by  such 
petits-maitres,  and  disgust  the  chiefs,  who  have  acquired  the 
confidence  of  the  people  in  that  quarter,  viz.  Puisaye,  Labour- 
donnaye,  Charette,  Stoflet,  and  wishes  me  to  caution  some  of 
his  entours.  I  tell  him  that  would  have  no  other  effect,  than 
to  lead  the  person,  to  whom  I  might  give  such  caution,  into  a 
communication  of  it  to  all  those  who  are  about  the  Prince,  and 
by  that  means  to  produce  the  mischief  we  mean  to  avoid. 

'  July  \4th> — Dine  at  Mr  Pitt's.  We  sit  down  at  six. 
Lords  Grenville,  Chatham,  and  another  come  later.  The 


1  Sue  this  Manifesto  in  the  present  work  Vol.  II.  p.  529. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  427 

rule  is  established  for  six  precisely,  which  is  right,  I  think. 
The  wines  are  good  and  the  conversation  flippant.  After 
dinner  I  have  some  further  conversation  with  Lord  Grenville, 
and  mention  par  hazard  Monsieur  de  B.  my  companion  in  a 
tour  through  the  Holstein,  his  poverty  among  other  things,  and 
he  says  the  means  of  joining  the  army  shall  be  supplied.  We 
agree  that  I  shall  give  him,  if  still  at  Altona,  a  credit  on  my 
banker  for  £100. — He  says  he  has  taken  the  liberty  to  give 
Lord  Macartney  a  copy  of  the  Manifesto,  which  I  had  showed 
him,  which  I,  of  course,  do  not  disapprove  of.  Indeed,  I 
knew  it  before.  I  am  to  see  Mr  Pitt  tomorrow,  The  mob 
broke  his  windows  yesterday,  and  are  rioting  in  Moorfields 
this  evening. 

*  July  15th, — This  morning  at  ten  I  visit  Mr  Pitt.  I  tell 
him  that,  as  I  presume  Lord  Grenville  has  given  him  the 
purport  of  our  conversation,  it  will  be  best  that  he  should  ask 
me  questions.  He  does  so,  and  I  reply  to  them.  Our  inter 
view  is  long,  and  he  is  much  satisfied  with  it.  I  recommend 
earnestly  sending  some  man  with  the  Count  d'Artors,  to  keep 
him  from  doing  foolish  things.  Ask  the  parole  of  Piquet's  sons, 
which  he  promises,  and  to  pay  them  £50  a  piece.  He  asks  me 
my  ideas  respecting  a  future  Constitution  for  France,  which  I 
avoid  giving  as  much  as  possible.  Some  points,  however,  are 
examined.' 

Mr  Morris  passed  the  time  from  the  middle  of  July,  till  near 
the  end  of  November,  in  travelling  through  various  parts  of  the 
Island  of  Great  Britain.  He  first  made  a  tour  to  the  south, 
and  thence  to  the  north,  going  to  Scotland  by  the  way  of 
Cambridge,  Hull,  York,  Durham,  and  returning  through  Glas 
gow,  Carlisle,  and  Liverpool.  It  was  his  object  to  visit  the 
most  remarkable  places,  and  particularly  the  manufacturing 
towns,  the  economy  and  details  of  which  he  examined  every 
where  with  a  close  inspection,  and  frequently  wrote  out  elab 
orate  descriptions  of  machinery,  and  the  process  of  curious 
manufactures.  It  is  to  be  feared,  that  the  romantic,  the  pic 
turesque  in  nature,  and  even  the  venerable  memorials  of  an- 


428  LIFE    OF 

tiquity  in  art,  had  not  many  charms  for  him.  Rarely  is  he 
found  in  search  of  these  objects,  and  little  does  he  say  of  moul 
dering  towers,  or  ivy-crowned  castles,  or  magnificent  cathe 
drals  ;  but  in  all  tbe  stirring  scenes  of  life,  where  the  agency 
of  man  is  triumphing  in  its  victories  for  the  improvement  of  the 
social  condition,  you  will  see  him  busy,  inquisitive,  indefatiga 
ble,  and  elated  with  enjoyment  at  the  wonders  he  is  perpet 
ually  discovering.  His  thoughts  were  equally  turned  to  the 
agriculture  of  the  country,  and  the  comforts  of  the  people. 

He  went  as  far  north  as  the  Grampians,  and  passed  a  day 
or  two  there  at  the  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Athol,  with  which,  as 
well  as  with  the  hospitality  of  its  lord,  he  was  much  delighted. 
On  his  return,  likewise,  he  visited  the  Duke  of  Argyle,  and 
the  Duke  of  Montrose,  at  their  respective  residences.  He  was 
pleased  with  Scotland,  where  everything  convinced  him,  that 
the  seeds  of  a  progressive  prosperity  were  deeply  planted,  and 
would  have  a  vigorous  and  rapid  growth.  He  loitered  for  a 
short  time  among  the  lakes  and  hills  in  the  north  of  England, 
and  spent  a  day  and  night  with  the  Bishop  of  Landaff,  at  Col- 
garth  Park,  near  Ambleside.  The  Bishop  told  him,  among 
other  things,  that  l  the  day  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  kissed 
hands,  on  being  appointed  Minister,  he  showed  him  on  the 
back  of  a  letter  certain  conditions  he  had  made  with  the  King, 
and  taken  down  with  a  pencil.  The  first  was,  that  the  inde 
pendence  of  America  should  be  acknowledged.  The  Mar 
quis  took  that  precaution,  because  on  a  former  occasion  the 
King  had  deceived  him  ;  and  his  Majesty  was  so  hurt  by  that 
precaution,  that  he  never  forgave  the  Marquis.'  The  Bishop 
moreover  declared  respecting  himself,  that  he  was  a  staunch  op 
position  man,  and  a  firm,  decided  whig.  To  which  the  trav 
eller  adds  in  his  Diary,  let  this  be  as  it  will,  '  he  is  certainly  a 
good  landlord  and  a  man  of  genius.' 

From  the  blakes  Mr  Morris  moved  slowly  onward,  stop 
ping  at  such  places  as  he  thought  demanded  attention,  and  ar 
rived  in  the  Capital  on  the  twenty-third  of  November. 

'  London,  November  25th,  1795. — Dress  and  go  to  Lord 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  429 

Grenville's  office ;  thence  to  Court.  Lord  Grenville  arrives 
late.  Am  presented  to  the  King,  who  takes  me  at  first  for  an 
Englishman;  and,  not  recollecting  me,  says  "You  have  been 
a  good  while  in  the  country."  We  set  him  right,  and  Lord 
Grenville  tells  his  Majesty,  that  I  was  not  liked  by  the  ruling 
powers  in  France.  "  I  suppose  Mr  Morris  is  too  much  attach 
ed  to  regular  government." — "  Yes,  Sir;  and  if  your  Majesty 
would  send  thither  your  discontented  subjects,  it  would  do  them 
much  good." — "  Well,  if  you  '11  contrive  it  for  me,  I  '11  give  my 
hearty  consent."  Lord  Grenville  adds,  *'  There  are  enough  of 
them,  Sir."  "  Oh,  aye,  quite  enough."  "  I  can  give  your  Ma 
jesty  good  news  from  the  continent,"  says  Lord  Grenville, 
"  General  Clairfait  is  still  following  the  French."  "  And  I,  Sir, 
can  give  you  a  piece  of  intelligence,  which  I  am  sure  will  be 
agreeable.  1  am  informed  from  unquestionable  authority,  that 
all  the  lower  orders  of  people  in  Holland  are  strongly  attached 
to  the  Stadtholder."  "  Ah  !  that  's  good,"  (with  surprise.) 
"  Sir,  they  have  always  been  so."  "  Then  it  is  only  the  aristo 
cratic  party  which  is  against  him." — "  Just  so,  Sir." — "  Pray, 
Mr  Morris,  what  part  of  America  are  you  from  ? " — "  I  am  from 
near  New  York,  Sir.  I  have  a  brother,  who  has  the  honor  to 
be  a  Lieutenant  General  in  your  Majesty's  service." — "  Ah, 
what,  you're  a  brother  of  General  Morris  ? — Yes,  I  think  I  see 
a  likeness.  But  you're  much  younger."  "  Yes,  Sir."  "Well, 
and  how  does  your  brother  do?  He's  at  Plymouth,  is'n't  he?" 
"  Yes,  Sir." — I  afterwards  see  a  petition  presented  to  the  King 
on  his  throne,  from  the  University  of  Oxford.  Then  go  home 
with  Lord  Gower  to  see  Lady  Sutherland.  Thence  to  the 
House  of  Commons.  Return  again  to  Lord  Gower's  and 
dine,  and  thence  again  to  the  House,  where  Mr  Fox  delivers 
a  very  enimated  speech,  in  reply  to  a  very  cool  and  sensible 

discourse  from  Mr .     Mr  Pitt  does  not  speak,  in  which 

I  am  disappointed.  On  a  division,  the  ministerial  party  has  a 
great  majority  ;  and  the  affair  is  to  be  discussed  again  next 
Friday.  Great  acuteness  on  the  part  of  Mr  Fox. 

1  December  3d. — Go  to  Court     Count  Woranzow  tells  me 


430  LIFE    OF 

an  instance  of  Lord  Grenville's  candor.  It  relates  to  the  Man 
ifesto  prepared  for  the  new  King.  The  Count  has  sent  a 
copy  of  it,  and  a  history  of  it  to  his  Court.  He  introduces  me 
to  the  Count  de  Staremberg.  Lord  Grenville  introduces  me 
to  the  Duke  of  Portland,  and  tells  me  that  Mountflorence 
shall  have  his  passport.  He  presents  me  to  the  Queen,  who 
is  a  well  bred  and  sensible  woman,  I  think. 

'  Conversing  with  Lord  Grenville  about  our  treaty,  I  tell  him 
that  we  must  not  covenant  not  to  export  the  produce  of  the 
West  India  Islands,  because  our  commerce  will  always  give  us 
an  excess  of  those  articles.  That  if  I  had  to  negotiate  with 
him  on  the  subject,  I  would  almost  venture  to  leave  the  settle 
ment  of  the  articles  with  him  and  the  West  India  planters. 
That  whatever  may  be  the  final  state  of  the  Islands,  and  who 
ever  may  be  the  possessor,  it  must  be  his  policy  to  convince 
us,  that  it  is  our  interest  he  should  continue  in  the  possession. 
He  says  that  his  opinion  coincides  perfectly  with  mine,  and 
that  he  treated  on  that  ground.  I  then  tell  him,  that,  in  my 
opinion,  all  difficulties  might  be  removed,  if,  after  designating 
the  size  of  the  vessels  to  be  admitted,  a  further  stipulation 
should  be  made  of  a  maximum  of  export  duty,  the  amount 
within  that  limit  to  be  fixed  by  the  King.  His  Majesty's  Min 
isters  would  then,  by  their  instructions  to  the  Governors,  have 
it  so  fixed  from  time  to  lime  as  to  comport  with  the  wants  of 
the  colony,  and  the  interests  of  the  British  navigation,  without 
any  reference  to  the  colonial  Assemblies.  He  says  that 
he  thinks  something  may  be  made  out  of  that  idea.  He  says 
that  Lord  Bute  informs  him  from  Madrid,  that  Mr  Pinckney 
is  on  his  way  back,  having  concluded  a  treaty  of  navigation,  (in 
which  he  supposes  the  affair  of  the  Mississippi  to  be  settled,) 
and  leaving  the  treaty  of  commerce  for  another  year.  I  tell 
him,  as  I  did  the  King,  that  their  fears  prevent  them  from 
treating ;  whereas  those  very  apprehensions  should  have  in 
duced  them  to  treat.  He  agrees  in  this  idea,  and  adds,  that 
it  is  inconceivable  how  apprehensive  they  are.  I  tell  him  that 
Mr  Pinckney  has  asked  for  his  recall,  and  that  I  do  not  think 
it  improbable  Mr  Adams  may  be  appointed  Minister  here. 


GOUVERN7EUR    MORRIS.  431 

'April  14th,  1796.— This  morning  I  go  to  the  Queen's 
drawing  room.  They  are  in  high  spirits.  The  Count  Star- 
emberg,  who  is  overjoyed  at  the  answer  of  the  French  Direc 
tory,  speaks  of  it  to  the  Queen  as  being  a  piece  of  very  good, 
news.  She  prudently  answers  in  German.  Asks  me  after 
wards,  if  I  understand  German,  on  which  I  tell  her,  that  I 
think  she  was  right  in  speaking  that  language  upon  that  occa 
sion.  "I  believe  it  was  prudent."  "Yes,  Madam, much  more 
so,  than  the  speech  to  which  you  replied."  The  King,  how 
ever,  is  very  open  to  Count  Woranzow,  and  also  to  me,  who 
arrive  while  they  are  in  the  discussion.  He  afterwards  talks 
on  the  subject  of  finance  with  much  good  sense,  but  in  Eng 
lish,  so  that  Woranzow  don't  get  his  share  of  it.' 

Mr  Morris  remained  in  London  till  June,  when  he  returned 
to  the  continent,  and  resumed  his  old  lodgings  at  Altona.  He 
was  engaged  in  making  preparations  for  a  journey  to  Berlin, 
Dresden,  and  Vienna.  His  plan  was  to  travel  with  his  own 
horses,  and  as  those  he  had  purchased  for  the  purpose  in  Eng 
land  were  young,  restive,  and  not  well  broken  to  the  harness, 
he  was  detained  a  few  days  in  giving  them  proper  lessons  of 
discipline  for  their  new  task.  This  being  accomplished,  and 
all  things  else  in  readiness,  he  set  off  for  Berlin.  As  he  was 
approachif  g  that  city,  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  he  held  the 
following  conversation. 

6  July  llth. — This  morning  at  a  quarter  after  six,  I  leave 
Fehrbellin  with  post  horses,  in  order  to  spare  my  own.  My 
valet-de-chambre  has  taken  it  into  his  head,  that  he  is  a  man  of 
genius,  and  so,  in  order  to  show  that  genius,  he  is  very  elo 
quent  on  every  occasion  in  the  very  worst  dialect  of  the  Ger 
man  language.  He  is  a  very  great  patriot,  as  far  as  the  abuse 
of  Kings,  nobles,  and  priests,  may  go ;  and,  with  high  preten 
sions  to  superiority  over  his  fellow  servants,  is  disposed  to  con 
sider  himself  on  a  level  with  his  master.  He  says,  that  he 
despises  Prussia  and  its  government  so  much,  that  he  never 
troubled  himself  to  inquire  about  Berlin.  However,  as  he  sits 
next  the  postillion,  this  one  tells  him,  that  postillions  are  for- 


432  LIFE    OF 

bidden  to  smoke  through  the  forests.  That  the  Jagers,  if  they 
see  them  do  it,  take  away  their  pipes ;  but  yet  the  Jagers 
themselves  smoke.  He  tells  me  this  with  much  zeal  and  em 
phasis,  to  prove  the  oppression  of  the  government.  What  a 
barbarous  law  against  the  poor  ! 

<I  humbly  represent  to  him,  that  the  poor  depend  much  for 
fuel  on  these  forests,  which  may  be  quite  consumed  by  the 
carelessness  of  a  postillion  ;  that  there  is  no  great  hardship  in 
being  deprived  of  the  use  of  a  pipe,  while  a  man  rides  from 
one  stage  to  another ;  that  it  would  be,  perhaps,  a  useful  regu 
lation  of  police  to  prohibit  smoking  everywhere,  except  in  the 
apartments  of  a  house,  because  villages  may  be  consumed  by 
it;  and  remind  him  of  our  anxiety  on  shipboard,  lest  the  smok 
ers  should  set  the  hay  on  fire.  He  takes  his  departure  from 
this  point,  by  asserting  that  there  is  much  more  danger  from 
the  use  of  flambeaux  behind  noblemen's  carriages.  I  then 
again  humbly  represent  to  him,  that  in  the  dark,  rainy,  or 
snowy  nights  of  winter,  numerous  carriages,  driving  about  in 
every  direction,  and  through  narrow  streets  without  lights, 
might  not  only  injure  each  other,  but  prove  fatal  to  foot  pas 
sengers,  wherefore  it  might  be  a  useful  regulation  of  police,  to 
oblige  those  who  use  carriages  to  exhibit  lights.  On  the 
whole,  I  desire  him  to  inquire,  whether  a  nobleman  be  not 
equally  forbidden  with  all  others  to  smoke  in  the  forest.  Af 
ter  some  conversation  with  the  postillion,  he  exults  in  the  dis 
covery  that,  though  the  law  be  general,  yet  the  Jagers  do  not 
take  away  the  noblemen's  pipes.  I  take  leave  to  suggest  that, 
when  a  government  makes  just  and  eqoal  laws,  it  cannot  be 
blamed  merely  because  some  of  those,  to  whom  the  execu 
tion  is  entrusted,  wink  at  the  breach  of  them ;  that  we  our 
selves  on  entering  the  frontier  found  it  convenient  to  encour 
age  the  officers  in  their  delinquency,  by  way  of  expediting  our 
journey.  Here  again,  filled  with  patriotic  zeal,  he  complains, 
that  the  portmanteau  of  a  foot  passenger  would  have  been  ex 
amined. 

( I  do  not  find  it  worth  while  to  continue  the  conversation 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  433 

farther,  than  to  suggest,  that  the  blame  here,  if  any,  falls  on 
the  officer,  and  not  on  the  Prince  ;  besides,  that  one,  who 
travels  in  a  chariot  and  four,  is  not  likely  to  smuggle.  But 
the  postillion  makes  the  best  commentary  on  the  subject,  by 
lighting  his  pipe,  and  as  the  smoke  flies  in  the  other's  face,  and 
incommodes  him  not  a  little,  1  simply  observe,  that  the  poor 
can  elude  the  laws  as  well  as  the  rich.  The  postillion  smokes 
on  with  great  fervor,  till  the  patriot  loses  all  patience,  and 
would,  I  am  persuaded,  if  armed  at  this  instant  with  legisla 
tive  power,  make  it  felony  to  smoke  at  all.  I  cannot  help 
meditating  again  on  this  occasion,  as  on  a  thousand  others,  up 
on  the  manner  in  which  travels  are  written.  A  man  has 
adopted  some  system  of  morality,  or  politics,  or  religion,  either 
from  habit  or  whim,  and,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  own  infalli 
bility,  goes  on  condemning  the  practices  of  every  other  per 
son  and  nation,  catches  up  single  incidents,  and  converts  them 
into  general  data,  by  way  of  supporting  his  hypothesis,  and  fix 
ing  on  special  inhibitions,  without  seeking  the  reason  of  the 
law,  condemns  the  legislator  for  those  things  which  merit  ap 
plause;  and  there,  where  he  shows  himself  a  provident  parent, 
the  self-conceited  satirist  marks  him  as  the  object  of  detesta 
tion.' 

He  continued  in  Berlin  nearly  a  month,  where  he  made  the 
acquaintance  of  Prince  Ferdinand,  and  associated  chiefly  in 
the  diplomatic  circles.  The  King  and  his  principal  Minister 
were  absent  at  Pyrmont,  but  the  Count  de  Haguenitz,  another 
of  the  Ministers,  treated  him  with  much  politeness  during  his 
stay.  He  had  letters  to  William  Humboldt,  who  introduced 
him  to  his  friends  in  Berlin.  The  British  Minister,  Lord  El 
gin,  was  particularly  civil.  Among  the  French  emigrants,  he 
found  some  of  his  old  Paris  acquaintances.  To  the  Baron 
d'Escar,  who  wanted  to  know  if  he  thought  anything  could  be 
done,  to  serve  the  wandering  chief  of  the  House  of  Bourbon, 
he  replied,  that*  in  his  opinion  he  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  try 
to  get  shot,  thereby  redeeming  by  valor  the  foregone  follies  of 
his  conduct.  Should  he  fall,  this  would  rescue  his  memory 
VOL.  i.  31 


434  LIFE    OF 

from  reproach,  and,  if  fate  should  direct  away  the  shot  aimed 
at  his  life,  it  might  restore  him  to  the  good  opinion  of  his  na 
tion  ;  that  there  was  very  little  chance  of  his  being  called  to 
the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  but  if  any,  it  was  only  to  be  secured 
by  such  valorous  conduct,  as  might  command  the  respect  of 
the  French.'  The  politics  of  Europe  were  the  constant  topics 
of  Mr  Morris's  conversation  in  Berlin,  as  they  had  been  in 
Paris  and  London.  He  talked  in  his  usual  free  mariner  with 
the  Ambassadors  of  different  powers,  apparently  displeasing 
some,  and  impressing  others  with  a  high  sense  of  the  boldness, 
originality,  and  strength  of  his  views. 

*  July  23d. — I  dine  very  much  against  my  will  with  Prince 
Ferdinand.  I  was  engaged  to  a  very  agreeable  party,  but  it 
seems  the  Highnesses  must  never  be  denied,  unless  it  be  from 
indisposition.  I  had,  however,  written  a  note  declining  the 
intended  honor,  but  the  messenger  upon  looking  at  it,  for  it 
was  a  letter  patent  like  the  invitation,  said  he  could  not  deliver 
it ;  that  nobody  ever  refused  ;  all  which  I  was  informed  of  af 
ter  he  was  gone.  On  consulting,  I  found  that  I  must  go  or 
give  mortal  offence,  which  last  I  have  no  inclination  to  do  ;  so 
I  write  another  note,  and  send  out  to  hunt  up  the  messenger. 
While  I  am  abroad  this  untoward  incident  is  arranged,  and  of 
course  I  am  at  Bellevue.  This  Prince  resembles  the  picture 
of  his  brother,  the  late  King,  but  has  by  no  means  the  same 
expression  of  countenance.  The  Princess  is  tolerably  well 
looking,  now  that  she  is  made  up,  and  the  children  are  rather 
handsome  than  otherwise.  In  the  afternoon  the  Ministers  of 
Spain  and  Portugal,  with  the  Marquise  de  Nadaillac  and  Baron 
d'Escar,  go  to  the  garden  at  Charlottenburg,  which  they  are 
so  kind  as  to  show  me,  and  afterwards  we  take  tea  with  Mrs 
Brown,  wife  of  the  King's  physician,  an  English  family.  Here 
I  see  the  Princess  Auguste,  youngest  daughter  of  his  Prussian 
Majesty,  who  seems  desirous  to  please.' 

Having  staid  nearly  four  weeks  in  Berlin,  he  departed  for 
Dresden.  On  his  first  arrival  he  was  met  with  a  sight,  which 
wrought  upon  his  moral  sensibilities. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  435 

c  Dresden ,  August  19th. — In  the  streets  are  many  French  em 
igrants,  who  are  travelling  eastward  to  avoid  their  countrymen. 
They  are  allowed  to  stay  only  three  days.  Unhappy  people  ! 
Yet  they  employ  themselves  in  seeing  everything  curious, 
which  they  can  get  at ;  are  serene,  and  even  gay.  So  great  a 
calamity  could  never  light  on  shoulders,  which  could  bear  it 
so  well.  But,  alas  !  the  weight  is  not  diminished  by  the  graceful 
manner  of  supporting  it.  The  sense  however  is  less,  by  all  that 
spleen  and  ill  humor  could  add  to  torment  the  afflicted.  Doubt 
less,  there  are  many  among  them,  who  have  a  consciousness  of 
rectitude  to  support  them.  This  ground  of  hope  in  the  kind 
ness  of  that  Being,  who  is  to  all  his  creatures  an  indulgent  fa 
ther,  with  the  cheerfulness  of  temper,  which  nature  has  given  to 
some  of  her  favored  children,  may  make  their  hearts  beat  lightly 
in  their  bosoms,  while  those  of  their  more  fortunate  oppressors 
shall  sink  -and  sicken.  For  surely  the  oppressor  can  never  be 
happy.  I  flatter  myself  with  the  belief,  that  a  great  majority  of 
those  in  France  would  rejoice  at  an  opportunity  to  call  home 
their  brethren,  wandering  in  proscribed  wretchedness  through 
a  world,  which  is  to  them  almost  a  wilderness.  But  the  day 
is  yet,  perhaps,  at  a  distance.  Oh  God  !  it  is  thy  wisdom 
which  hath  ordained,  and  thy  hand  which  heavily  hath  inflict 
ed  this  blow,  consistent  most  surely  with  those  just  decrees, 
which  we  may  not  presume^to  measure,  nor  even  dare  to  know, 
but  yet  we  know,  for  we  feel,  that  thy  mercy  will  season  to 
those,  who  suffer  them,  the  sharpness  of  these  afflictions.  Yes, 
we  feel !  and  it  is  this  consciousness,  which,  previous  and  par 
amount  to  all  .reasoning,  has  diffused  through  the  whole  human 
race,  and  impressed  on  the  heart  of  each  individual,  the  same 
conviction  of  his  own  existence,  and  the  existence  of  God. 
Yes,  we  feel  !  and  it  is  in  the  strict  accordance  between  our  finest 
feelings,  and  the  principles  of  the  religion  we  profess,  that  this 
stands  demonstrated  by  their  evidence  to  be  of  divine  origin.' 

Here  he   first  saw  the   Dutchess  of  Cumberland,  and  the 
Prince   and    Princesse  de   la  Tour   et  Taxis,  with    all    of 


436  LIFE  or 

whom  he  kept  up  a  correspondence  for  several  years  after 
wards.  The  city  of  Dresden,  its  environs,  its  galleries  of 
paintings,  statuary,  and  other  curiosities,  drew  from  him 
stronger  tokens  of  admiration,  than  he  had  before  exhibited  for 
similar  objects  in  other  places.  He  went  to  Court  on  one  oc 
casion  an  hour  too  late.  Our  readers  will  remember  that  in 
Paris  he  once  went  a  day  too  early,  and  was  reminded  of  his 
blunder  by  Marie  Antoinette. 

'  August  2Sth. — Go  to  Court  this  morning  an  hour  later 
than  I  ought  to  have  done,  owing  to  a  mistake  of  my  valet- 
de-chambre,  who,  with  every  pretension  to  genius,  and  the 
like,  has  the  misfortune  to  he  a  little  stupid,  and,  though  he 
boasts  of  a  knowledge  of  threo  tongues,  seems  to  understand 
neither.  The  Fourrier  had  announced  the  drawing-room  for 
hall)  zwoelf\  which,  being  translated  from  the  German,  is  half 
past  eleven^  but  he  rendered  it  Anglice,  half  after  twelve.' 

After  remaining  ten  or  twelve  days  in  Dresden,  he  pursued 
his  journey,  and  arrived  at  Vienna  about  the  middle  of  Sep 
tember.  The  English  Ambassador,  Sir  Morton  Eden,  was 
among  his  first  acquaintances  in  the  Austrian  capital,  though 
he  paid  his  respects  on  the  day  of  his  arrival  to  M.  Thugut, 
the  Emperor's  Prime  Minister,  and  to  some  of  the  Ministers 
of  foreign  powers,  to  whom  he  had  letters.  He  seemed  here,  as 
in  Berlin,  to  fraternize  with  the  Corps  Diplomatique,  and  was 
soon  on  terms  of  social  intimacy  with  several  of  the  diploma 
tists  and  their  families,  which  brought  him  of  course  into  the 
rounds  of  the  first  society  in  Vienna. 

'  Vienna,  September  24^A. — This  morning  Sir  Morton  Eden 
calls,  and  we  go  to  Court.  He  presents  me  to  the  Emperor, 
who  is  ready  in  conversation.  He  is  in  very  good  spirits, 
having  received  favorable  advices  from  the  Rhine.  The 
Archduke  has  driven  the  French  back  beyond  the  Lahn,  and 
relieved  the  fortress  of  Ehrenbreitstein.  A  body  of  imperial 
troops  is  already  up  as  high  as  Rastadt,  in  the  view  of  cutting 
off  the  supplies  of  Moreau,  who  is  still  at  Neuburg.  The 
Emperor  gives  us  his  news,  and  expresses  at  the  same  time  his 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  437 

hope,  that  Moreau  will  not  be  able  to  effect  his  retreat.  In 
deed  this  hope  amounts  almost  to  expectation.  He  tells  me, 
that  in  a  month's  time  my  way  will  be  open  into  Switzerland, 
but  observes  that  it  will  then 'be  cold  travelling. 

1  October  26th. — This  morning  Sir  Morton  Eden  calls,  and 
presents  me  to  the  Empress,  who  speaks  a  little  to  Colonel 
Hope,  my  co-presented,  a  few  words  to  me,  and  has  a  long  con 
versation  with  Sir  Morton,  who  leans  quietly  against  the  wall. 
She  seems  to  be  a  good  sort  of  little  woman  ;  but,  in  the 
course  of  her  conversation,  she  shows  about  the  eyebrow 
something  which  bespeaks  high  spirit.  She  has  the  Austrian 
countenance  a  little. 

1  Return  home  and  write  for  the  post.     After  dinner,  I  visit 
Madame   Audenarde,   who   asks   me,   if  it  be  true  that  I  am 
charged  here  with  a  mission  from  Congress  to  ask  the  liberty 
of  Lafayette.     I  laugh  at  this  a  little,  and  then,  assuring  her 
that  there  is  no  truth  in  that  suggestion,  say  that  it  is  a  piece 
of  folly  to  keep  him  prisoner.     This  brings  her  out  violently 
against  him,  and  to  the   same  effect  the  Count  Dietrichstein, 
who  indeed  is  as  much  prompted  to   defend  the  Austrian  ad 
ministration,  as  to  side  with  his  friend.     We  examine  the  mat 
ter  as  coolly  as  their  prejudices  will  admit  ;  and,  on   the  point 
of  right,  he  takes  the  only  tenable  ground,  viz.  that  the  public 
safety  being  the  supreme  law  of  Princes,  the  Emperor,  con 
ceiving  it  dangerous  to  leave  Lafayette  and  his  associates  at 
large,  had  arrested   them,  and   keeps   them   still  prisoners  for 
the  same  reason.     Lavaupalliere,   who  comes  in  during  the 
conversation,  shows  still  more  ill  will  to  this  unfortunate  man, 
than  any  one  else.     He  seems  to  flatter  himself,  that  there  is 
yet  some  chance  of  getting  him  hanged.     He   treats  him   not 
only  as  having  been  deficient  in   abilities,  but  as  having  been 
most    ungrateful  to  the  King   and   Queen  ;  from   which   last 
charge  I  defend  him,  in  order  to  see  what  may  be  the  amount 
of  the  inculpation  ;  and   it   resolves   itself  into   two  favors  re 
ceived  from  the   Court.     First,   pardon  for   having  gone   to 
America,  notwithstanding  an  order  given  him  to  the  contrary ; 
37* 


438  •  LIFE    OF 

and,  next,  promotion  to  the  rank  of  Marechal  de  Camp  over 
the  heads  of  several  who  were,  many  of  them,  men  of  family. 
To  crown  all,  he  accuses  him  of  the  want  of  courage,  and  de 
clares  that  he  has  seen  him  contumeliously  treated  without  re 
senting  it.  To  this  1  give  as  peremptory  a  negative,  as  good 
breeding  will  permit,  and  he  feels  it. 

'  Indeed  the  conversation  of  these  gentlemen,  who  have  the 
virtue  and  good  fortune  of  their  grandfathers  to  recommend 
them,  leads  me  almost  to  forget  the  crimes  of  the  French  Rev 
olution  ;  and  often  the  unforgiving  temper  and  sanguinary 
wishes,  which  they  exhibit,  make  me  almost  believe,  that  the 
assertion  of  their  enemies  is  true,  viz.  that  it  is  the  success 
alone,  which  has  determined  on  whose  side  should  be  the 
crimes  and  on  whose  the  misery. 

'  December  1th. — Madame  Razomousky  entertains  us  much 
by  the  histoires  naives,  which  she  gives  of  herself  in  her  pre 
sentation  here  as  Ambassadress,  and  her  reception  at  Moscow 
by  her  father-in-law.  She  is  a  fine  lively  woman,  with  a  con 
siderable  share  of  genius,  and  most  playful  imagination.  She 
admires  much  the  Empress  of  Russia,  not  merely  as  a  great 
sovereign,  but  as  a  pleasant  woman,  and  tells  among  other 
things  a  story  of  a  sleighing  party,  in  which  her  coachman 
overset  her,  and  excused  himself,  by  saying  that  he  had  tried 
for  un  hour  to  overturn  the  sleigh  of  a  page  without  effect,  and 
could  not  have  succeeded,  if  he  had  not  seized  that  opportu 
nity,  in  doing  which  he  had  unluckily  gone  farther  than  he  in 
tended.  She  smiled,  and  begged  him  in  future  to  play  such 
tricks  when  there  was  nobody  in  the  carriage.  This  woman 
is,  however,  accused,  and  I  believe  justly,  of  many  acts  of  a 
most  serious  complexion.  But  such  is  human  nature.' 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  439 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

MR    MORRIS'S    ATTEMPT    IN    VIENNA    TO    PROCURE    THE    LIBERATION  OF    LA 
FAYETTE. CORRESPONDENCE     WITH     MADAME      DE     STAEL      ON      THAT 

SUBJECT. INTERVIEW    WITH    THE    AUSTRIAN     MINISTER. LETTER      TO 

MADAME     DE      LAFAYETTE. ROYAL     PRINCESS     OF     FRANCE. AUSTRIAN 

NOBILITY. LEAVES     VIENNA     FOR     BERLIN. CONVERSATION      WITH     THE 

KING    OV    PRUSSIA. RESIDENCE    IN    BRUNSWICK. RETURNS  TO    ALTONA. 

— LAFAYETTE'S  RELEASE  FROM  OLMUTZ. — GIVEN  UP  TO  THE  AMERICAN 

CONSUL    AT    HAMBURG,    IN    PRESENCE    OF    MR    MORRIS. 

WHILE  at  Vienna,  Mr  Morris  made  it  a  special  object  of  his 
efforts  to  procure  the  liberation  of  Lafayette,  then  at  Olmutz. 
He  was  prompted  to  this  by  many  motives,  though  he  confess 
ed  at  the  outset,  that  he  had  a  slender  hope  of  success.  He 
could  act  under  no  other  authority,  than  the  influence  of  his 
own  character ;  and  he  knew  the  little  weight  this  must  have 
in  a  case,  which  had  become  so  notorious  as  that  of  Lafayette, 
and  in  which  his  oppressors  had  taken  their  stand  before  the 
whole  world,  on  the  sole  and  avowed  ground  of  their  sovereign 
will.  To  such  judges  it  was  idle  to  speak  of  justice  or 
clemency,  reason  or  truth.  Of  this  he  was  convinced,  yet  the 
deep  interest  he  took  in  the  misfortunes  of  the  prisoner  and 
his  family,  not  more  on  his  own  account,  than  on  that  of  his 
country,  and  of  the  friends  of  liberty  and  humanity  everywhere, 
induced  him  to  make  the  attempt,  which,  should  it  prove  abor 
tive,  could  in  no  event  do  any  harm..  He  received  two  letters 
from  Madame  de  Stae'l  on"  this  subject,  after  his  arrival  in  Vi 
enna  well  suited  to  kindle  enthusiasm  in  the  coldest  bosom. 


440  LIFE  or 


MADAME    DE    STAEL    TO    MR    MORRIS. 

*  Copet,  September  21st,  179G. 
'Sir, 

4 1  have  no  right  to  take  this  step  in  addressing  you.  I  es 
teem  you  most  highly,  but  who  would  not  esteem  you  ?  I 
admire  your  talents,  for  I  have  listened  to  you,  and  in  this  I 
am  not  singular.  But  what  I  have  to  ask  of  you  is  so  much 
in  accordance  with  your  own  feelings,  that  my  letter  will  only 
repeat  to  you  their  dictates  in  poorer  expressions.  You  are 
travelling  through  Germany,  and  whether  on  a  public  mis 
sion  or  not,  you  have  influence ;  for  they  are  not  so  stu 
pid,  as  not  to  consult  a  man  like  you.  Open  the  prison  door 
of  M.  de  Lafayette.  You  have  already  saved  his  wife  from 
death ;  deliver  the  whole  family.  Pay  the  debt  of  your 
country.  What  greater  service  can  any  one  render  to  his 
native  land,  than  to  discharge  her  obligations  of  gratitude  ? 
Is  there  any  severer  calamity,  than  that  which  has  befallen 
Lafayette  ?  Does  any  more  glaring  injustice  attract  the  at 
tention  of  Europe  ?  I  speak  to  you  of  glory,  yet  I  know  a 
more  elevated  sentiment  is  the  motive  of  your  conduct. 

1  The  unhappy  wife  of  M.  de  Lafayette  has  sent  a  message, 
in  which  she  begs  her  friends  to  apply  to  him,  who  has  already 
been  her  preserver.  I  had  no  difficulty  in  recognising  you, 
under  this  veil.  In  this  period  of  terror,  there  are  a  thousand 
virtues,  by  which  they,  who  fear  to  pronounce  your  name, 
may  distinguish  you.  For  myself,  who  am  more  afflicted,  I 
believe,  than  any  one,  by  the  fate  of  M.  de  Lafayette,  I  shall 
not  have  the  presumption  to  imagine,  that  my  solicitations  can 
influence  you  in  his  favor.  But  you  cannot  prevent  me  from 
admiring  you,  nor  from  feeling  as  grateful  to  you,  as  if  you  had 
granted  to  myself  alone  that,  which  humanity,  your  own  glory, 
and  both  worlds  expect  of  you. 

'  NECKER  DE  STAEL.' 

This  letter  Mr  Morris   answered,  without  giving   any   en 
couragement  to  his  fair  and  gifted  correspondent,  that    her 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  441 

benevolent  wishes  could  be  realised.  He  lamented  the  mis 
fortune  of  their  common  friend,  but  feared  there  was  no  im 
mediate  remedy  at  hand.  What  had  already  been  done  he 
believed  was  impolitic,  and  more  injurious  than  beneficial  to 
Lafayette.  '  A  commencement  was  made,'  said  he,  '  by  com 
plaints  of  injustice,  and  a  conclusion,  by  demands  of  repara 
tion.  Now  you  know,  that  men  do  not  easily  allow  they 
have  done  wrong.  Hence,  they  first  defended  themselves 
against  the  charge,  and  then,  by  means  of  disputing,  both  par 
ties  are  angry.  At  last  self-love  takes  part  in  the  matter, 
so  that  the  most  urgent  solicitations  would  perhaps  be  fruitless; 
for  it  would  be  difficult  to  comply  with  them,  without  admit 
ting  the  injustice  in  question,  since  the  circumstances  have  not 
changed,  so  as  to  offer  either  a  reason  or  pretext  for  a  change 
of  conduct.  But,  persuaded  as  I  am  of  the  unhappy  conse 
quence  of  the  detention  of  M.  de  Lafayette,  I  would  use  eve 
ry  exertion  to  break  his  chains,  if  I  had  it  in  my  power.' 
Madame  de  Stael  replied  to  this  by  a  second  letter. 

MADAME    DE    STAEL    TO    MR    MORRIS. 

«  Copet,  November  2d,  1796. 
'  Sir, 

c  The  place  where  your  letter  was  written,  is  enough  to  give 
me  some  hope.  It  is  impossible  you  should  be  there  without 
succeeding.  Such  glory  is  reserved  for  you,  and  there  is  none 
more  delightful,  or  more  brilliant,  for  you,  or  for  any  man. 
It  is  possible  the  opposition  may  have  been  indiscreet.  But 
could  the  unfortunate  man,  of  whom  they  spoke,  have  solicited 
it  of  them  ?  It  appears  certain,  that  his  wife  was  kindly  re 
ceived  by  the  Emperor;  that  he  permitted  her  to  write  to  him, 
and  that  he  has  never  received  her  letters.  Humane  and  just, 
as  we  are  assured  he  is,  would  he  have  suffered  the  wife  and 
children  to  be  treated  in  the  same  manner?  The  wife  and 
children  !  What  a  reward  for  such  a  noble  self  devotion  !  It 
is  as  cruel,  as  the  condition  from  which  you  once  before  saved 
her.  What  do  they  expect  ?  Do  they  wish  that  the  earliest 


442  LIFE    OF 

enemies  of  the  unhappy  man  should  be  roused  to  claim,  that  a 
period  should  be  put  to  his  misfortunes  ?  That  they  should  imi 
tate  the  demand  of  the  Romans  from  the  Carthagenians  ?  It 
seems  to  me,  if  you  were  to  speak  for  a  single  hour  to  those, 
on  whom  his  fate  depends,  all  would  be  well.  I  have  such 
experience  of  your  influence  over  opinions,  which  were  even 
opposed  to  your  own,  that  I  am  tempted  to  ask,  what  effect 
would  you  not  produce,  were  you  to  lend  your  intelligence  and 
talent  to  second  the  persuasions  of  interest  ?  Should  you  ask 
this,  as  the  reward  of  your  counsels,  could  it  be  refused? 

'  In  short,  the  idea  that  this  calamity  may  be  terminated, 
that  it  may  be  terminated  by  your  exertions,  this  idea  excites 
in  me  so  much  emotion,  that,  without  disguising  to  myself  the 
indiscretion  of  a  second  letter,  I  could  not  deny  myself  the 
expression  of  this  belief,  which  arises  as  much  from  admira 
tion  of  you,  as  from  pity  for  him. 

(  NECKER  DE  STAEL.' 

Not  long  after  this  letter  came  to  hand,  Mr  Morris  received 
the  following  letter  from  Madame  de  Montagu,  the  sister  of 
Madame  de  Lafayette. 

«  Ploen,  Holstein,  November  27th,  1796. 
'Sir, 

e  My  sister  is  in  danger  of  losing  the  life  you  saved  in  the 
prisons  of  Paris.  Her  tenderness  and  duty  have  conducted 
her,  with  her  daughters,  to  that  of  Olmutz,  where  the  utter 
privation  of  salubrious  air  has  sensibly  impaired  the  springs  of 
life.  Her  husband,  attacked  by  a  disorder  in  the  chest,  will 
soon  yield,  perhaps,  to  the  slow  fever,  which  is  consuming 
him  ;  and  the  tender  children  will  see  the  authors  of  their  be 
ing,  whom  they  came  to  serve  and  consoles  perish  before  their 
eyes. 

1  Madame  de  Lafayette  has  solicited  permission  to  go  and 
pass  a  few  days  at  Vienna,  in  order  to  consult  a  physician 
there.  This  was  not  only  refused  her,  but  she  was  positively 
assured,  that  if  she  left  her  husband's  prison  a  moment,  she 
could  never  return.  The  only  alternative  allowed  her  was  to 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  443 

abandon  him,  or  to  partake  all  the  hardships  of  his  captivity. 
Her  choice  was  not  doubtful.  She  consented  to  breathe  on 
ly  the  infected  air  of  the  place  where  he  is  confined,  and  to 
give  thanks  for  the  privilege  allowed  her. 

'  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  address  a  letter  to  the  Empe 
ror,  to  denounce  to  him  the  cruelties,  of  which  everything  at 
tests  his  ignorance,  because,  after  having  honored  my  sister 
with  the  kindest  reception,  he  condescended  to  assure  her, 
that  her  husband  was  well  treated,  while  his  keepers  obstinate 
ly  refused,  for  two  years,  to  answer  his  questions  respecting 
the  existence  of  his  wife  and  children.  My  remonstrance  has 
remained  unanswered.  Has  not  he,  whom  Europe  numbers 
among  those  citizens  of  whom  North  America  ought  to  be 
most  proud,  has  not  he  the  right  to  make  himself  heard  in  fa 
vor  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  of  a  wife,  whose  life 
belongs  to  him,  since  he  has  preserved  it?  Yes,  without 
doubt,  and  it  is  in  this  confidence,  that  I  solicit  your  aid 
with  the  Emperor  and  the  Austrian  Ministry,  and  that  I  come 
to  you  to  seek  the  hope  and  comfort  so  necessary  to  the 
wretched. 

*  My  gratitude  is  already  yours  by  so  many  titles,  that  to  feel 
assured  of  it,  Sir,  you  need  only  see  the  signature  of  your 
most  humble  servant, 

'  THE  MARCHIONESS  DE  MONTAGU.' 

At  an  interview  with  the  Baron  de  Thugut,  December  the 
J8th,  after  conversing  for  some  time  on  various  political  topics, 
Mr  Morris  introduced  the  affair  of  M.  de  Lafayette,  of  which 
he  gives  the  following  notice  in  his  Diary. 

1  After  having  said  as  much  as  was  proper,  and  received  his 
thanks  for  the  communication,  I  take  out  a  letter  I  had  receiv 
ed  from  Madame,  la  Marquise  de  Montagu,  sister  to  Mad 
ame  de  Lafayette.  Monsieur  de  Thugut  contradicts  the  ac 
count  of  ill  treatment,  expresses  the  wish  that  they  had  never 
had  anything  to  do  with  him,  and  assures  me  that  Madame  de 
Lafayette  may  leave  the  prison  whenever  she  pleases,  but  that 


444  LIFE    OF 

she  must  not  he  permitted  to  go  backwards  and  forwards.  I  so 
licit  his  release,  but  find  that  it  is  in  vain.  He  says  that  prob 
ably  he  will  be  discharged  at  the  peace.  To  which  I  reply, 
that  I  never  had  any  doubt  of  that,  and  had  taken  upon  me 
long  ago  to  give  such  assurances,  but  that  I  wish  it  were  done 
sooner ;  and  add,  that  I  am  sure  it  would  have  a  good  effect  in 
England,  giving  my  reasons.  He  says  that,  if  England  will 
ask  for  him,  they  will  be  very  glad  to  get  rid  of  him  in  that 
way,  and  that  they  may,  if  they  please,  turn  him  loose  in  Lon 
don.5 

The  next  day  Mr  Morris  wrote  a  letter  to  Madame  de  La 
fayette,  which  he  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  Baron  de  Thugut. 

'  Vienna,  December  19th,  1796. 

*  Madam, 

'  If  this  letter  ever  reaches  you,  I  shall  be  obliged  for  the 
favor  to  his  Excellency,  the  Baron  de  Thugut,  and  J  shall  ex 
pect  from  his  kindness  to  have  your  answer  forwarded  to  me. 
The  Marchioness  de  Montagu  informed  me,  by  a  letter  dated 
November  twenty-seventh,  that  you  had  been  forbidden  to 
leave  the  prison,  unless  you  would  entirely  abandon  the  inten 
tion  of  returning  thither,  and  that,  under  this  alternative,  pre 
ferring  the  duty  of  a  tender  and  faithful  wife  to  the  care  of 
your  own  safety,  you  have  given  that  decision,  which  those 
who  knew  the  purity  of  your  mind  would  naturally  expect 
from  you.  Madame  de  Montagu  adds,  that  you  are  not  permit 
ted  to  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  consulting  a  physician, 
although  the  state  of  your  health  imperiously  requires  it. 

1  It  is  certainly  unnecessary  for  me,  Madam,  to  express  here 
the  interest,  which  T  take  in  your  fate,  and  in  that  of  your  un 
fortunate  friend,  and  to  tell  you  how  happy  I  should  be,  could 
I  procure  for  him  his  liberty.  Reasons,  which  i  do  not  know, 
and  which  I  nevertheless  feel  bound  to  respect,  prevent  this. 
But  we  are  far  from  believing  here,  that  his  prison  has  any  other 
disagreeable  things  about  it,  than  those  whicli  are  unavoidably 
connected  with  confinement.  I  am  assured,  on  the  contrary, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  445 

that  he  is  very  well  lodged,  and  in  want  of  nothing ;  that  the 
vigilant  exactness,  with  which  he  is  guarded,  arises  only  from 
the  necessity  of  using  all  means  to  prevent  his  escape  ;  that, 
far  from  entertaining  the  barbarous  idea  of  depriving  you  of  the 
assistance  of  art,  the  physician  of  your  choice  will  be  sent  to 
you  ;  and  that,  if  you  are  forbidden  to  come  to  Vienna,  and 
then  return  to  Olmutz,  it  is  because  circumstances  require,  that 
the  rules  of  an  exact  prudence  should  be  followed. 

'You  must  not  despair,  Madam;  time  will  give  liberty  to 
Monsieur  de  Lafayette  ;  but,  in  the  mean  time,  if  he  has  been 
ill  treated,  as  Madame  de  Montagu  has  been  induced  to  be 
lieve,  it  is  important  that  it  may  be  known,  in  order  that  means 
may  be  taken  to  prevent  it ;  and  in  case  he  experiences,  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  benevolent  intentions  of  his  Majesty,  gentle 
and  humane  treatment,  it  seems  to  me  equally  proper  to  as 
certain  it,  in  order  to  put  a  stop  to  odious  reports,  which  «fen- 
not  but  exasperate,  and  which  consequently  might  postpone 
the  moment  of  his  liberation.  To  this  effect,  have  the  good 
ness,  Madam,  I  entreat  you,  to  send  me  your  answer  open, 
under  cover  to  his  Excellency,  the  Baron  de  Thugut.  I  am 
still  uncertain  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  receive  it  at  Vienna, 
as  it  is  my  intention  to  depart  in  a  few  days.  But  I  flatter 
myself,  that  we  shall  meet  again  in  America  ;  and  I  pray  you 
to  believe,  that  I  shall  always  and  everywhere  preserve  the  sin 
cere  attachment,  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be,.  &tc. 

1  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS.' 

GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS  TO  THE  BARON  DE  THUGUT. 

<  Vienna,  December  31st,  1796. 
'Sir, 

'  I  have  the  honor  to  send  you  herewith  a  letter  for  Madame 
de  Lafayette,  requesting  you  in  the  first  place  to  pardon  me 
this  liberty,  then  to  examine  the  letter,  and  finally  to  have  the 
goodness  to  transmit  it  to  her.  Your  good  sense  will  easily 
perceive  the  reasons,  which  have  induced  me  to  write  to  her, 
and  will  know  how  to  appreciate  them.  It  would,  however, 
VOL.  i.  38 


446  LIFE  or 

be  a  most  praiseworthy  action  on  your  part  to  suppress  the 
letter,  and  to  send  me,  in  place  of  any  answer  to  it,  an  order 
for  the  release  of  the  unfortunate  individual  in  question.  In 
that  case,  I  promise  you  not  only  the  good  news,  which  is  ex 
pected  from  the  Rhine,  but  also  that  which  perhaps  is  not  ex 
pected  from  Italy  ;  which,  like  the  favor  I  venture  to  solicit, 
will  not  be  the  less  agreeable,  for  having  been  unexpected. 
You  will  probably  smile  at  my  absurd  pretensions  to  the  char 
acter  of  a  prophet ;  but  only  promise  me,  that  the  passports  of 
Lafayette  shall  be  prepared  three  days  after  you  shall  have 
heard  of  the  defeat  of  Bonaparte,  and  we  shall  then  see  what 
will  happen. 

'  But  for  the  rest,  whatever  may  happen,  I  return  to  my  first 
subject,  and  take  the  liberty  of  observing  to  you  once  more, 
that  the  sooner  he  is  liberated  the  better,  if,  as  I  suppose,  that 
istinally  to  be  done.  And  since  no  one  has  had  any  right  to 
know  why  his  Majesty,  the  Emperor,  determined  to  detain  him 
as  a  prisoner,  so  no  one  can  assume  that  of  demanding  why 
his  kindness  has  set  him  at  liberty.  The  maxim,  stat  .pro  ra- 
tione  voluntasi  may  be  applied  to  acts  of  mercy,  as  well  as  to 
those  of  authority  ;  and,  generally,  if  not  with  the  same  splen 
dor,  at  least  with  the  same  dignity.  Think,  also,  that  forgive 
ness  granted  to  others  is  the  only  unobjectionable  title,  of 
which  we  cari  avail  ourselves  before  the  King  of  kings.  And 
may  we  be  at  last  permitted  to  hope  that  the  year,  which  will 
soon  commence,  may  be  crowned  in  its  cradle  by  the  hand  of 
clemency,  and  in  its  course  by  that  of  glory.  I  have  the  hon 
or  to  be,  &tc. 

4  GOUVERNEUR    MoRRIS.' 

He  communicated,  likewise,  to  Lord  Grenville  the  result  of 
his  interview  with  the  Baron  de  Thugut,  and  particularly  what 
the  Baron  said,  as  to  the  readiness  with  which  Lafayette,  if  so 
licited,  should  be  given  up  to  the  English  government.  He 
pointed  out  reasons  to  Lord  Grenville,  why  it  would  be  good 
policy  for  the  Ministry  to  take  this  hint,  and  procure  the  liber 
ation  of  the  prisoner  of  Olmutz. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  447 

But  all  these  attempts  proved  ineffectual,  according  to  his 
anticipations.  As  events  turned  out,  indeed,  it  is  probable  they 
were  immediately  disserviceable  to  the  prisoners.     No  answer 
was  ever  received  from  Madame  de  Lafayette  to  the  letter,  put 
into  the  hands  of  M.  de  Thugut  for  her,  nor  is  it  at  all  likely  that 
it  ever  found  its  way  out  of  his   cabinet.     What  is  more,  the 
correspondence  of  Madame  de  Lafayette,  with   her  sister  and 
aunt,  was  fiom  that  moment  cut  off.     They  had  been  in  the 
habit  of  writing  once  a  fortnight,  but  on  the   twelfth   of  April, 
the  last  letter  they  had  received  was  dated  the  twenty-second 
of  December,  a  space  of  nearly  four  months.     Observe,  that 
this  date  was  four  days  later  than  the  Baron  de  Thugut's  inter 
view  with  Mr  Morris,  after  which  an  order  was  unquestionably 
given  to  detain  all  letters.     The  reason  for  this  may  easily  be 
found  in  the  tenor  of  Madame  de  Montagu's  letter  to  Mr  Mor 
ris,  which  he  showed  to  the  Minister,  and  which  contradicted  all 
the  declarations  of  the  Court,  respecting  the  treatment  of  the 
prisoners.  Yet  the  picture  there  drawn  was  taken  from  Madame 
de  Lafayette's  own  descriptions,  written  under  the  eye  of  the 
commandant  himself,  who  surely  would  not  have  allowed  her  to 
make  false  or  exaggerated   statements,  so  much   to   his  own 
disadvantage,  and  to  that  of  his  employers.     It  was  the  last  re 
sort  of  despotism,  to  hide  its  hypocridy  and  smother  the  voice 
of  indignant  complaint,  by  closing  the  channels  of  knowledge, 
as  it  had  entombed  the  living  bodies  of  the  sufferers  ;  a  pitiful 
refinement  of  cruelty,  to  take   away  the  only  consolation  that 
remained,  and  this  under  the  slow  torture  of  suspense  and  ap 
prehension,  lest  some  calamity  might  have  stopped  the  pen, 
through   which  sympathy  and  affection  were  accustomed  to 
speak. 

1  December  \§th. — Mr  Bacon,  who  is  just  arrived  from 
London,  says  that  the  nation  is  still  in  good  spirits,  and  fears 
little  from  the  Spanish  war.  Monsieur  St  Priest  tells  me  his 
news  from  Petersburg.  The  Emperor  took  his  son  to  the 
apartment  where  Kosciuszko  lay  ill.  He  told  the  prisoner, 
that  he  saw  in  him  a  man  of  honor,  who  had  done  his  duty, 


448  LIFE    OF 

and  from  whom  he  asked  no  other  security  than  his  word,  that 
hs  would  never  act  against  him.  Kosciuszko  attempted  to  rise, 
but  the  Emperor  forbade  him,  sat  half  an  hour  and  conversed 
with  him,  and  told  his  son  to  esteem  the  unhappy  prisoner, 
who  was  immediately  released,  the  guard  being  taken  away. 
At  the  same  time,  expresses  were  sent  off  into  Siberia,  and 
twelve  thousand  Poles,  confined  there,  received  passports  and 
money  to  bring  them  home.  This  story  is  afterwards  told  to 
me  by  Monsieur  Lanskorenski,  a  Pole,  who  can  scarcely  re 
strain  his  tears  as  he  relates  it.  They  are  all  of  them  in  ec- 
stacy,  and  that  single  trait  does  more,  in  my  opinion,  towards 
securing  the  Russian  part  of  Poland,  than  an  army  of  twenty 
thousand  men.  But  yet  the  character  of  the  Poles  is  not  such, 
as  may  securely  be  trusted. 

'  December  2Qth. — This  morning  I  go  to  Court,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  paying  my  respects  to  the  Princess  of  France,  and  in 
the  hope  that  an  opportunity  would  offer  of  saying  a  word  on 
business  which  concerns  her ;  but  find  that  she  has  a  large 
circle.  I  am  led,  therefore,  to  mention  the  object  concisely  to 
the  Bishop  of  Nancy,  who  undertakes  to  open  the  affair  to  the 
Grandes  Mattresses,  through  whom  it  must  pass  to  her  Royal 
Highness.  Dine  at  Monsieur  de  Staremberg's,  and  go  from 
thence  to  visit  the  Archdutchess.  While  here,  the  Prince 
de  Ligne  produces  some  notes  he  has  written  on  the  Empress 
of  Russia,  desiring  me  to  read  them.  We  retire  with  the- 
Prince  de  Saxe  Teschen  to  an  adjoining  room,  and  look  over 
them.  On  the  whole,  well  written,  and  containing  good  anec 
dote,  but  smelling  rather  too  strong  of  the  writer.  His  High 
ness  remarks  to  me,  that  a  great  part  of  it  is  calculated  rather 
to  display  the  intimacy  of  the  Prince  de  Ligne,  than  the 
traits  of  Elizabeth.' 

The  Princess  of  France,  above  mentioned,  was  the  daugh 
ter  of  Louis  the  Sixteenth,  and  Mr  Morris  wished  to  converse 
with  her  respecting  the  money,  entrusted  to  him  by  her  father, 
of  which  an  account  has  already  been  given,  in  narrating  the 
plan  of  M.  de  Monciel  for  removing  the  King  from  Paris. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  449 

1  December  22d. — The  Baron  de  Groshlaer  comes  in.  He 
tells  me  that  my  arrival  here  occasioned  much  inquiry.  Peo 
ple  attributed  to  me  different  objects,  and  finding  none  suffi 
ciently  plausible,  at  last  set  my  journey  down  to  the  account 
of  Monsieur  de  Lafayette,  I  understand  that  all  this  arises 
from  the  Baron's  curiosity,  as  much  as  anything  else.  I  tell 
him  exactly  what  has  passed  respecting  Monsieur  de  Lafayette 
between  M.  de  Thugut  and  rne,  also  read  my  letters.  Final 
ly,  tell  him,  that  the  only  difference  between  me  and  the 
young  Englishmen,  of  whom  there  is  a  swarm  here,  is,  that  I 
seek  instruction  with  grny  hairs,  and  they  with  brown. 

;  December  25ih. — At  the  Archdutchess's  one  of  the  little 
Princes,  brother  to  the  Emperor,  and  who  is  truly  an  arch 
Duke,  asks  me  to 'explain  to  him  the  different  uniforms  worn 
by  the  young  English,  of  whom  there  is  a  great  number  here, 
all  in  regimentals.  Some  of  these  belong  to  no  corps  at  all,  and 
the  others  to  yeomanry,  fencibles,  and  the  like,  all  of  which  pur 
port  to  be  raised  for  the  defence  of  their  country,  in  case  she 
should  be  invaded  ;  but  now,  when  the  invasion  seems  most 
imminent,  they  are  abroad,  and  cannot  be  made  to  feel  the 
ridiculous  indecency  of  appearing  in  regimentals.  Sir  M. 
Eden  and  others  have  given  them  the  broadest  hints  without 
the  least  effect.  One  of  them  told  me,  that  all  the  world 
should  not  laugh  him  out  of  his  regimentals.  I  bowed  and  told 
him,  that  the  greatest  monarch  in  Europe  was  not  strong 
enough  to  brave  public  opinion.  I  see  him,  however;  this 
afternoon  in  his  uniform.  I  tell  the  Prince,  that  I  really  am 
not  able  to  answer  his  question,  but  that,  in  general,  these 
dresses  are  I  believe  worn  for  convenience  in  travelling.  He 
smiles  at  this,  and  asks  what  can  be  the  meaning  of  a  blue 
coat  worn  by  Lord  Cowper,  with  gold  lace,  and  a  red  cape. 
That,  says  he  laughing,  is  I  suppose  a  Court  uniform.  If  I 
were  an  Englishman,  I  should  be  hurt  at  these  exhibitions, 
and  as  it  is,  I  am  sorry  for  it.  I  observe,  however,  on  this  oc 
casion  what  has  often  struck  me  before.  They  cite,  as  in 
controvertible  authority  in  England,  the  general  conduct  of 
33*  * 


450  LIFE    OF 

young  men,  from  whence  I  am  led  to  suppose  that  old  men 
are  in  the  habit  of  admitting  the  validity  of  such  authority. 
And  now  I  find  that  here  they  assume  it  as  unquestionable, 
that  the  young  men  of  England  have  a  right  to  adjust  the 
ceremonial  of  Vienna.  The  political  relations  of  the  two 
countries  induce  the  good  company  here  to  treat  them  with 
politeness  ;  but  nothing  prevents  their  being  laughed  at,  as  I 
found  the  other  evening  at  Madame  de  Groshlaer's,  where 
the  young  women,  as  well  as  the  girls,  were  very  merry  at 
the  expense  of  these  young  men. 

4  December  23th. — The  Bishop  of  Nancy  tells  me,  that  the 
Princess  of  France  has  given  no  private  audience  to  any  one 
since  her  arrival,  and  found  it  proper  to  refuse  it  even  to 
Count  Fersen,  who  had  been  so  long  and  intimately  connect 
ed  with  the  Queen.  Her  Royal  Highness  prays,  therefore, 
that  I  will  send  her  a  note  in  writing,  and  if  afterwards  a  few 
words  should  be  necessary,  I  can  take  leave  of  her,  and  then, 
without  breaking  in  on  the  established  rule,  such  short  conver 
sation  can  take  place.  I  tell  him,  that  1  will  write  as  much 
as  my  time  will  admit,  but  as  for  an  audience  of  leave,  I  con 
sider  that  as  improper,  because  I  shall  not  take  leave  of  the 
Imperial  Family.  But  her  Royal  Highness  may  decide  as  she 
thinks  proper. 

1  January  \st,  1797. — This  morning  I  dress  immediately 
after  breakfast,  and  go  to  Court.  The  levee  is  oddly  arranged, 
all  the  males  being  in  one  apartment,  through  which  the  Em 
peror  passes  in  going  to  chapel,  and  returns  the  same  way 
with  the  Empress  and  Imperial  Family,  after  which  they  go 
through  their  own  rooms  to  the  ladies,  assembled  on  the  other 
side.  The  most  brilliant  thing  here  is  the  noble  Hungarian 
guard,  a  body  not  numerous,  of  handsome,  tall  men  on  fine 
fiery  steeds,  magnificently  caparisoned.  The  Captain  of  this 
guard,  the  Prince  Esterhazy,  who  L  but  of  j^edium  size,  or 
rather  under  it,  is  in  a  Hungarian  dqpss  of  scarlet,  with  fur 
c?pe  and  cuffs,  but  the  whole  coat  embroidered  with  pearls,  as 
is  also  the  cap,  pantaloons,  and  boots  of  yellow  morroco  leather, 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  451 

four  hundred  and  seventy  large  pearls,  and  many  thousand  of 
inferior  size.  Notwithstanding  this  profusion,  it  is  done  in 
good  taste,  and  cost  but  one  hundred  guineas  for  the  workman 
ship.  A  collar  of  large  diamonds,  a  very  large  solitaire  in  a 
ring,  another  in  the  head  of  his  cane,  a  plume  of  diamonds, 
the  hilt  and  scabbard  of  his  sword  set  with  diamonds,  and  even 
his  spurs.  In  short,  he  and  his  horse,  which  is  bejewelled  also, 
though  I  did  not  see  him,  are  estimated  at  a  value  of  half  a 
million  of  guilders,  or  about  fifty  thousand  pounds  sterling. 
His  revenue,  for  he  is  the  richest  subject  in  Europe,  amounts 
to  from  sixty  to  seventy  thousand  pounds,  and  has  during  the 
Turkish  war  gone  up  to  a  million  of  guilders.  He  lives  in 
great  magnificence,  but  without  that  useful  part  of  it,  hospital 
ity.  He  has  now  above  one  hundred  and  fifty  horses  in  Vien 
na,  but  had  run  out  considerably  before  he  came  to  his  estate, 
and  his  father  had  also  been  in  debt.  This  last,  in  a  six 
weeks'  residence  at  Frankfort,  where  he  was  Ambassador  dur 
ing  an  imperial  coronation,  spent  eighty  thousand  pounds. 
In  short,  the  estate  is  now  dipped  to  betwixt  six  and  seven 
millions  of  guilders,  so  that  it  is  in  the  hands  of  creditors,  who 
pay  him  a  net  two  hundred  thousand  for  his  expenses,  with 
which  income  he  runs  annually  deeper  in  debt. 

'Here  is  the  history  of  the  feudal  system  in  its  decline. 
Most  of  the  great  families  here  are  doing,  as  I  am  told,  the 
same  foolish  thing,  and  the  government  rejoices  at  the  conse 
quent  humiliation  of  a  haughty  nobility,  without  considering 
that  the  power,  which  is  to  spring  up  in  their  stead,  and  which, 
being  novel  to  the  constitution,  has  of  course  no  counterpoise 
provided,  and  is  moreover  increased  by  the  impetus  of  pro 
gressive  force,  must  at  length,  if  it  do  not  overturn  the  throne, 
give  it  at  least  the  severest  shocks.  But  who  cares  for  pos 
terity?  If  the  Minister  of  the  day  can  but  live  through  his 
day,  all  is  well  with  him  ;  and  throughout  human  life,  the  pres 
sure  of  the  moment  forces  men  out  of  all  the  line  of  prudence. 
"  Video  meliora  proboque,  deteriora  sequor"  is  a  motto,  which 
might  be  annexed  to  almost  all  escutcheons. 


452  LIFE    OP 

'  Monsieur  Mazenski,  a  Pole,  and  grandson  to  Augustus  of 
Saxony,  was  at  Court  today  with  diamond  epaulettes  of  very 
large  stones.  It  is  said  that  he  has  the  finest  diamonds  of  any 
subject  in  Europe.  But  a  finer  thing  than  his  jewels,  or  those 
of  any  other  man,  was  the  conduct  of  his  servant,  who,  when 
his  master  was  made  prisoner  during  the  late  troubles  in  that 
miserable  country,  possessed  himself  of  his  valuables  and 
whispered  to  him,  "  If  you  escape,  you  will  find  me  at  Leipsic." 
Mozenski  was  under  the  gallows,  and  saved  himself  by  haran 
guing  the  populace.  At  Leipsic  he  found  the  servant  and  the 
treasure.' 

Although  Mr  Morris  made  a  protracted  sojourn  at  Vienna, 
he  speaks  in  no  rapturous  terms  of  the  society  there.  He 
loved  talking,  and  everybody  in  Vienna  loved  play,  for  which 
he  had  no  relish.  A  dumb  circle  around  a  card-table  he  looked 
upon  as  the  dullest  company  in  the  world,  and  usually  escaped 
from  it  as  soon  as  he  could.  Persons  thus  occupied  are  mute 
and  deaf;  they  can  neither  talk  nor  listen ;  two  sad  obstacles, 
as  he  conceived,  to  all  social  pleasure.  On  one  occasion,  after 
leaving  a  small  party,  he  notes  it  down  as  an  extraordinary 
thing,  that  there  had  been  '  some  pleasant  conversation.'  The 
Austrian  nobility  he  considered  on  the  decline,  and  that  the 
monarchy  would  one  day  suffer  from  the  weakness  and  decay 
of  this  pillar  of  its  support. 

At  first  he  intended  returning  by  the  south  of  Germany  and 
Switzerland,  but  the  lateness  of  the  season  caused  him  to 
change  his  mind.  He  retraced  his  steps,  passed  a  few  days 
in  Dresden  and  Leipsic,  and  at  length  arrived  in  the  capital  of 
Prussia. 

'Berlin,  February  {6th. — Go  to  Court,  where  I  am  presented 
to  their  Majesties.  The  King  is  a  well  looking  man.  He  in 
quires  about  the  health  of  General  Washington,  who  (as  de 
Moustier  tells  him)  is  in  very  ill  health.  I  tell  his  Majesty, 
that  I  cannot  believe  it ;  that  when  I  left  him  he  was  a  hale,  ro 
bust  man ;  as  much  so  as  the  King  now  is,  and,  of  course,  I 
have  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  is  now  seriously  indisposed. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  453 

This  is  calculated  for  the  poor  Monarch,  who  has  an  air  tres 
epuise. 

1  February  11  th. — I  go  to  Court.  The  Queen  points  out  to 
me  a  young  Mademoiselle  Riedesel,  who  was  born  in  Ameri 
ca,  and  christened  America.  She  is  a  fine  girl,  and  when  she 
comes  down  the  dance,  1  tell  her  in  presence  of  her  Majesty, 
that  I  reclaim  my  countrywoman.  After  some  time  the  King 
speaks  to  me,  and,  wnen  on  the  subject  of  America,  I  tell  him, 
that  if  the  French  persist  in  their  present  conduct,  and  drive 
us  to  extremities,  Spain  will  not  retain  an  inch  of  ground  in 
the  new  world.  That  his  Majesty  has  a  direct  interest  in  such 
events,  and  a  considerable  one.  But  a  ball  room  is  not  the  fit 
ting  place  to  discuss  such  subjects.  On  the  finances  of  Great 
Britain,  I  repeated,  (as  having  already  mentioned  it  to  his 
Ministers)  that  the  resources  of  that  country  are  immense. 
Upon  which  he  observes,  that  they  were  so  much  the  more  to 
blame  for  having  attempted  to  tax  us,  and  this  it  was  which 
led  to  what  I  have  already  noted.  After  some  trifling  things, 
I  tell  him  that  I  have  just  seen  his  best  friend.  He  asks  who? 
And,  to  his  great  surprise,  I  reply,  the  Emperor.  He  speaks 
of  him  well  personally,  and  I  observe  that  he  is  a  very  honest 
young  man.  To  which  his  Majesty  replies  by  asking,  "  Mais, 
que  pensez  vous  de  Tkugut  T*  "  Quant  a  cela,  c'est  une  autre 
affaire,  Sire."  I  had  stated  the  interest,  which  makes  him  and 
the  Emperor  good  friends,  to  be  their  mutual  apprehensions 
from  Russia.  "  But  suppose  we  all  three  unite  ?  "  "  Ce  sera 
un  Diable  de  fricassee,  Sire,  si  vous  vous  mettez  tous  les  trois  a 
casser  les  ceufs."  On  the  subject  of  Austria,  I  tell  him  they 
would  do  very  well,  if  he  would  lend  them  a  few  of  his  Gene 
rals,  "  Mais  nous  en  avons  besoin  pour  nous  memes."  "  Pas  a 
present,  Sire,  vous  etes  en  paix."  He  finds  that,  if  this  con 
versation  continues,  he  may  commit  himself,  and  so  pauses.  I 
retire  a  little,  and  his  Majesty  conducts  the  Princess  Henri  out 
of  the  ball  room.5 

From  Berlin  to  Hamburg,  Mr  Morris  took  the  road  through 
Brunswick,  which  he  had  designed  as  another  resting  place. 


454  LIFE    OF 

1  Brunswick,  March  19th. — 1  go  to  Court,  where  I  dine,  and 
pass  the  evening.  The  Duke  and  his  family  are  ires  prevenans. 
He  desires  a  little  conversation,  which  begins  after  dinner,  but 
is  interrupted  by  his  mother,  to  whom  he  presents  me,  the  sis 
ter  of  old  Fritz,  and  very  like  him.  She  has  some  eighty  odd 
years,  but  is  still  lively,  with  a  deal  of  fun  about  her.  The 
Dutchess,  who  resembles  the  King  her  brother  very  much,  is 
affable  and  pleasant.  The  Duke  is,  I  tHink,  a  candidate  for 
the  character  of  the  omnis  homo.  He  speaks  to  me  prefera 
bly  in  English,  but  not  being  master  of  the  language,  or  entan 
gled  by  the  matter,  he  hesitates  very  much.  He  makes  pro 
fessions,  which  he  considers  as  very  dubious,  and  says — "  You 
won't  believe  me,  but  it  is  very  true."  I  tell  him  that  the 
Prussian  cabinet  is  afraid  of  him,  and  it  is  on  that  occasion, 
that  he  declares  his  unwillingness  to  manage  the  affairs  of  Prus 
sia.  To  help  him.  in  his  delivery,  I  observe  that  I  conceive 
easily,  why  he,  a  Sovereign,  should  not  wish  to  set  the  exam 
ple  of  an  imperious  control  over  a  Sovereign.  This  he  assents 
to,  but  his  objection  is  stronger,  from  the  circumstance  that  a 
German  Prince  could  not  do  njany  things,  which  would  be 
suitable  to  an  individual.  I  understand  him  to  mean  any  dis 
memberment  of  the  Empire,  and  so  explain  myself  to  him,  or 
rather  himself  to  me.  He  assents  and  comes  forward  with 
another  but.  But  the  Dutchess  Dowager  arrives,  and  termi 
nates  our  conversation,  which  is  to  be  resumed  this  evening. 

1 March  *2\st. — I  dine  with  the  Dutchess  Dowager,  who 
says  she  is  very  sorry  her  brother  had  not  seen  me.  Her 
daughter  gives  me  some  late  publications  to  read.  I  spend 
the  evening  there,  and  the  Dutchess  lells  me,  that  the  emigrants 
are  much  alarmed  at  my  arrival  here.  I  reply  that  this  is  to 
me  unaccountable,  unless  they  imagine  that,  recollecting  their 
private  characters  in  France,  I  should  say  something  too  much 
for  them  on  that  subject,  but  that  they  may  make  themselves 
easy,  for  it  is  possible  1  may  never  have  heard  anything,  but  I 
certainly  have  forgotten  all  which  may  affect  the  moral  charac 
ter  of  individuals  belonging  to  a  country,  which  was  so  gener- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  455 

ally  corrupted.  I  see  here  the  Prince  Gallitzin,  whom  I  had 
formerly  known  at  Hamburg.  I  visited  in  the  afternoon  Mad 
ame  de  Riedesel,  who  reminds  me  that  we  had  met  at  Amster 
dam.* 

1  March  25^A. — Dine  with  the  Dutchess,  who  tells  me  that 
she  is  sure  I  don't  like  her — that  she  likes  me,  but  I  don't  like 
her.  She  thinks  that  I  hate  the  King,  her  brother,  and  ex 
tend  that  dislike  to  the  whole  family.  I  assure  her  that  she 
is  mistaken,  and  that  nothing  is  easier  than  for  me,  as  an  Ame 
rican,  to  be  attached  to  the  Royal  Family  of  England,  but 
nothing  more  difficult,  than  for  a  person  of  that  family  to  like 
one  of  my  country.  "  Well  then  I  have  the  more  merit,  for  I 
like  you."  This  conversation,  which  lasts  during  the  dinner, 
and  before  a  numerous  society,  would  be  very  embarrassing 
to  most  men  ;  and  I  am  afterwards  complimented  by  several, 
for  getting  through  it  so  well.  She  said,  among  other  things, 
that  she  had  persuaded  herself  to  forget  there  was  such  a  coun 
try  as  America.  On  the  whole,  I  am  well  pleased  with  her 
franchise,  and  tell  her  truly,  that  I  am  well  pleased  with  her. 
Converse  a  little  with  the  Duke  confidentially,  and  give  him 
some  traits  of  Berlin,  which  he  was  unacquainted  with.  Men 
tion  the  only  means,  which  seem  to  me  fit  for  bringing  the 
Prussian  Cabinet  into  his  views.  He  tells  me  that  it  is  now 


*  The  wife  of  General  Riedesel,  who  commanded  the  Brunswick 
troops  under  Burgoyne,  and  surrendered  with  them  at  Saratoga.  This 
lady's  Memoirs  of  her  life  in  America,  during  the  war,  which  have 
been  recently  translated  into  English,  by  M.  de  Wallenstein,  are  in  a 
high  degree  spirited  and  entertaining.  Mr  Morris  makes  the  following 
entrance  in  his  Diary  at  Amsterdam. 

'  General  Riedesel,  who  lodges  in  the  same  house,  makes  me  a  visit, 
and  we  converse  about  the  cornpaign  in  which  he  was  taken.  He  says, 
that  Burgoyne  was  very  reprehensible  in  not  insisting,  that  the  troops 
should  return  to  Canada,  because  Gates  would  certainly  have  consent 
ed  ;  and  that,  while  the  negotiation  was  pending,  and  substantially,  but 
not  formally  concluded,  Burgoyne  proposed  to  break  it  off,  upon  re 
ceiving  the  news  of  the  burning  of  Esopus.' 


456  LIFE    OF 

too  late,  in  which  sentiment  I  fully  agree  with  him.  I  brought 
General  Riedesel  home  with  me  to  tea,  and  we  went  together 
to  the  Hereditary  Princess's,  where  I  pass  the  evening/ 

On  the  ninth  of  April,  our  traveller  found  himself  at  rest 
again  in  his  old  lodgings  at  Altona,  after  an  absence  of  eight 
•months  and  a  half.  His  correspondence  during  this  period, 
panicularly  with  Lord  Grenville,  shows  with  what  profound 
attention  he  examined  the  political  state  of  the  countries 
through  which  he  passed,  and  the  character  and  policy  of  the 
principal  actors.  They  will  also  show,  amidst  some  little  exu 
berance  of  fancy,  a  mind  viewing  human  affairs  on  a  large 
scale,  and  fixing  what  is  usually  called  human  greatness  at  its 
true  standard.  His  speculations,  like  all  other  speculations, 
were  sometimes  visionary,  and  his  predictions,  like  those  of 
most  prophets,  did  not  always  come  to  pass,  yet  his  judgment 
of  realities,  his  insight  into  the  nature  of  events,  and  his  esti 
mate  of  the  motives  of  men,  were  seldom  erroneous.  From 
the  exhibition  of  his  political  tendencies  in  Paris,  and  from  his 
thorough  dislike,  both  in  principle  and  practice,  of  the  new 
systems  of  rule  in  France,  it  is  no  cause  of  surprise,  that  in 
Germany  his  feelings  should  be  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the 
allies,  and  that  he  should  lament  with  them  the  successes  of 
Bonaparte  in  Italy,  and  of  Moreau  on  the  Danube.  He  had 
three  rare  qualities,  which  never  deserted  him,  independence 
in  forming  an  opinion,  boldness  in  avowing,  and  consistency  in 
maintaining  it.  Not  that  he  was  obstinate,  for  he  loved  argu 
ment,  was  accessible  to  reason,  and  never  too  proud  to  be 
convinced,  but  while  his  convictions  lasted,  they  were  the  guide 
of  his  thoughts  and  his  acts,  proclaimed  without  fear,  and 
obeyed  as  fixed  laws. 

In  a  circle  of  friends  at  Hamburg  and  Altona,  to  whom  he 
had  become  much  attached,  Mr  Morris  remained  quietly  till 
June,  when  he  repeated  his  journey  through  Holstein,  from 
which  he  had  derived  so  much  pleasure  two  years  before. 
At  Wittmold,  near  Ploe'n,  he  visited  Madame  de  Tesse,  and 
Madame  de  Montagu,  and  told  them  personally  all  he  knew 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  457 

concerning  the  prisoners  at  Olmutz,  and  of  all  he  had  done  to 
restore  them  to  liberty.  But  the  time  was  near  at  hand,  when 
their  wishes  in  this  respect  were  to  be  consummated. 

The  treaty  of  Leoben,  preliminary  to  that. of  Campo  For- 
mio,  had  paved  the  way  for  a  peace,  and  it  is  understood  to 
have  been  among  the  requisitions  of  Bonaparte,  that  Lafay 
ette  and  the  other  prisoners  at  Olmutz  should  be  released. 
They  were  accordingly  liberated  on  the  nineteenth  of  Septem 
ber,  and  General  Lafayette,  at  his  own  request,  was  delivered 
up  to  the  American  Consul  at  Hamburg.  This  ceremony 
took  place  on  the  fourth  of  October,  in  the  presence  of  Mr 
Morris,  who  thus  speaks  of  this  affair  in  his  Diary. 

'  September  21th. — Mr  Parish  and  his  son  call  on  me  this 
evening.  He  has  adjusted  with  the  Imperial  Minister  here 
how  Lafayette  is  to  be  .delivered  over.  The  Minister  com 
municated  M.  de  Thugut's  letter,  which  says  expressly  that 
M.  de  Lafayette  is  not  liberated  at  the  instance  of  France, 
but  merely  to  show  the  Emperor's  consideration  for  the  United 
States  of  America. 

'  October  4th. — Dine  with  the  Baron  Buol  de  Schauen- 
stein,  the  Imperial  Minister.  It  is  not  till  after  .five,  that  Mr 
Parish  sends  word  that  M.  de  Lafayette  and  his  companions 
are  come,  and  then  I  take  the  Baron  down  to  perform  the 
ceremony  of  delivering  them  over.  His  expressions  are  ires 
mesures,  and  he  goes  through  his  part  with  dignity.' 

From  these  notes  it  was  obviously  Mr  Morris's  impression 
at  the  time,  that  Lafayette  was  restored  to  freedom  by  the 
Austrian  government,  out  of  regard  to  the  United  States,  and 
not  by  reason  of  any  interference  of  the  French.  In  a  letter 
to  Judge  Marshall,  written  after  his  return  to  America,  he  re 
peats  the  same  conviction,  and  adds,  '  notwithstanding  this,  it 
appeared  to  me  that  M.  de  Lafayette  chose  to  consider  him 
self  as  freed  by  the  influence  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  I  did 
not  choose  to  contest  the  matter,  because,  believing  my  ap 
plication  had  procured  his  liberty,  it  would  have  looked  like 
claiming  acknowledgments.  Had  I  known  of  the  Presi- 
VOL.  i.  39 


458  LIFE    OF 

dent's  letter,*  I  should  certainly  have  connected  with  it  the 
manner  in  which  he  was  delivered  over,  and  drawn  the  na 
tural  inference.'  To  this  it  may  be  added,  that,  in  an  ac 
count  of  the  ceremony  written  by  Mr  Parish,  and  published  at 
Philadelphia  in  the  Port  Folio,  the  letter  of  M.  Thugut  to  M. 
Buol  de  Schauenstein  is  cited,  as  containing  the  same  lan 
guage  as  that  recorded  in  Mr  Morris's  Diary. 

After  all,  we  may  probably  take  the  following  to  be  the 
true  state  of  the  case.  The  condition  of  the  prisoners  at  Ol- 
mutz  was  discussed  at  Leoben.  Bonaparte  requested  their 
release,  which  was  readily  granted,  since  M.  Thugut  had 
declared  to  Mr  Morris,  that  they  would  naturally  be  given  up 
at  the  peace.  They  must  not  be  regarded,  however,  in  the 
light  of  the  prisoners  of  war,  for  these  were  not  discharged 
till  after  the  definitive  treaty  of  Campo  Formio,  whereas  La 
fayette  was  released  a  month  before  the  signature  of  that 
treaty.  In  this  stage  of  the  business,  as  it  would  require  no 
sacrifice  on  the  part  of  the  Austrian  government,  there  being 
no  published  stipulation  with  the  French  negotiator,  it  was  con 
venient  for  them  to  give  it  the  air  of  a  favor  to  the  United 
States,  and  to  make  the  most  of  it  in  that  shape.  Had  it  come 
a  year,  or  even  six  months  earlier,  it  would  have  borne  strong 
er  marks  of  sincerity.! 


*  General  Washington's  letter  to  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  soliciting 
the  liberation  of  M.  de  Lafayette. 

t  Sir  Walter  Scott  says,  in  speaking  of  the  liberation  of  Lafayette ; 
'Finally,  on  the  nineteenth  of  December,  1795,  this  last  remaining  re 
lic  of  Louis  (the  Princess  Royal)  was  permitted  to  leave  her  prison  and 
her  country,  in  exchange  for  Lafayette  and  others,  whom,  on  that 
condition,  Austria  delivered  from  captivity.' — Life  of  Napoleon,  Vol. 
II.  Chap.  5. 

Here  are  'two  remarkable  errors ;  first,  as  to  the  time  of  liberation, 
it  being  stated  a  year  and  nine  months  too  early ;  and,  secondly,  as  to 
the  reason  and  mode  of  release. 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  459 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 


MR  MORRIS  COMMENCES  ANOTHER  TOUR  TO  THE  SOUp3  OF  GERMANY.  — 
FRANCFORT,  RATISBON,  MUNICH.  —  COUNT  RTJMFORD.  —  MR  MORRIS  RE 
TURNS  TO  ALTONA.  —  DUKE  OF  ORLEANS.  —  HIS  CONCEALMENT  IN  SWIT 
ZERLAND.  -  LETTERS  FROM  THE  COUNTESS  DE  FLAHAUT  TO  MR  MORRIS 
CONCERNING  HIM.  --  THEY  TRAVEL  TOGETHER  TO  HAMBURG.  --  THE 
DUKE'S  TRAVELS  IN  NORWAY  AND  SWEDEN.  —  HIS  CORRESPONDENCE 
WITH  MR  MORRIS.  —  HIS  VISIT  TO  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

As  soon  as  this  ceremony  was  over,  and  he  had  finished  the 
necessary  preparations,  Mr  Morris  commenced  another  tour 
into  Germany.  He  went  by  the  way  of  Hanover  and  Cassel 
to  Francfort.  Here  he  found  the  Dutchess  of  Cumberland, 
with  whom  he  had  become  acquainted  at  Dresden,  and  who 
entertained  him  with  much  curious  matter  about  the  private 
histories  of  some  of  the  Royal  Families  of  Europe.  From 
Francfort  he  proceeded  to  Ratisbon,  where  he  met  other  old 
acquaintances,  in  the  circle  of  the  Princess  de  la  Tour  et  Tax 
is.  The  charms  of  this  society  retained  him  two  or  three  weeks. 
At  Munich  he  was  received  with  marked  kindness  by  his  coun 
tryman,  Count  Rumford,  who  was  at  that  time  enjoying  the 
glory  of  his  high  reputation  as  a  civil  economist,  and  as  having 
been  successful  in  his  great  and  humane  projects  for  improv 
ing  the  capital  of  Bavaria,  and  ameliorating  the  condition  of 
the  people. 

(  Munich,  December  31s/.  —  I  go  to  the  Count  Rumford's.  as  I 
had  promised  yesterday,  and  he  tells  me  his  situation  here  as  to 
the  confidence  reposed  in  him  by  the  Elector.  He  brought 
him  into  his  views  of  reform  by  holding  out,  that  history  never 
fails  to  do  justice  to  sovereigns,  recording  their  acts  of  bene 
ficence,  and  branding  them  for  the  neglect  of  their  important 
duties.  According  to  the  Count,  it  is  from  the  love  of  honest 


460  LIFE    OF 

fame  that  the  Elector  has  been  stimulated  to  the  amelioration 
and  embellishment  of  his  country,  to  which  he  had  but  little 
personal  attachment  ;  and,  being  without  heirs,  and  not  too  well 
disposed  to  his  successor,  could  not  from  any  regard  to  pos 
terity  be  led  into  the  labor  and  vexation  of  reform.  He  states 
to  me  how  by  degrees,  since  the  commencement  of  the  four 
teenth  century,  the  existing  nobles,  or  rather  ennobled,  who  are 
by  no  means  descendants  of  the  ancient  nobility,  all  of  whose 
privileges,  with  a  single  exception,  have  by  purchase  or  escheat 
merged  in  the  Ducal  Crown,  have  arrogated,  from  the  weak 
ness  of  the  chief,  privileges  and  exemptions  to  which  they  are 
not  entitled,  and  under  the  name  of  the  States  oppress  and  de 
fraud  the  people,  so  that  at  length  the  abuses  are  become 
equally  numerous  and  enormous,  from  whence  has  resulted 
the  impoverishment  and  depopulation  of  this  excellent  country. 
Among  the  abuses,  he  mentions  as  one,  that  on  his  arrival  here 
there  was  a  regiment  of  cavalry,  which  had  five  field  officers 
and  only  three  horses. 

'  The  Elector's  Ministers  are  so  much  sold  to  the  States, 
that  in  his  own  private  Chancery  he  could  not  get  during  six 
weeks  a  paper  copied  which  he  was  to  sign.  The  States,  in 
the  mean  time,  were  informed  of  its  contents  and  came  for 
ward  with  an  impeachment  against  the  Ministers,  who  had 
framed  it,  for  high  treason.  The  Elector,  whom  he  describes 
as  timid,  being  irnformed  that  they  were  arrived  in  procession 
to  present  the  address  containing  this  impeachment,  rode  out 
by  Rum  ford's  advice  a  hunting  to  gain  a  day.  Rumford  im 
mediately  went  into  the  Chancery,  and  threatened  the  Secre 
tary,  that  if  this  paper  were  not  copied  and  on  the  Elector's 
table  ready  for  his  signature  by  eight  o'clock  next  morning,  he 
should  lose  his  place.  The  Secretary  represented  the  impos 
sibility,  for  it  was  not  yet  begun.  Rumford  ordered  in  the 
clerks,  and  caused  it  to  be  distributed  among  the  number  ne 
cessary,  and  then  reiterated  his  threat  with  the  addition,  that  if 
it  were  not  ready  at  eight  he  should  be  no  more  Secretary  at 
nine.  To  the  Elector's  surprise  this  paper,  which,  addressed 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  461 

to  the  States,  demonstrated  the  nullity  of  the  claims  they  made, 
and  pointed  out  their  various  and  manifest  usurpations,  was 
ready  at  the  hour,  and  was  immediately  signed  and  transmit 
ted  ;  so  that  their  impeachment  (calculated  to  prevent  the 
blow,  seeing  that  the  Elector  could  not  sign  and  transmit  the 
work  of  one  accused  as  a  traitor)  lost  its  object.  Next  day, 
by  Rumford's  advice,  the  Elector,  as  Vicar  of  the  Empire, 
ennobled  the  Minister,  who  was  of  plebeian  extraction,  for  his 
important  services  rendered  to  the  pnblic. 

1  January  4th,  1798. — This  morning  I  go  to  Court,  and  af 
terwards  dine  at  the  Count  de  Gortz's,  Minister  of  Saxony. 
Then  go  to  see  Count  Rumford,  who  reads  to  me  the  result 
of  some  calculations  he  has  been  making  this  day.  The  Elec 
tor  confirmed  what  he  had  told  me,  respecting  the  expense  of 
the  English  garden.  From  what  a  servant  says  to  him  in  de 
livering  a  message,  I  find  that  he  has  given  orders  to  prepare 
for  our  reception  in  the  work-house  tomorrow. — Monsieur  de 
Wernick  calls  on  me  in  the  evening,  and  we  read  together 
part  of  a  printed  account  made  by  Rumford  of  his  four  years' 
administration  of  the  army.  Notwithstanding  this  account, 
which  is  perfectly  clear  and  correct,  certified  after  full  exam 
ination  by  the  Council  to  whom  it  was  submitted  for  that  pur- 
pose,'Jiis  enemies  circulate  busily  the  whisper  of  mal-adrninis- 
tration. 

*  January  5th. — This  morning,  at  half  an  hour  after  nine, 
Count  Rumford  calls  and  we  go  out  together.  We  arrive  at 
the  work-house  and  see  the  kitchen,  which  is  wonderful.  In 
general,  the  regularity,  cleanliness,  and  economy  of  this  house 
surpass  anything  I  ever  saw.  The  poor,  who  are  maintained 
here,  are  employed  busily,  and  have  cheerful  countenances. 
These  people  earn  their  living,  and  they  are  happy.  Long 
may  he  be  happy,  who  has  made  them  so.  I  taste  the  soup 
given  to  the  poor.  It  is  very  good  ;  and  I  see  the  crowd  sit 
down  to  eat  it  with  good  appetites.  The  portion  of  bread,  he 
tells  me,  is  generally  taken  home  by  them  for  their  supper. 
There  are  about  one  thousand  people  fed  here,  at  the  annual 
39* 


462  LIFE  or   • 

expense  of  about  four  hundred  guineas,  including  everything. 
The  contrivances  to  save  cloth,  linen,  leather,  &c.  in  making 
clothes,  the  arrangements  to  prevent  fraud,  and  to  keep  the 
accounts  for  the  regiments,  are  all  admirable.  We  go  from 
hence  to  a  hospital  for  old  poor  people,  from  whence  there  is 
a  fine  view  of  the  town.  The  chambers  here  are  so  warm 
that  1  cannot  stand  them.  We  then  go  round  another  part  of 
the  town,  pass  through  a  corner  of  the  English  garden,  and 
come  to  the  magazine  and  arsenal.  We  then  go  to  the  can 
non  foundery,  which  is  also  a  very  fine  establishment.  The 
boring  is  performed  as  at  Woolwich.  He  has  invented  can 
non,  which  are  directed  by  means  of  a  screw  at  the  breech, 
and  which  have  lateral  lines  of  direction.  He  tells  me  that 
on  experiment  it  is  found,  that  two  bullets  go  much  straighter 
than  one,  and  the  reason  he  gives  for  it  seems  good,  namely, 
that  the  hinder  one  pressing  forward  wedges  the  other  a  little, 
so  that  neither  can  rebound  from  side  to  side  with  a  zigzag  in 
the  bore,  the  effect  of  which  must  be  to  throw  it  out  of  the 
line  of  direction,  and  this  must  be  the  case  with  a  single  ball, 
as  it  cannot  exactly  fit  the  bore. 

'  January  6th. — Dress  and  go  to  Court,  where  I  dine. 
Mention  to  the  Elector,  who  converses  with  me  on  my  yester 
day's  excursion,  that  his  Highness  ought  to  have  consigned  to 
some  record  the  state  in  which  he  found  this  country,  lest  pos 
terity  should,  on  seeing  the  improvements,  doubt  the  situa 
tion  in  which  he  found  it.  This  is  like  flattery,  but,  in  the 
first  place,  it  is  founded  in  fact.  Secondly,  it  is  no  small  in 
stance  of  benevolence,  to  have  labored  for  the  amelioration  of 
a  country,  for  a  successor  whom  he  dislikes.  Neither  of  these, 
however,  though  they  justify,  would  have  induced  this  obser 
vation.  I  meant  to  encourage  him  in  the  pursuit  of  laudable 
objects  ,  and,  if  anything  I  can  say  should  have  a  tendency  to 
produce  that  effect,  it  is  well  said.  At  dinner  I  sit  next  to  the 
Electress,  who  has  a  clear,  ready  comprehension,  and  a  good 
share  of  genius.  She  is  not  happy,  and  is  well  content  that 
her  dissatisfaction  should  be  known.  After  dinner,  the  Elec- 


GOUVEHNEUR    MORRIS.  463 

tor  inquires  about  Lafayette,  and  I  set  his  character  in  what  I 
think  the  fair  light. 

t  Go  from  Court  to  see  Count  Rumford,  and  sit  with  him  a 
good  while.  He  reads  to  me  his  day's  labor,  in  which  he  has 
reasoned  himself  into  a  belief  that  the  life  is,  as  Moses  says,  in 
the  blood,  and  that  it  consists,  which  Moses  does  not  say,  in  the 
operation  of  heat  a^d  cold,  and  in  the  movement,  which,  as  a 
fluid,  must  be  produced  in  it  by  the  distribution  and  succession 
of  those  accidents.  My  solution  pf  all  such  abstruse  questions 
is,  that  things  are  so  or  so,  because  God  pleases  that  they 
shall  be  so.' 

The  remainder  of  the  winter  and  spring  Mr  Morris  passed 
at  Ratisbon,  Studgard,  and  Francfort,  but  chiefly  in  this  last 
,city.     Here  he  was  joined  by  his  friend,  M.  Leray  de  Chau- 
mont,  with  whom  he  returned  to  Altona  in  June. 

This  tour  to  the  south  of  Germany,  which  had  occupied  nine 
months,  seems  to  have  been  undertaken  from  the  combined 
motives  of  business,  instruction,  and  pleasure.  As  usual,  he 
mingled  much  with  society,  and  was  everywhere  alive  to  the 
scenes  around  him,  and  eager  in  the  pursuit  of  his  favorite 
study  of  men,  as  their  passions  are  developed,  and  characters 
moulded,  by  the  varied  forms  of  social  and  political  existence. 
In  politics,  as  in  everything  else,  he  preferred  experiment  to 
theory  ;  and  the  knowledge  obtained  by  observation,  though 
bought  with  trouble  and  sacrifice,  he  considered  worth  its 
cost.  He  was  now  again  stationary  at  Altona. 

The  deep  interest,  which  Mr  Morris  had  taken  in  the  con 
dition  of  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans  and  her  family,  during  the 
first  part  of  his  residence  in  Paris,  was  not  diminished  as  their 
misfortunes  increased.  The  young  Duke  of  Orleans,  (the 
present  King  of  the  French,)  driven  by  a  decree  of  arrestation 
from  his  command  in  the  army,  and  from  his  country,  had  tak 
en  refuge  in  Switzerland.  Here  he  had  been  for  several 
months  concealed  from  the  world,  even  from  the  knowledge 
of  his  own  family,  till  circumstances  induced  him  to  change 
his  place  of  residence,  with  the  view  of  seeking  an  asylum  in  the 


464  LIFE  or 

United  States.  Among  others,  whom  the  horrors  of  the  revo 
lution  had  compelled  to  fly  from  their  country,  and  who  had 
sought  a  retreat  in  Switzerland,  was  the  Countess  de  Flahaut, 
often  noticed  heretofore  in  the  selections  from  Mr  Morris's 
Diary,  and  one  of  his  earliest  friends  in  Paris.  Her  husband 
had  died  in  the  early  stages  of  the  revolution,  and  she  had 
fled  first  to  England,  and  then  to  Switzerland.  In  the  lit 
tle  town  of  Bremgarten,  near  Zurich,  she  met  the  Duke  of 
Orleans,  and  was  the  first  to  inform  Mr  Morris  of  his  situation, 
in  the  following  letter  received  by  him  at  Hamburg. 

THE    COUNTESS    DE    FLAHAUT    TO    MR    MORRIS. 

(  Bremgarten,  Switzerland,  January  27th  1795. 
'Sir, 

'  I  have  seen  in  Switzerland  the  young  Duke  of  Orleans, 
He  has  had  a  serious  quarrel  with  Madame  de  Sillery,  from 
whom  he  has  received  very  bad  treatment.  But  say  nothing 
of  this,  for  if  she  knew  he  divulged  it,  she  would  persecute 
him  even  in  his  concealment.  He  is  now  entirely  estranged 
from  her  and  her  principles,  and  has  even  taken  his  sister  from 
her  charge,  and  put  her  under  the  care  of  the  Princess  de 
Conti,  his  aunt. 

1  Since  he  left  the  army  his  conduct  in  regard  to  his  mother 
has  been  perfect.  When  he  arrived  with  Dumouriez  at  the 
Austrian  army,  the  Archduke  and  the  Prince  of  Coburg  pro 
posed  to  him  to  enter  into  the  service  of  the  Emperor,  retain 
ing  his  rank  and  appointments  of  lieutenant  general.  He  re 
fused,  although  without  money,  and  without  knowing  what 
would  become  of  himself,  telling  them  that  he  was  unwilling 
to  expose  his  mother  and  brothers,  and  that  he  could  not  serve 
against  his  country.  He  immediately  departed,  in  company 
with  an  aid-de-camp,  and  travelled  through  Germany  in  a 
miserable  little  cabriolet.  Being  persecuted  in  Switzerland  by 
the  extreme  partisans  both  of  Aristocracy  and  of  Jacobinism, 
he  separated  from  his  aid-de-camp,  and,  with  a  single  ser 
vant,  who  followed  him  from  the  time  of  his  emigration,  (the 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  465 

same  who  courageously  gave  his  horse  to  Dumouriez)  he 
wandered  on  foot  among  the  mountains,  spending  no  more 
than  thirty  sous  a  day  for  the  food,  lodging,  and  other  necessa 
ries  required  by  them  both. 

1  At  length,  not  having  more  than  thirty  francs  in  the  world, 
he  returned  to  M.  de  Montesquieu,*  who  afforded  him  relief, 
and  found  a  place  for  him  as  a  professor  in  a  college,  where 
he  taught  geometry  in  the  German  language,  without  its  ever 
being  known,  either  to  the  masters  or  scholars,  who  he  was. 
So  much  was  he  beloved  in  this  situation,  that  M.  de  Salis, 
(a  violent  Aristocrat,  of  great  influence  in*  Switzerland,  and 
who  would  have  driven  him  away  if  he  had  known  him,)  was 
struck  with  the  deportment  of  the  young  professor,  and  offer 
ed  him  the  place  of  preceptor  to  his  children.  When  I  spoke 
to  him  of  this  retreat,  he  said  to  me,  that  he  would  willingly 
die  for  his  mother  and  brothers,  and  he  believed  the  more  he 
kept  himself  concealed,  the  greater  would  be  the  chance  of 
their  safety.  I  am  well  persuaded,  if  he  had  pursued  any  oth 
er  conduct,  the  horrible  Robespierre  would  have  massacred 
them  all.  In  his  manner  of  dress,  he  adopts  the  habit  of  his 
ancestor,  Henry  the  Fourth.  He  is  melancholy,  but  gentle 
and  unassuming,  and  his  whole  ambition  is  to  go  to  your 
America,  there  to  forget  the  grandeur  and  the  sufferings  of  his 
youth.  But  he  has  nothing  in  the  world.  Can  you  not  ren 
der  him  the  double  service  of  acquainting  his  mother  with  his 
conduct,  his  veneratiou  for  her,  and  his  hatred  of  Madame  de 
Sillery,  who  ruined  his  father,  (qui  a  perdu  son  pere  ;)  and 
also  of  informing  him  whether  his  mother  has  the  means  of 
subsistence,  where  are  his  brothers,  and  any  little  details  re 
specting  the  situation  of  them  all?  He  remembers  having 


*  The  Marquis  de  Montesquieu  was  put  under  a  decree  of  accusa 
tion  by  the  Convention,  in  November,  1792,  while  he  was  command 
ing  the  army  of  the  Alps.  He  found  an  asylum  in  Switzerland,  and 
resided  at  Bremgarten,  under  the  name  of  the  Chevalier  de  Rionel. 


466  LIFE  or 

seen  you,  and  says  he  was  then  so  completely  under  the  con 
trol  of  the  false  principles  and  prejudices  of  his  governess,  that 
you  could  not  judge  of  him,  but  that  he  hopes  so  excellent  a 
friend  of  his  mother  will  not  refuse  to  be  his.  Do  you  know 
that  Madame  de  Sillery  is  at  Hamburg,  with  M.  de  Valence 
and  her  niece  ?  Adieu. 

'THE  COUNTESS  DE  FLAHAUT.'* 

Mr  Morris's  reply  to  this  letter  has  not  been  found,  but  it 
would  seem,  that  he  approved  the  plan  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans  for  gomg  to  America,  and  offered  him  such  assistance 
as  he  might  require.  At  the  same  time,  he  sent  to  the  Coun 
tess  de  Flahaut  a  draft  on  a  banker  in  Basle,  for  one  hundred 
louis  d'ors,  to  defray  the  expenses  of  their  journey  to  Hamburg. 
The  person,  whom  she  designates  as  her  cousin  in  the  follow 
ing  letter,  is  the  Duke  of  Orleans. 


*  It  may  here  be  stated,  that  in  none  of  this  correspondence  are  the 
signatures  of  the  writers  attached  to  the  letters,  and  frequently  the 
name  of  the  place  is  not  mentioned.  This  caution  was  practised  to 
guard  against  the  risk  of  the  letters  being  read  by  other  persons,  and 
the  names  of  the  parties  being  thus  detected.  The  post  offices  at  that 
time  had  a  treacherous  practice  of  opening  letters  for  political  objects. 
A  very  large  portion  of  the  letters  received  by  Mr  Morris,  while  in 
Europe,  from  his  constant  correspondents,  are  without  signatures. 
These,  together  with  the  dates  and  names  of  places,  are  always  sup 
plied  by  him  on  the  envelope  of  each  letter. 

The  Countess  de  Flahaut  was  the  authoress  of  the  celebrated  novels 
under  that  name  in  the  French  language.  Her  pen  was  thus  employ 
ed  in  Switzerland,  and,  in  one  of  her  letters  to  Mr  Morris,  she  speaks 
of  a  new  .Roman,  from  the  sale  of  which  she  expected  to  recruit  her 
exhausted  funds.  She  afterwards  married  J.  M.  de  Souzrf-Botelho, 
who  was  for  some  time  the  Portuguese  Ambassador  at  the  Court  of 
Prussia,  and  afterwards  in  France.  He  is  the  same  M.  de  Souza,  by 
whose  munificence,  and  under  whose  superintendence,  was  pub 
lished  the  splendid  Paris  edition  of  the  LUSIAD  of  Camoens,  the  chef 
d'&uvre  of  modern  typography. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  467 

THE  COUNTESS  DE    FLAHAUT    TO  MR  MORRIS. 

'  Bremgarten,  February  24th,  1795. 
'Sir, 

1 A  thousand  thanks  for  your  kind  and  consoling  letter  of  the 
sixth  instant.  I  shall  depart  as  soon  as  possible.  Think  not 
that  it  will  be  with  the  delay,  that  I  should  return  to  Paris.  I 
have  only  happiness  now  in  prospect,  and  no  guillotine  to  fear. 
My  cousin  will  go  with  me  ;  but  it  is  necessary,  that  you  should 
know  his  situation.  Hamburg  is  full  of  people,  to  whom  he  is 
known,  and  whom  he  would  wish  never  again  to  see.  In  the 
first  place,  Madame  de  Sillery  is  at  Altona,  and  out  of  respect 
to  his  mother  he  desires  to  avoid  her.  Moreover,  he  cares 
not  to  embroil  himself  with  so  mischievous  a  person,  for  a  wri 
ter  like  her  is  always  to  be  dreaded,  Her  books  are  full  of 
cruel  detractions  against  all  the  persons,  to  whom  she  is  under 
the  highest  obligations.  Again,  there  is  General  Valence 
three  leagues  from  Hamburg,  with  a  niece  of  Madame  de  Sil 
lery.  And  then  a  certain  M.  Rivry,  aid-de-camp  of  M.  de 
Valence,  is  at  Hamburg.  Independently  of  the  regards,  which 
my  cousin  entertains  for  his  family,  he  has  personal  reasons 
for  desiring  never  to  meet  any  one  of  these  people. 

1  You  see,  therefore,  my  friend,  it  will  be  necessary  for  him 
to  have  a  little  retreat  quite  secludq^L  And  as  for  me,  the 
smallest  lodge,  far  away  from  the  town,  will  be  most  agreea 
ble,  for  I  have  absolute  need  of  air,  and  my  strength  will  not 
allow  me  to  go  far  to  seek  it.  Besides,  the  more  I  shall  be 
retired,  the  more  incognito  will  my  cousin  remain.  But 
above  all  things  shun  Altona. 

'  I  must  also  give  you  some  account  of  the  pecuniary  situa 
tion  of  my  cousin.  His  father  had  many  transactions  with 
Walekiers,  and  he  is  the  only  agent,  who  has  treated  him  with 
fidelity.  All  the  others  plundered  and  deceived  him.  There 
are  even  now  in  England  two  deposits  amounting  to  thirty- 
five  thousand  pounds  sterling,  of  which  no  account  can  be  ob- 


468  LIFE    OF 

tained.  He  intends  to  prosecute  the  affair  ;  and  there  are  ma 
ny  other  particulars  respecting  these  plunderers,  of  which  I  am 
not  permitted  to  write.  Walekiers  alone  has  been  perfectly 
generous  and  disinterested.  So  far  from  heing  indebted  to  his 
father,  he  is  his  creditor  ;  and  yet,  he  now  sends  him  a  remit 
tance  of  twenty-five  louis  a  month,  to  be  returned  when  he 
shall  again  come  into  possession  of  his  property.  After  this, 
you  will  see,  that  it  is  impossible  to  keep  Walekiers  ignorant 
either  of  his  retreat,  or  his  journey.  But,  he  is  the  only  per 
son,  who  will  be  informed  of  them.  Hence  you  can  converse 
with  him  or  not  on  the  subject,  as  you  may  think  proper.  He 
desires  not  to  lodge  with  Walekiers,  on  account  of  the  compa 
ny  he  would  meet  there,  although  Walekiers  has  made  him 
every  possible  offer  to  receive  him  at  his  house.  But  he 
wishes  to  associate  wTith  a  man  of  reputation,  like  you,  the 
friend  of  his  mother.  You  will  understand  all  this  better,  when 
we  shall  have  an  opportunity  to  converse. 

'  It  will  be  fifteen  •  days  before  T  shall  be  able  to  commence 
the  journey.  In  that  time  I  must  send  your  bill  of  exchange 
to  be  negotiated  at  Basle,  for  such  a  thing  cannot  be  done  in 
this  small  village.  A  carriage  is  also  to  be  repaired  for  my 
cousin,  but  that  will  not  take  long,  as  it  is  almost  new.  We 
shall  then  set  off,  I  and  my  English  servant  woman,  and  he 
and  the  faithful  servant,  of  whom  I  have  spoken.  Adieu,  my 
excellent  friend  5  I  cannot  find  words  to  express  how7  sensible 
I  am  of  your  goodness. 

COUNTESS  DE  FLAHAUT.' 


£  P.  S.  The  twenty  -five  louis  a  month  from  Walekiers 
have  only  commenced  since  his  arrival  in  Hamburg,  that  is  to 
say,  within  a  month,  and  may  be  stopped  at  any  moment, 
since  they  depend  on  the  fortune  and  the  will  of  M.  Wale 
.  —  The  enclosed  letter  is  from  my  cousin.1 


HGOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  469 

THE    DUKE    OF    ORLEANS    TO    MR    MORRIS. 

*  Breragarten,  February  24th,  1795. 
'Sir, 

* 1  accept  with  much  pleasure  the  offers  you  make  me. 
Your  kindness  is  a  blessing  I  owe  to  my  mother,  and  to  our 
friend.  I  am  sure,  that  my  excellent  mother  will  be  somewhat 
consoled,  and  more  tranquil,  to  know  that  I  am  near  you,  in 
your  happy  country.  I  am  very  ready  to  labor  to  acquire  in 
dependence.  Hardly  had  I  entered  upon  life,  when  the  great 
est  misfortunes  assailed  me,  but,  thanks  to  God,  they  did  not 
overwhelm  me, — too  happy  in  my  reverses,  that  my  youth 
had  not  given  me  time  to  become  too  much  attached  to  my 
station,  or  to  contract  habits  difficult  to  be  broken,  and  that  I 
was  deprived  of  my  fortune  before  I  could  either  use  or 
abuse  it. 

1  Your  excellent  friend' has  the  goodness  to  undertake  to 
send  you  many  particulars  respecting  my  present  condition, 
which  are  tedious  enough,  but  of  which  you  ought  to  be  in 
formed.  I  hope,  Sir,  my  confidence  will  afford  you  another 
proof  of  all  those  sentiments  of  esteem  and  friendship,  which 
you  inspire  in  me, 

L.  P.  D'ORLEANS. 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  Madame  de  Flahaut,  in 
her  letter  of  the  twenty-seventh  of  January,  Mr  Morris  wrote 
to  the  Dutchess  of  Orleans,  informing  her  of  the  situation  of 
her  son,  and  of  his  intended  departure  for  America.  He  re 
ceived  from  the  Dutchess  the  following  answer. 

*  Your  letter  has  caused  me  a  happiness,  which  I  cannot  ex 
press.  Ah  !  if  seas  must  separate  me  from  one  so  dear, 
what  an  alleviation,  what  peace,  will  my  perfect  confidence  in 
your  friendship  and  interest  secure  to  me  !  I  need  not  speak  to 
you  of  my  gratitude;  it  was  before  established;  but  judge  to 
what  degree  it  filled  my  afflicted  breast,  upon  .the  receptioa 
of  your  touching  and  amiable  letter. 

VOL.    L  40 


470  LIFE    OF 

*  Indeed,  I  was  very  sure  that  he,  who,  alas!  is  deprived 
of  every  support,  which  nature  gave  him,  would  find  in  you  a 
true  and  useful  friend.  I  pray  you  to  continue  to  him  your 
interest  and  your  counsels.  I  hope  you  will  always  be  able 
to  tell  me,  that  he  has  conducted  himself  well,  and  that  you 
are  satisfied  with  him.  I  shall  then  be  certain,  that  this 
young  man,  so  interesting  to  me,  so  dear  to  my  heart,  ever 
does  what  is  best. 

( It  will  afford  me  a  solace  necessary  to  my  existence,  and 
it  will  be  sweet  to  contract  such  great  obligations  to  one, 
whom  I  esteem  so  much,  and  whose  friendship  I  return 
with  my  whole  heart.' 

Meantime  the  wanderers  at  Bremgarten  commenced  their 
journey,  about  the  tenth  of  March,  and  travelled  slowly 
through  Germany  towards  Hamburgh.  Madame  de  Flahaut's 
health  was  so  delicate,  that  she  could  not  endure  the  fatigue  of 
rapid  motion.  When  they  arrived  at  Brunswick,  it  was  re 
ported,  that  the  road  between  that  place  and  Hamburg  was 
thronged  with  emigrants,  some  of  whom  would  unquestionably 
recognise  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  should  he  encounter  them 
on  the  way.  To  guard  against  such  an  accident,  it  was 
thought  best  for  him  to  perform  the  route  as  speedily  as  pos 
sible,  and  without  stopping.  This  was  too  great  an  effort  for 
his  fair  companion,  and  she  was  left  behind  at  Brunswick. 
The  Duke,  and  his  friend,  M.  de  Montjoye,  who  accompanied 
him  in  his  succeeding  travels,  reached  Hamburg  undiscover 
ed.  Madame  de  Flahaut  arrived  and  joined  them  shortly  af 
terwards. 

The  next  step  was  to  procure  a  place  of  retreat.  This 
was  first  effected  at  Nieuenstadt,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
city.  If  we  may  judge  from  a  note  of  the  Countess  de  Fla 
haut  to  Mr  Morris,  they  found  themselves  but  indifferently 
accommodated  in  this  retirement. 

8  There  is  no  such  thing,  my  dear  friend,  as  arranging 
matters  in  this  house.  Yesterday  evening  we  asked  for  sup 
per,  and  the  man  said  he  would  not  furnish  it  under  double 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  471 

the  price  already  agreed  upon  Besides,  he  answered  my 
cousin  rudely,  and  had  the  malice  to  tell  the  woman  of  the 
house,  that  we  did  not  intend  to  remain  with  her,  when  no 
such  hint  had  been  given  to  anybody,  [n  short,  he  has  been 
guilty  of  such  language  and  conduct,  that  my  cousin  told 
him  we  had  no  more  need  of  him.  For  Heaven's  sake  send 
us  something  to  eat,  or  we  shall  perish  by  a  famine.  I  be 
seech  you  to  come  and  see  us,  for  never  were  prisoners  in  a 
dungeon  more  desolate  than  we  are.  To  make  an  end  of  us, 
my  cousin  had  a  violent  fever  yesterday,  and  as  for  me,  I  am 
freezing  to  death.5 

Such  an  appeal  as  this,  of  course,  was  not  neglected,  and 
accommodations  more  befitting  were  sought  out.  But  the 
Duke's  project  of  a  voyage  to  America  was  changed,  soon  after 
his  arrival  in  Hamburg,  probably  because  Mr  Morris  had  re 
solved  to  remain  longer  in  Europe,  as  the  first  idea  was  to 
make  the  voyage  with  him.  A  new  scheme,  of  a  temporary 
nature,  was  substituted  in  its  place.  To  hide  himself  from  the 
world,  the  Duke  determined  to  pass  the  summer  in  travelling 
to  the  north  of  Europe.  He  left  Hamburg  for  Denmark  early 
in  the  spring,  and  as  soon  as  he  had  crossed  the  Sound,  he 
wrote  to  Mr  Morris. 

«  Gottenburg,  May  15th,  1795. 

'Sir, 

4  You  see  by  the  place  where  I  date  my  letter,  that  I  have 
not  resisted  the  temptation  of  visiting  Sweden.  It  was  not  ea 
sy  to  pass  so  near  this  kingdom,  without  making  the  tour  of  it, 
and  I  do  not  repent  doing  so,  for  in  a  commercial  view,  this 
city  merits  the  attention  of  a  traveller. 

4 1  felt  much  joy  on  my  arrival,  in  finding  a  little  billet  from 
my  mother,  which  she  sent  me  through  the  channel  of  a  French 
Priest,  a  refugee  in  Switzerland,  whom  I  believe  I  have  men 
tioned  to  you.  By  the  same  opportunity  she  wrote  a  charm 
ing  letter  to  my  sister,  of  which  I  received  a  copy.  This  Abbe 
sent  me  word,  at  the  same  time,  that  my  mother  is  very  much 
better,  and  that  her  health  improves  daily.  I  have  heard  from 


472  LIFE    OF 

ray  little  sister,  who  is  also  much  better.  Pardon,  I  prayyour 
these  details.  I  give  them  to  you,  only  because  I  know  the 
strong  interest  you  take  in  everything,  that  relates  to  my  hon 
ored  mother.  Believe  me,  Sir,  it  is  impossible  to  feel  more 
deeply  than  I  do,  the  lively  concern  which  you  are  so  kind  as 
to  take  in  my  fate  ;  and,  I  pray  you,  receive  my  assurances  of 
the  very  ardent  and  sincere  affection,  with  which  you  inspire 

me. 

1 L.  P.  D'ORLEANS.' 

From  Gottenburg  he  pursued  his  course  through  Norway 
and  Lapland  to  the  North  Cape,  travelling  much  of  the  way 
through  those  wild  and  unfrequented  regions  on  foot.  He  re 
turned  by  way  of  Tornea,  the  gulf  of  Bothnia,  and  Stockholm. 
Mr  Morris  next  heard  from  him  at  Lubec,  whence  he  wrote 
on  the  2d  of  January.  '  I  have  returned  from  my  travels/ 
said  he,  *  in  perfect  safety.  They  were  rather  longer  than  I 
at  first  expected,  but  then  I  have  been  to  the  North  Cape,  and 
should  have  gone  farther,  had  such  a  thing  been  possible.' 
The  Duke  took  up  his  residence  at  Frederickstadt,  in  Holstein, 
where  he  remained  seven  or  eight  months.  Meantime  his 
northern  rambles  had  exhausted  his  funds,  and  left  him  desti 
tute  and  in  debt.  When  this  was  made  known  to  Mr  Morris, 
he  placed  a  credit  for  him  of  fifteen  hundred  pounds  in  Lon 
don.  For  this  seasonable  relief  the  Duke  returned  his  grate 
ful  acknowledgements.  His  scheme  of  an  American  tour  was 
at  length  revived. 

c  Frederickstadt,  August  30th,  1796. 
'Sir, 

f  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  my  mother,  which  orders 
me  to  undertake  a  voyage  to  your  country,  and  announces  to 
me,  that  this  voyage  will  ameliorate  her  situation  and  that  of 
my  connexions.  I  shall  therefore  depart  with  all  haste.  My 
brothers,  too,  will  sail  for  Philadelphia.  This  is  certain,  for 
the  Directory  sent  me  officially  my  mother's  letter,  and  of 
course  had  knowledge  of  it. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  473 

'  I  have  already  informed  you,  that  I  wrote  to  Mr  Parish  to 
ask  him  to  give  my  sister  a  letter  of  credit  for  three  hundred 
pounds,  out  of  the  fifteen  hundred.  He  sent  me  word  that 
the  sum,  which  he  then  had  at  my  disposal  was  only  four  hun 
dred  pounds,  that  he  could  not  deliver  it  in  small  sums,  nor 
without  my  receipt.  Consequently  I  sent  him  my  receipt  for 
four  hundred  pounds.  I  have  transmitted  one  hundred  to  my 
sister,  and  kept  three  hundred  for  myself.  I  shall  set  off  im 
mediately  for  Hamburg,  where  I  shall  embark  in  the  first  ves 
sel.  Adieu.  I  have  little  time,  and  embrace  you  in  great 
haste. 

<L.  P.  D'ORLEANS.' 

Mr  Morris  was  now  on  his  travels  in  Germany,  but  as  soon 
as  he  received  this  intelligence  of  the  Duke's  intended  depart 
ure  for  America,  he  wrote  to  his  correspondents  in  New  York, 
giving  him  an  unlimited  credit  during  his  wanderings  in  the 
United  States.  The  Duke  de  Montpensier,  and  the  Count  de 
Beaujolais,  arrived  in  America  from  Marseilles,  and  joined 
their  brother. 

THE    DUKE    OF    ORLEANS    TO     GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

New  York,  November  21st,  1796. 

'Sir 

<  I  once  more  answer  your  letter  of  May  llth,  fearing  that 
my  former  communications  have  not  reached  you.  As  I  re 
ceive  no  letters  from  Hamburg,  I  have  reason  to  think  this 
will  have  the  same  fate.  For  the  rest,  I  cannot  say  enough  to 
you  of  the  obliging  reception  we  have  met  with  from  your 
friends. 

'We  owe  you  many  thanks,  and  we  return  them  to  you 
most  cordially,  for  the  credit  you  have  been  pleased  to  give  us 
here.  You  are  undoubtedly  informed,  that  we  have  availed 
ourselves  of  it  for  the  sum  of  three  thousand  dollars,  which,  ad 
ded  to  one  of  a  thousand  dollarsr  taken  up  at  the  time  I  received 

40* 


474  LIFE    OF 

your  letter,   amounts  to  four  thousand  dollars,  for  which  we 
are  indebted  to  your  kindness. 

'  I  can  no  longer  congratulate  you,  as  I  did  a  she  rt  time 
since,  on  the  good  news  we  received.  It  has  all  passed  away 
like  a  dream.  In  the  midst  of  this  general  calamity,  we  have 
at  least  the  consolation,  the  satisfaction,  of  knowing,  that  our 
beloved  mother  is  away  from  that  wretched  country,  and  safe 
from  all  danger.  This  alone  is  a  full  compensation  for  all  the 
rest.  She  will  certainly  feel  deeply  your  conduct  towards  us, 
and  will  doubtless  do  all  that  is  requisite  to  discharge  our  debt 
to  you.  Adieu.  Ever  yours, 

<L.  P.  D'ORLEANS.' 

The  three  brothers  continued  in  America,  travelling  in  dif 
ferent  parts  of  the  United  States,  and  in  the  West  Indies,  till 
after  the  return  of  Mr  Morris  from  Europe.  He  received 
them  several  times  in  his  own  house  at  Morrisania.  When 
they  arrived  in  England,  the  Duke  of  Orleans  wrote  to  him, 
and  the  correspondence  was  continued  for  a  time,  though  it 
seems  to  have  been  dropped  in  the  latter  years  of  Mr  Morris's 
life.  After  the  restoration,  however,  he  wrote  a  congratulatory 
letter  to  the  Dutchess  on  that  event.* 


*The  above  mentioned  loans  of  money  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  re 
mained  unpaid  for  a  long  time,  but  were  at  length  fully  reimbursed, 
with  interest,  in  two  separate  payments  ;  the  first,  of  about  thirty-two 
thousand  francs,  in  1816  ;  and  the  remainder,  of  thirty-eight  thousand 
francs,  after  Mr  Morris's  death,  in  1818.  The  whole  amount  of  prin 
cipal  and  interest,  which  was  paid  by  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  was  some 
what  more  than  thirteen  thousand  dollars. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  475 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

MR    MORRIS'S    VOYAGE     TO      AMERICA. ARRIVAL     IN     NEW     YORK. HE    RE 
TIRES      TO      MORRISANIA. CHOSEN     TO     THE     SENATE      OF     THE     UNITED 

STATES. ENGAGED    IN  A    CAUSE    AT    THE    BAR  WITH    HAMILTON. — PRESI 
DENTIAL    ELECTION. PART    TAKEN    BY    HIM    AS    A    SKNATOR. HIS     TOUR 

TO     CANADA. — HIS       POLITICAL      OPINIONS. ORATIONS      AND      POLITICAL 

WRITINGS. GENERAL    MOREAU. MADAME      DE    STAEL's    PROPOSED    VISIT 

TO    THE    UNITED    STATES. 

HAVING  brought  his  complicated  affairs  to  a  close  in  Europe, 
Mr  Morris  began  seriously  to  think  of  revisiting  his  native 
country.  Amidst  the  infinitude  of  relations  he  had  contracted, 
both  of  friendship  and  business,  it  was  no  easy  matter  to  ar 
range  them  all,  and  to  sever  attachments,  which  time  and  inti 
macy  had  cemented,  but  which  were  never  again  to.  be  re 
newed.  By  degrees,  however,  this  was  accomplished,  and  he 
sailed  from  Hamburg  for  New  York,  on  the  fourth  of  October, 
1798.  A  more  tedious,  protracted,  disagreeable,  and  comfortless 
passage,  it  has  seldom  been  the  lot  of  luckless  voyager  to  en 
dure.  When  they  had  been  fifty-seven  days  at  sea, .the  cap- 
lain  held  a  council  with  the  mate,  into  which  he  asked  Mr 
Morris,  to  consult  on  the  state  of  affairs,  and  determine  what 
was  to  be  done.  It  was  agreed,  from  a  series  of  probabilities, 
that  the  actual  position  of  the  ship  was  somewhere  near  the 
east  end  of  Long  Island,  but  the  provisions  of  the  crew  had 
run  short,  and  the  weather  was  precarious.  A  stiff  north 
wester  would  drive  them  off  to  the  West  Indies,  and  in  such  a 
catastrophe,  they  would  all  be  in  danger  of  perishing  for  want 
of  food.  The  question  for  the  council  to  decide  was,  whether 
they  should  steer  directly  for  New  York,  or  make  the  nearest 
port  in  Rhode  Island.  Like  men  of  prudence,  they  gave  a 
unanimous  voice  for  the  latter,  and  in  two  days  they  were 
safely  moored  in  the  harbor  of  Newport. 


476  LIFE  or 

But  here  a  new  set  of  calamities  sprang  up.  A  drunken 
pilot  was  to  be  dealt  with ;  the  captain  grew  impertinent,  sur 
ly,  and  obstinate ;  snow  storms  and  gales  of  wind  troubled  the 
air  and  the  sea ;  and  ten  dismal  days  and  nights  were  con 
sumed  in  vain  attempts  to  escape  from  the  smooth  waters  of 
Narraganset  Bay,  and  get  fairly  upon  the  ocean  again.  At 
length  a  packet  came  along,  bound  to  New  York.  Mr  Morris 
resolved  at  least  to  have  the  satisfaction  of  exchanging  one 
floating  prison  for  another,  and  went  from  the  ship  to  the  pack 
et.  Here  matters  were  little  mended,,  except  that  the  captain 
was  in  better  humor.  A  stormy  day  and  a  dreary  night  were 
spent  in  beating  around  Point  Judith,  with  eminent  peril  of  ship 
wreck.  They  were  next  tossed  to  and  fro  in  the  Sound, 
obliged  to  put  into  New  London  one  night,  and  anchor  under 
the  lee  shore  of  Long  Island  another.  At  last,  twenty-three 
days  from  the  time  he  first  saw  the  coast  of  Rhode  Island,  he 
arrived  in  New  York,  making  a  voyage  of  eighty  days  from 
Hamburg;  a  commentary  worth  preserving  on  the  present 
splendid  establishments  of  packets  and  steamboats,  in  the  great 
commercial  centre  of  the  New  World. 

It  was  with  no  light  emotions  of  joy,  that  he  received  the 
cordial  greetings  of  his  friends,  who  flocked  around  him  as  soon 
as  his  arrival  was  known.  Just  ten  years  had  elapsed,  since 
he  sailed  from  the  Capes  of  Delaware,  and  it  was  now  gratify 
ing  to  discover,  that  time  and  distance,  those  potent  aids  to 
forgetfulness  and  insensibility,  had  not  weakened  the  ties  of 
old  attachments,  nor  dissolved  the  charm  of  early  friendships. 
*  It  seems,'  said  he,  '•  as  if  I  were  not  an  unwelcome  guest  in 
my  native  country.'  The  gratulations  and  hospitality  of  friends 
detained  him  some  days  in  the  city,  and  then  he  went  to  Mor- 
risania,  and  took  up  his  residence  on  his  own  domains. 

To  this  stage  of  his  existence  he  had  long  been  looking  for 
ward  with  pleasing  anticipations,  and  had  resolved  to  pass  the 
remainder  of  his  days  in  tranquil  retirement,  on  the  spot  conse 
crated  by  the  tombs  of  his  ancestors,  and  the  endearing  associa 
tions  of  childhood.  The  first  object  of  his  care  was  to  put  his 


GOUVEKNEUR    MORRIS.  477 

estate  in  order,  which  had  been  little  improved  by  ten  years  of 
imperfect  culture.  He  next  set  himself  about  a  more  formidable 
undertaking.  The  old  house,  venerable  as  it  was  in  its  age, 
and  attractive  from  the  reminiscences  it  revived,  was  neverthe 
less  '  leaky  and  looked  runious.'  In  short,  it  held  out  few 
promises  of  contented  enjoyment  to  a  man,  whose  habits  had 
taught  him  to  value  the  elegances,  as  well  as  the  more  sub 
stantial  comforts  of  life.  He  determined  to  erect  a  new  one. 
Nature  had  fully  accomplished  her  part,  in  affording  him  one 
of  the  finest  sites  in  the  world,  embracing  a  beautiful  variety  of 
grounds,  a  prospect  of  intermingled  islands  and  waters,  and  in 
the  distance  the  broad  expanse  of  Long  Island  Sound.  The 
plan  of  his  house  conformed  to  a  French  model,  and,  though 
spacious  and  well  contrived,  was  suited  rather  for  conveni 
ence  and  perhaps  splendor  within,  than  for  a  show  of  architec 
tural  magnificence  without.  Finished,  however,  according  to 
his  taste,  it  answered  the  ends  of  its  design,  being  the  home  of 
his  after  life,  the  scene  of  a  generous  hospitality,  and  of  the  full 
measure  of  happiness,  which  fancy  and  hope  had  pictured  to 
him  in  the  vista  of  coming  years. 

These  affairs  of  building  and  improvements  afforded  him  a 
busy  occupation.  In  the  mean  time  another  sphere  of  action 
was  prepared  for  him.  He  was  chosen  by  the  legislature  of  New 
York  to  supply  a  vacancy  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States. 
He  accepted  the  appointment  upon  the  principle,  that  it  was 
every  man's  duty  to  conform  to  the  wishes  of  his  fellow  citi 
zens,  who  should  select  him  unsolicited  to  fill  a  responsible 
and  important  office.  As  soon  as  he  arrived  from  abroad,  his 
friends  beset  him  on  this  point,  but  he  took  care  '  to  let  them 
know  early  his  intention  to  lead  a  private  life,  not  meaning  to 
embark  again  on  the  stormy  ocean  of  politics.'  Such  resolu 
tions  have  been  often  formed,  and  as  often  broken.  Mr  Morris 
writes  in  his  Diary,  that  Lafayette  deceived  himself,  when  at 
the  height  of  power  in  Paris  he  said  he  was  weary  of  public 
life,  and  meant  to  retire.  If  we  may  judge  from  all  examples, 
perhaps  from  human  nature,  every  man  who  talks  thus,  deceives 


478  LIFE    OF 

himself.  Who  retires  from  a  political  career,  till  his  race  is 
run  ;  till  he  is  at  the  top  of  ambition's  rickety  ladder,  or  till  des 
pair  whispers  the  unwelcome  truth,  that  he  can  mount  no  high 
er?  Who  refuses  an  office,  that  carries  with  it  power,  conse 
quence,  or  emolument  ?  Nay,  who  can  be  expected  to  refuse 
such  an  office  ?  Who  ought  to  refuse  it  ?  Offices  must  be  held 
by  somebody.  When  we  hear  men  talk  of  shunning  office,  of 
retiring  from  high  public  stations,  of  rejecting  splendid  offers 
in  prospect,  and  of  despising  power  and  influence,  we  may  lay  it 
down  as  a  general  rule,  that  such  men  deceive  themselves. 

Before  Mr  Morris  took  his  seat  in  the  Senate,  he  was  en 
gaged  as  counsel  in  a  remarkable  law  case,  which  was  argued 
at  Albany.  A  few  brief  hints  in  the  Diary  afford  nearly  all 
the  information  that  I  have  been  able  to  procure,  except  the 
report  contained  in  the  first  volume  of  Johnson's  Cases,  and 
which  touches  only  on  the  matter  of  law. 

'Albany,  February  6th,  1800. — Go  to  the  Court  of  Errors., 
Hamilton  concludes  forcibly.  Harrison  opens  the  law,  and  so 
does  Burr.  On  our  side  Troup  makes  a  short  good  speech. 

'  February  8th. — In  the  Court  of  Appeals  Mr  R.  Living 
ston  speaks  on  our  side.  I  follow  him. 

1  February  10th. — Finish  my  argument,  which  has,  I  observe,, 
produced  considerable  effect. 

'  February  llth. — Attend  the  Court  of  Errors,  and  hear  the 
arguments  of  the  adversary.  Hamilton  is  desirous  of  being 
witty,  but  goes  beyond  the  bounds,  and  is  open  to  a  severe 
dressing. 

'  February  IZth. — The  adverse  counsel  conclude.  Colonel 
Burr  is  very  able,  and  has  I  see  made  considerable  impres 
sion.  I  had  an  opportunity  to  retort  on  Hamilton,  which  I  did 
not  use,  and  am  on  the  whole  well  pleased  that  I  did  not.' 

This  cause  attracted  notoriety  at  the  time,  from  the  brilliant 
constellation  of  talents  comprised  in  the  counsel  on  both  sides. 
As  the  arguments  were  not  reported,  nothing  now  remains  to 
give  any  idea  of  the  display  of  those  talents.  There  is  a  ven 
erable  and  imposing  tradition,  both  in  Albany  and  New  York, 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  479 

that  talks  loudly,  but  vaguely,  on  the  subject,  and  which,  like 
the  responses  of  the  Delphian  prophetess,  leaves  you  to  gather 
a  meaning  of  high  import  and  wide  interpretation.  It  seems 
well  established,  however,  that  uncommon  power  of  reasoning 
was  elicited,  and  that  the  rencounter  of  wits,  particularly  be 
tween  Hamilton  and  Morris,  was  sustained  with  an  agility  and 
keenness,  highly  edifying  to  the  audience.  These  freedoms 
are  said  to  have  run  to  a  latitude,  which  was  too  great  even 
for  the  indulgence  of  friendship,  and  which  caused  a  temporary 
coldness.  If  so,  it  was  short,  and  soon  forgotten.  The  part 
acted  by  Morris  in  this  cause  gained  him  much  credit,  espe 
cially  on  account  of  the  talent  and  adroitness  he  discovered,  in 
a  set  contest  with  the  giants  of  the  day,  after  having  been  so 
long  unused  to  the  habits  of  the  bar  and  forensic  debate. 

He  joined  the  Senate  in  Philadelphia  on  the  second  of  May, 
but  they  adjourned  a  fortnight  afterwards,  to  re-assemble  the 
next  session  at  Washington.  The  interval  was  chiefly  occu 
pied  by  Mr  Morris  in  a  tour  to  Canada  and  Niagara,  of  which 
he  has  given  a  lively  and  minute  description  in  a  long  letter  to 
Mr  Parish.  One  object  of  his  journey  was  to  explore  a  large 
tract  of  new  lands,  which  he  possessed  on  the  southern  borders 
of  the  St  Lawrence  and  Lake  Ontario.  In  November  he  pro 
ceeded  to  Washington,  and  was  present  at  the  opening  of  the 
Senate. 

Being  now  fairly  seated  in  the  National  Legislature,  he  must 
of  necessity  range  himself  in  the  ranks  of  one  of  the  two  great 
parties,  into  which  the  political  forces  of  the  nation  were  at 
that  time  divided.  From  the  first  origin  of  these  parties  he 
had  been  absent  from  the  country,  and  of  course  had  no  per 
sonal  entanglements  with  either.  Considering  the  tenor  of  his 
sentiments,  however,  we  should  expect  to  find  him,  where  he 
actually  appeared,  under  the  banners  of  the  Federalists. 
There  he  took  a  stand,  and  there  he  maintained  it  to  the  end 
of  his 'life;  sometimes,  perhaps,  with  a  zeal  that  outstripped 
prudence,  but  always  with  an  honesty  of  purpose,  a  fearlessness 
of  responsibility,  and  an  ingenuous  hearty  good  will,  that  com- 


480  LIFE    OF 

manded   the   respect  of  his  opponents,   and   deserved  from 
friends  and  foes  the  praise  of  high  minded  patriotism. 

As  soon  as  Congress  assembled  in  Washington,  the  ruling 
topic  that  absorbed  all  minds  was  the  approaching  presiden 
tial  election.  The  two  rival  candidates,  Jefferson  and  Burr, 
being  both  democrats,  the  federalists  were  reduced  to  a  perplex 
ing  dilemma,  and  compelled  to  resort  to  what  they  considered 
a  choice  of  two  evils.  The  results  are  well  known.  As  the 
election  devolved  on  the  House  of  Representatives,  without  the 
intervention  of  the  Senate,  Mr  Morris  kept  aloof  from  the 
strife  as  much  as  possible,  and  only  expressed  his  opinion 
when  it  was  desired.  He  differed  from  his  party,  however, 
on  this  point,  and  approved  the  choice  of  Mr  Jefferson.  Writ 
ing  to  Hamilton,  some  time  before  the  election,  he  observes, 
*  the  object  with  many  is^ftake  Mr  Burr,  and  I  should  not  be 
surprised  if  that  measurlrWere  adopted.  Not  meaning  to  enter 
into  intrigues,  I  have  merely  expressed  the  opinion,  that  since 
it  was  evidently  the  intention  of  our  fellow  citizens  to  make 
Mr  Jefferson  their  President,  it  seems  proper  to  fulfil  that  in 
tention.'  He  then  speaks  in  the  following  honorable  and  pat 
riotic  language.  '  Having  declared  my  determination  to  sup 
port  the  constitutionally  appointed  administration,  so  long  as 
its  acts  shall  not  in  my  judgment  be  essentially  wrong,  my 
personal  line  of  conduct  gives  me  no  difficulty,  but  I  am  not 
without  serious  apprehensions  for  the  future  state  of  things.' 
Personally  he  was  well  disposed  to  both  candidates,  and  the 
reason  of  his  preference  sprang  from  a  disinterested  motive, 
that  could  have  no  aim  but  the  public  good.  His  sentiments 
are  explained  in  his  letters  to  Hamilton.  After  the  election 
he  was  on  friendly  terms  with  Mr  Jefferson,  though  op 
posed  to  him  toto  c<elo  in  all  measures  of  politics. 

During  the  three  years  of  Mr  Morris's  service  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States,  he  was  a  strong  pillar  in  the  federal  par 
ty,  thoroughly  imbued  with  their  policy  and  principles,  and 
generally  uniting  in  their  acts.  The  occasions  on  which  he 
made  conspicuous  efforts,  were  in  the  debates  on  the  repeal 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  481 

of  the  internal  taxes,  on  the  judiciary  establishment,  and  on 
Ross's  resolutions  for  taking  possession  of  New  Orleans. 

He  was  opposed  to  the  discontinuance  of  internal,  or  direct 
taxes,  and  he  argued  with  his  usual  ingenuity  to  prove  this 
mode  of  raising  a  revenue  preferable  to  that  of  duties  on  impor 
tations.  They  are  collected  at  less  expense,  and  are  less  oner 
ous  on  the  people,  by  saving  the  expenditures  incident  to 
levying  duties,  before  the  articles  reach  the  consumer ;  they 
prevent  the  crime  of  smuggling ;  and,  in  short,  they  are  the 
means  of  diffusing  money  widely  throughout  the  country,  in 
stead  of  its  being  confined  in  the  hands  of  merchants  and  deal 
ers  in  commodities.  Money  will  go  to  the  place  of  demand, 
and  where  it  is  wanted  for  taxes,  there  it  will  be  found,  and  in 
the  progress  of  circulation  will  be  converted  to  its  beneficial 
uses.  He  did  not  disapprove  dufc|^n  imports ;  he  would 
have  them  laid  with  discrimination^^i  he  would  collect  the 
greater  portion  of  the  revenue  through  the  medium  of  internal 
taxes,  and  by  no  means  abandon  a  system  of  such  essential 
importance  to  the  welfare  of  the  country. 

Just  before  the  close  of  Mr  Adams's  administration,  it  is 
known  that  a  law  was  passed  by  Congress,  making  changes 
in  the  judiciary  establishment,  increasing  the  number  of  Circuit 
Courts,  and  adding  new  judges.  These  judges  were  nomina 
ted  by  the  President,  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  commis 
sioned.  They  accordingly  entered  upon  their  duties.  At  the 
next  session  of  Congress,  under  the  succeeding  administration, 
a  bill  was  brought  forward  to  repeal  this  act,  suspend  the  new 
judges,  and  restore  things  again  to  their  old  footing.  Wearing 
the  aspect  of  a  party  measure,  it  was  debated  with  great 
warmth  by  the  democrats  in  favor  of  the  repeal,  and  by  the 
federalists  in  solid  phalanx  on  the  other  side. 

Mr  Morris  made  two  speeches  on  this  occasion,  which 
may  perhaps  be  considered  the  most  favorable  specimens  of 
his  senatorial  eloquence.  Whether  from  the  excitement  of 
party,  or  from  whatever  cause,  he  had  wrought  himself  up  to 
the  convictionj  that  the  subject  involved  principles  of  infinite 
VOL.  r.  41 


482  LIFE    OF 

moment  to  the  future  existence  of  the  government.  He  saw 
in  the  repeal  of  this  act  a  precedent,  which  would  be  a  sanc 
tion  to  any  encroachment  upon  the  constitutional  charter,  or 
any  '  excess  of  capricious  legislation.5  The  advocates  of  the 
repeal  argued  that  the  act  was  unnecessary,  that  no  additional 
judges  were  wanted,  and  that  the  expense  was  a  waste  of 
the  public  treasure.  These  points,  touching  the  merits  and 
expediency  of  the  bill,  he  combated  in  detail.  But  the  weight 
of  his  argument,  was  mainly  directed  to  the  constitutional 
bearing  of  the  question.  He  insisted,  that  the  judges  were 
appointed  during  good  behavior,  and  entered  upon  their  office 
in  that  belief,  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  suspend  them, 
except  by  impeachment  for  misdemeanor,  that  a  law  of  ab 
rogation,  or  expulsion,  would  be  essentially  an  ex  post  facto 
law,  a  violent  and  unqualified  breach  of  the  Constitution. 
Such  were  his  views,  and  "he  enforced  them  by  a  rare  felicity 
of  illustration,  and  cogency  of  reasoning.  The  repeal  passed, 
nevertheless,  and  he  was  accustomed  to  mourn,  as  long  as  he 
lived,  over  the  deadly  wound,  which  the  Constitution  had  re 
ceived  by  this  rash  tampering  with  the  judiciary. 

In  the  affair  of  Spanish  aggressions,  and  the  proposed  seizure 
of  New  Orleans,  he  went  the  full  length  of  Mr  Ross's  resolu 
tions.  His  speech  is  elaborate,  copious  in  matter,  and  pointed 
in  style.  Spain  had  committed  outrages  hostile  to  our  national 
honor  and  interests  ;  justice  demanded  a  reprisal ;  negoti 
ation  was  hopeless  ;  npthing  remained  but  force  ;  nature  had 
made  the  Mississippi  an  appendage  to  the  United  States,  and 
it  must  one  day  belong  to  them  ;  now  was  the  time  to  secure 
the  possession ;  it  was  justified  by  the  principles  of  right,  ur 
ged  by  sound  policy,  and  commanded  by  national  self-re 
spect. 

Such  being  Mr  Morris's  doctrines,  it  is  not  wonderful,  per 
haps,  that  be  should  approve  the  Louisiana  treaty,  although 
generally  condemned,  by  the  opponents  to  the  administration, 
as  a  democratic  measure,  set  on  foot  to  answer  party  views, 
and  portending  ruinous  consequences  to  the  country.  Mr 
Morris  saw  it  in  another  light.  He  regarded  the  ceded  ter- 


GOEVERNEUR    MORRIS,  483 

ritory  as  of  vast  importance  to  the  United  States,  and  believed 
it  could  never  be  obtained  on  better  or  more  honorable  terms. 
From  the  first  promulgation  of  the  treaty,  therefore,  he  gave 
it  the  hearty  support  of  his  approbation  and  counsels. 

The  term  for  which  he  had  been  chosen,  as  a  Senator  from 
New  York,  expired  on  the  4th  of  March,  1803.  A  change 
of  parties  in  the  legislature  prevented  his  being  re-elected. 
This  was  the  last  scene  of  his  political  life.  The  remainder 
of  his  days  were  passed  at  Morrisania,  in  that  retirement, 
which  fancy  had  delineated  in  such  captivating  colors,  and 
for  which  he  had  made  substantial  and  tempting  preparations. 
An  ample  fortune,  numerous  friends,  a  charming  retreat,  and 
a  tranquil  home,  were  the  elements  of  his  happiness,  and  fill 
ed  up  the  measure  of  his  hopes. 

A  large  part  of  the  year  1803  was  occupied  in  travelling. 
In  July  he  made  a  jaunt  through  the  New  England  States, 
Early  in  August  he  commenced  a  northern  tour,  on  a  visit  to 
his  wild  lands,  and  to  Canada,  from  which  he  did  not  return 
till  the  middle  of  November.  The  following  is  a  description 
of  his  passing  the  rapids  of  the  St  Lawrence  on  this  tour. 

1  October  2lst. — We  are  off  early,  and  soon  after  are  envel 
oped  in  a  thick  fog,  so  that  we  cannot  see  ten  paces  from  the 
boat.  In  this  condition  we  descend  the  Rapid,  called  the  Co- 
lean  du  Lac.  This  is  not  pleasant,  nor  quite  safe.  We  learn 
by  the  sound  when  we  have  passed  it,  and  then  feel  our  way 
towards  the  village  of  the  Cedars.  Before  we  reach  it,  we 
must  go  out  to  avoid  a  rocky  point,  which  is  shoal  for  a  con 
siderable  distance,  with  a  stream  rapid  enough  to  bilge  us, 
should  we  strike  the  rocks  ;  and  if  we  do  not,  immediately  on 
passing  it,  pull  to  the  shore,  we  shall  be  sucked  into  the  Rap 
id  of  the  Cedars,  which  is  difficult  with  the  clearest  light,  and, 
of  course,  dangerous  in  the  dark.  We  are  so  fortunate  as  to 
reach  the  village  without  accident ;  and,  having  staid  there  till 
the  fog  clears  away,  take  a  pilot,  for  we  are  told  that  the  riv 
er  is  so  low,  that  the  most  experienced  navigators  get  a 
pilot  at  this  place.  Ours  conducts  us  well,  and  finds  all  his 


484  LIFE    OF 

skill  necessary,  for  being  obliged  to  shoot  the  Cascades  to  take 
in  some  of  our  boatmen,  who  had  gone  thither  on  foot,  we  not 
only  ship  some  water,  but  get  a  tolerable  thump  on  our  stern. 
It  is  indeed  a  severe  pitch.  We  now  cross  the  lake  St  Clare 
and  go  to  Cahnawaga  to  get  an  Indian  pilot  for  the  Lachine 
Rapid.  The  weather  in  this  trajet  is  charming,  and  the  view 
of  the  country  very  fine  ;  but,  as  we  proceed,  a  light  easterly 
wind  renders  it  raw  arid  unpleasant.  The  weather  also  be 
comes  cloudy,  and  our  Indian  pilot  will  not  go  to-night.  He 
says  the  passage  is  dangerous,  and  stopped  up  by  grounded 
rafts  into  the  bargain,  so  we  stand  over  to  the  village  of  La- 
chine. 

'  October  22d. — At  half  past  nine  set  off  for  Montreal.  The 
Lachine  Rapid  is  the  most  difficult  in  the  river,  and  the  ef 
fects  of  the  drought  are  far  more  sensible  here  than  at  the  Ce 
dars,  because  they  have  there  only  the  water  of  the  St  Lawrence, 
which  flowing  from  the  lake  Ontario  rises  and  falls  but  little. 
Even  now  it  is  not  diminished  above  three  feet  from  its  high 
est  swell ;  but  below  the  Cascades,  the  Ottawa  or  Grande  Ri 
viere,  falls  into  the  St  Lawrence,  and  in  medium  seasons  gives 
an  equal,  but  in  the  freshes  a  greater  supply  of  water,  so  that 
below  its  mouth  the  parameter  of  the  river  is  equal  to  a  column 
of  water  at  least  double  that,  which  the  St  Lawrence  alone 
usually  supplies.  At  present  the  Ottawa  gives  hardly  any. 
This  Rapid  then  is  scarcely  passable.  The  pilot  points  out 
one  rock  never  before  seen  above  water,  and  now  at  least  two 
feet  above  the  surface.  To  mend  the  matter,  a  raft  has 
grounded,  and  is  wedged  between  two  rocks  in  the  only  chan 
nel.  We  discover  this  untoward  circumstance  when  we  are 
so  far  advanced,  that  it  is  not  possible  to  return,  or  materially 
to  check  our  advance,  which  is  at  the  rate  of  a  tolerable  gal 
lop.  Our  pilot,  though  much  alarmed,  preserves  some  pre 
sence  of  mind,  and  does  the  best  which  the  state  of  things  will 
permit.  He  runs  close  to,  and  even  grazes,  the  raft.  Thus 
we  take  the  swell,  which  is  occasioned  by  the  stoppage,  and 
bound  over  the  rock.  To  have  struck  in  this  place  would  have 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 

cost  us  our  baggage  at  least.  Having  thus  leaped  the  barrier 
of  Lachine,  we  glide  on  smoothly  and  shoot  with  ease  the 
Saut  Normand,  and  get  fairly  housed  a  little  before  noon  at 
Dillon's  hotel.' 

From  this  date  Mr  Morris's  retired  habits  of  living  afford  but 
few  materials  for  biography.  Two  or  three  months  of  each 
year  he  commonly  devoted  to  travelling,  either  on  short  ex 
cursions  of  pleasure,  or  journeys  to  his  new  lands,  in  which 
he  had  a  large  property  invested,  and  which  accordingly  re 
quired  his  attention.  The  rest  of  the  time  he  passed  at  Mor- 
risania,  occupied  in  cultivating  his  farm,  receiving  the  social 
visits  of  his  friends  and  acquaintances,  reading,  and  a  wide 
correspondence  on  politics  and  business. 

Although  he  had  wholly  given  up  public  life,  and,  consider 
ing  the  tenor  of  his  political  views,  he  had  no  expectation  of 
being  brought  forward  again  by  the  people,  since  there  was 
little  prospect  of  a  change  of  parties,  yet  his  mind  was  active, 
he  was  watchful  of  events,  scanned  public  measures  with 
acuteness,  and  took  a  lively  concern  in  all  that  was  passing. 
To  Robert  R.  Livingston,  soon  after  that  gentleman's  return 
from  his  mission  to  France,  he  wrote  as  follows. 

c  When  you  speak  of  my  indifference,  you  do  not  sufficiently 
consider  my  situation.  I  never  sought,  avoided,  or  resigned 
an  office,  but  continued  at  my  last  post  to  the  latest  moment ; 
and  was  then  replaced  by  a  gentleman,  who  was,  I  presume, 
more  worthy  of  the  public  confidence.  It  becomes  me,  in 
submission  to  the  will  of  my  fellow  citizens,  to  doubt  of  my 
talents  ;  for  I  cannot,  neither  can  they,  doubt  my  integrity. 
I  am  connected  with  the  members  of  my  party  by  their  worth, 
and  by  their  kindness.  If  I  could  for  a  moment  suppose  they 
harbored  designs  unfriendly  to  our  country,  that  moment  the 
connexion  would  be  dissolved.  But  I  have  all  the  evidence, 
which  the  nature  of  the  case  admits,  that  their  views  are  hon 
orable,  just,  and  patriotic.  1  believe  this  also  of  many  among 
your  party,  and  among  your  present  adversaries.  It  is  my 
wish,  that  every  such  man  were  numbered  in  our  fold,  that  so 
41* 


486  LIFE    OF 

we  might  stand  and  fall  together.  I  shall  not,  however,  preach 
politics  in  the  vain  hope  of  making  converts,  for  a  mind  cooled 
by  the  winters  of  half  a  century  has  no  disposition  to  become 
a  moral  Quixote.  It  is  my  duty  to  accept  with  resignation 
what  the  will  of  God  has  offered,  and  this  becomes  less  diffi 
cult,  from  a  conviction,  that  few  men  or  things  are  worth  one 
anxious  thought.'  % 

Much  might  be  said  of  Mr  Morris's  political  opinions,  of 
their  nature,  complexion,  and  tendency,  particularly  as  devel 
oped  during  the  last  years  of  his  life.  But  these  are  expressed 
with  so  much  clearness  and  precision  in  his  published  letters, 
that  a  commentary  of  this  sort  is  not  required,  and  would  be 
more  tedious  than  edifying.  If  his  opinions  after  the  embargo, 
and  through  the  war,  were  to  have  a  name,  they  might  per 
haps  come  under  the  designation  of  ultra-federalism.  It  must 
however  be  kept  in  mind,  that  his  political  views  were  essen 
tially  his  own,  and  that,  although  he  chose  to  range  himself  in 
the  line  of  the  Federalists,  he  did  not  pretend  to  act  with  them 
in  all  respects  as  a  party.  On  the  contrary,  he  was  opposed 
to  some  of  their  prominent  measures.  Hence  it  would  be  an 
error  to  confound  any  speculations,  dogmas,  or  statements  in 
his  writings  with  federalism,  as  recognised  by  the  party  at  that 
time  ;  or  to  consider  the  party  responsible  for  them,  as  coming 
from  a  leader  in  their  ranks.  He  carried  into  politics,  as  into 
everything  else,  his  bold  and  independent  turn  of  thinking,  and 
—on  all  subjects  he  was  accustomed  to  express  his  opinions 
with  prompt  decision,  a  fearless  freedom,  and  an  indifference 
to  public  censure  or  applause.  He  was  often  consulted  by 
members  of  Congress,  on  the  important  questions  before  that 
body,  and  his  correspondence  will  show  with  what  unreserve 
and  fulness  he  uttered  his  sentiments  and  counsels. 

He  filled  up  some  of  his  leisure  hours  in  writing  for  the 
newspapers,  generally  on  political  topics,  but  sometimes  on 
those  of  a  critical  or  literary  cast.  Now  and  then  he  descend 
ed  to  satire  and  humor,  both  in  prose  and  verse.  The  larger 
part  of  these  effusions  may  be  found  in  the  New  York  Even- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  487 

ing  Post,  the  Examiner,  and  the  United  States  Gazette. 
Through  these  channels  he  presented  to  the  world  his  opin 
ions  on  passing  events,  and  sent  out  the  shafts  of  his  eloquence, 
wit,  and  argument,  against  the  policy  and  doings  of  the  ruling 
party-,  the  political  doctrines  of  the  Jeffersonian  school,  and 
the  war  administration  of  Mr  Madison.  Several  of  his  essays 
in  the  Evening  Post  are  signed  AN  AMERICAN,  which,  it  will 
be  recollected,  was  his  early  revolutionary  signature. 

At  different  times  Mr  Morris  was  called  to  address  the  pub 
lic,  by  the  desire  of  numbers  of  his  fellow  citizens.  Not  long 
after  his  return  from  Europe,  he  pronounced  an  Oration  on 
the  Death  of  Washington,  at  the  request  of  the  corporation  of 
the  city  of  New  York.  Again,  it  was  his  melancholy  and 
painful  task  to  address  the  concourse  of  assembled  mourners, 
at  the  funeral  of  Hamilton,  whose  untimely  death  was  deplor 
ed  by  a  nation  in  tears,  and  which  to  him  had  caused  the  loss 
of  a  most  intimate  and  valued  friend.  He  also  delivered  an 
Oration  in  Honor  of  the  Memory  of  George  Clinton,  a  patriot 
of  early  times,  and  a  name  high  on  the  list  of  the  eminent 
founders  of  American  freedom.  These  performances  are 
marked  by  some  of  Mr  Morris's  striking  attributes  of  concep 
tion  and  style,  but  they  can  hardly  be  numbered  among  the 
happiest  specimens  of  his  compositions.  They  abound  in  ex 
pressive  imagery,  are  rich  in  the  resources  of  fancy,  and  not 
destitute  of  his  usual  vigor  of  thought  and  pointed  language  ; 
but  his  efforts  to  reach  the  heart,  to  move  the  feelings,  are 
sometimes  overstrained,  and  seldom  successful.  The  tone  of 
his  eloquence,  and  his  mental  characteristics,  seem  to  have 
been  better  suited  to  the  bar,  or  the  senate,  than  to  a  popular 
audience.  The  strength  of  his  understanding,  and  the  adroit 
use  of  his  inventive  powers,  might  carry  conviction,  where 
they  would  fail  to  kindle  into  life  the  gentler  passions,  and  his 
imagination,  ever  brilliant  and  ever  fertile,  might  adorn  an  ar 
gument,  when  it  would  labor  without  effect  to  touch  the  chor.Js 
of  sympathy.  His  oration,  on  the  Restoration  of  the  Bour 
bons,  attracted  much  notice  at  the  time,  from  the  tenor  of 


488  LIFE    OF 

its  political  sentiments.  In  its  literary  execution,  it  partakes 
of  many  of  the  excellences  and  some  of  the  faults  of  the  au 
thor's  style.  The  thoughts  are  condensed,  the  language  stu 
died  and  terse,  running  a  little  too  much  into  declamation  and 
a  measured  rotundity  of  periods,  but  never  feeble  or  diffuse. 
It  was  translated  into  French,  and  published  in  Paris. 

The  two  discourses  before  the  New  York  Historical  Socie 
ty,  of  which  he  was  President,  are  worthy  of  his  reputation, 
and  favorable  testimonials  of  his  talents  and  of  the  variety  and 
compass  of  his  attainments.  Among  the  valuable  contribu 
tions  of  that  society  to  the  historical  lore  of  the  country,  these 
discourses  claim  a  conspicuous  place,  especially  as  containing 
the  reflections  of  a  statesman  on  the  early  and  progressive  for 
tunes  of  New  York,  and  on  the  utility  of  history,  as  a  field  of 
study  and  a  source  of  knowledge. 

The  following  account  of  a  conversation  with  General  Mo- 
reau.  at  Morrisania,  is  curious,  considering  the  subsequent 
fate  of  that  distinguished  and  unfortunate  officer. 

'November  IQth,  1807. — General  Moreau  comes  to  breakfast. 
Walk  with  him,  and  endeavor  to  dissuad  ehim  from  his  project 
ed  journey  to  New  Orleans.  He  is  at  length  shaken,  and 
would  renounce  it,  if  his  preparations  were  not  too  far  ad 
vanced.  1  persist,  and,  at  length,  render  it  doubtful  in  his 
mind.  I  am  certain  this  journey  will  be  imputed  by  many  evil 
meaning  men  to  improper  motives.  He  treats  the  chattering  of 
idlers  with  contempt.  But  I  tell  him,  that  such  idlers  form  a 
power  in  republics.  That  he  must  not  suppose  himself  as  free 
here,  as  he  would  be  in  an  absolute  monarchy ;  that  his  rep 
utation  makes  him  a  slave  to  public  opinion ;  that  he  cannot 
with  impunity  do  many  things  here,  which  would  be  of  no 
consequence  in  a  country,  where  he  was  surrounded  by  spies 
in  the  service  of  government ;  because  there,  the  Ministers 
having  convinced  themselves^  that  his  views  are  innocent,  and 
his  conduct  irreproachable,  he  might  safely  laugh  at  the  sus 
picions  both  of  the  great  vulgar  and  of  the  small ;  but  here, 
where  the  same  modes  of  knowing  what  men  do  are  not 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  489 

adopted,  every  one  is  at  liberty  to  suspect,  and  will  decide 
rashly  on  appearances,  after  which  it  may  be  impossible  to 
deracinate  the  ideas  hastily,  lightly,  and  unjustly  assumed. 

1  In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  touching  very  gently 
the  idea  of  his  serving  (in  case  of  necessity)  against  France, 
he  declares  frankly,  that  when  the  occasion  arrives,  he  shall 
feel  no  reluctance  ;  that,  France  having  cast  him  out,  he  is  a 
citizen  of  the  country  in  which  he  lives,  and  has  the  same 
right  to  follow  his  trade  here,  as  any  other  man.  And  as  it 
would  be  unjust  to  prevent  a  French  hatter,  whom  Bonaparte 
might  banish,  from  making  hats,  so  it  would  be  unjust  to 
prevent  a  French  General  from  making  war.  I  assent  to 
the  truth  of  this  observation,  not  because  I  believe  it  true,  but 
because  I  will  not  impeach  the  reasons  he  may  find  it  conve 
nient  to  give  to  himself  for  his  own  conduct,  should  he  hereaf 
ter  be  employed  in  our  service.' 

After  Mr  Morris's  return  from  Europe,  he  held  frequent 
communications  by  letter  with  M.  Necker,  till  the  time  of  that 
eminent  person's  death,  and  to  a  much  later  period  with  his 
daughter,  Madame  de  Stael.  These  related  chiefly  to  matters 
of  business,  which  were  too  intricate  and  extensive  to  admit  of 
an  exposition  in  this  place.  A  few  facts,  however,  are  requi 
site  to  render  some  parts  of  Mr  Morris's  published  corres 
pondence  intelligible. 

In  November,  1794,  a  transaction  occurred  at  Copet,  between 
M.  Necker  on  the  one  part,  and  M.  Leray  de  Chaurnont  and 
Mr  Morris  on  the  other,  by  which  the  former  advanced  about 
thirty-eight  thousand  dollars  to  the  latter,  receiving  their  bonds 
payable  at  long  terms  in  the  United  States,  and  secured  by 
lands  in  that  country.  This  operation  was  entered  into  by 
M.  Necker  for  the  advantage  of  Madame  de  Stael,  and  was 
in  due  time  accomplished  according  to  the  terms  of  the  agree 
ment.  In  the  progress  of  this  affair  Madame  Stael  had  become 
acquainted  with  the  sales  of  new  lands  in  the  United  States, 
and,  forming  a  high  opinion  of  their  value,  she  prevailed  on 
her  father  to  appropriate  twenty  thousand  dollars  of  the  money 


490  LIFE    OF 

he  had  set  apart  for  her,  in  the  purchase  and  improvements  of 
those  lands.  A  negotiation  to  this  effect  had  been  arranged 
with  M.  Leray  de  Chaumont,  and  was  to  be  closed  immedi 
ately,  when  Madame  de  Stae'l  received  a  letter  from  the  Duke 
de  Liancourt,  then  travelling  in  the  United  States,  which  con 
tained  representations  that  seemed  to  her  discouraging.  The 
day  before  the  papers  were  to  be  signed,  she  wrote  the  follow 
ing  note  to  M.  Leray  de  Chaumont,  who  was  then  at  Copet. 

'November  6th,  1796. 

«  Sir, 

1 1  am  afraid  you  will  find  me  very  troublesome,  but  as  I 
regard  you  more  in  the  light  of  a  guide  than  of  a  contractor, 
and  since  it  is  owing  much  more  to  your  personal  character, 
than  to  all  the  calculations  in  the  world,  that  I  confide  the  for 
tune  of  rny  children  to  you,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  speak  to  you 
freely  of  my  particular  interests.  I  have  seen  a  letter  from 
the  Duke  de  Liancourt,  written  in  America,  and  another  from 
a  well  informed  American  merchant,  which  unite  in  dissua 
ding  any  one  from  going  to  America,  or  making  purchases 
there.  They  are  of  a  kind  to  frighten  the  Swiss  from  these 
speculations.  The  writers  do  not  say,  that  they  know  where 
the  lands  of  A.  are  situated.  They  add,  moreover,  that  Mr 
T.'s  lands  sell  for  two  piasters  an  acre.  Are  these  lands  near 
yours  ?  I  pray  you  to  solve  the  difficulties,  with  which  I  am 
embarrassed,  and  the  more,  as  this  affair  of  four  thousand  acres 
is  a  signal  act  of  kindness  on  the  part  of  my  father.  It  is  of 
real  value  only  as  it  regards  my  children,  and,  in  the  mean 
time,  it  is  depriving  my  father  of  a  part  of  his  revenue.  These 
motives,  which  your  delicacy  will  perfectly  comprehend,  urge 
me  to  request  that  my  doubts  may  be  removed,  before  the 
conclusion  of  any  definite  agreement.  A  thousand  kind 

compliments. 

'  NECKER  DE  STAEL.' 

To  this  note  M.  Leray  replied,  that  the  information  she  had 
received  did  not  alter  his  good  opinion  of  the  proposed  bar- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  491 

gain,  nor  of  the  benefits  she  would  derive  from  it ;  but  if  she 
was  thus  fearful  and  hesitating  at  the  outset,  she  might  easily 
imagine  the  anxieties  to  which  she  would  probably  be  expos 
ed  during  a  lapse  of  years,  while  the  affair  was  in  operation, 
and  that  he  did  not  wish  to  insist  on  her  completing  the  con 
tract.  M.  Necker  waited  on  him,  however,  the  next  day, 
and  apologized  in  the  name  of  his  daughter  for  her  hesitancy 
and  apprehensions,  at  so  late  a  stage  of  the  business,  and  the 
agreement  was  immediately  concluded. 

This  was  the  beginning  of  an  interest  invested  by  Madame 
de  Stae'l  in  the  lands  of  the  United  States,  which  continu 
ed  under  various  forms  till  the  end  of  her  life.  The  lands 
selected  in  fulfilment  of  the  above  contract  were  situated  in 
the  northeastern  part  of  Pennsylvania,  and  were  unluckily 
comprised  in  the  tract,  which  was  involved  in  the  controversy 
between  that  State  and  Connecticut.  This  rendered  the  title 
precarious,  and  M.  Leray  made  other  arrangements  in  regard 
to  the  contract,  satisfactory  to  M.  Necker  and  his  daughter. 
Meantime  Madame  de  Stae'l  effected  another  purchase  of 
twenty-three  thousand  acres  in  the  State  of  New  York,  St 
Lawrence  County,  chosen  by  the  directions  of  M.  Necker,  as 
advised,  or  approved,  by  Mr  Morris.  This  bargain  was  like 
wise  made  with  M.  Leray.  In  his  letter  of  instructions  to 
Madame  de  Stae'l  on  this  occasion,  M.  Necker  says,  '  Al 
though  my  daughter  has  not  experience  in  affairs,  she  has  a 
native  judgment,  which  will  supply  the  want  of  it,  and  she  is 
called  to  treat  with  a  man  of  integrity,  who  will  watch  over 
my  interests  as  over  his  own  ;  and  I  do  not  hesitate  to  give  her 
powers  to  arrange  and  finish  this  affair  with  M.  Leray,  and  I 
consider  whatever  she  shall  do  as  if  done  by  myself.'  This 
transaction  was  four  years  before  the  death  of  M.  Necker. 
Another  purchase  was  afterwards  made  by  Madame  de  Stae'l 
herself.  M.  Leray  was  the  immediate  agent  in  these  con 
cerns,  but  Mr  Morris  was  consulted,  as  being  a  friend  to  the 
parties,  possessing  lands  in  the  neighborhood  of  those  of  Ma 
dame  de  Stae'l,  and  well  acquainted  with  their  value  and  the 


492  LIFE    OP 

mode  of  improving  this  kind  of  property.  Hence  the  corres 
pondence,  bpth  of  the  father  and  daughter,  with  Mr  Morris 
on  this  subject. 

It  was  for  a  long  time  Madame  de  Stael's  intention  to  visit 
the  United  States,  and  to  establish  one  of  her  sons  here  in  the 
charge  of  these  lands.  In  her  letters  to  Mr  Morris,  she  often 
speaks  of  the  voyage  as  in  prospect,  and  soon  to  be  perform 
ed.  *  If  I  were  only  twenty-five  years  old,'  said  she,  '  instead 
of  thirty-five,  I  believe  that  I  should  come  and  see  you.'  To 
this  Mr  Morris  replied,  f  Then  you  think  me  fit  only  for  the 
society  of  young  ladies.  Be  persuaded,  I  beseech  you,  of  the 
contrary.  Believe,  too,  that  the  age  of  reason  is  that,  which 
is  suitable  for  travelling.  Greater  advantage  is  obtained  from 
it,  and  less  risk  incurred.  Building  castles  in  the  air  is  a  di 
verting  folly.  Building  them  in  the  United  States  would  be 
a  ruinous  folly.  Labor  is  too  expensive.  But  to  set  up  a  lit 
tle  summer  establishment  in  a  new  country,  which  is  rapidly 
advancing ;  to  pass  there  from  three  to  five  months  of  the  fine 
season  ;  to  remain  four  months  more  either  at  Philadelphia  or 
New  York ;  and  to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  year  in  travel 
ling  :  this  I  consider  a  mode  of  life  by  no  means  repugnant  to 
common  sense.'  The  next  year  she  wrote  as  if  her  resolu 
tion  was  taken,  and  she  would  soon  depart.  In  his  answer  Mr 
Morris  says ;  '  I  flatter  myself,  then,  that  next  spring  you  will 
sail  for  America.  For  this  purpose  about  the  middle  of  April 
you  can  embark  at  Nantes  with  your  son  for  New  York.  As 
soon  as  you  arrive,  you  will  come  to  Morrisania,  partake  what 
our  dairy  affords,  and  refresh  yourself.  In  the  beginning  of 
July  you  shall  set  out  to  visit  your  lands,  and  the  interior 
country  ;  and  return  by  the  middle  of  September,  to  repose  af 
ter  your  fatigues,  to  gather  peaches,  take  walks,  make  verses, 
romances,  in  a  word  to  do  whatever  you  please.  When  my 
hermitage  shall  have  lost  its  attractions,  you  shall  establish 
yourself  in  the  city,  where,  by  the  aid  of  a  good  cook,  you 
will  contrive  to  live  very  well.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  people 
amuse  themselves  with  discussions,  bon  mots,  slandering  their 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  493 

neighbors,  and  the  like.  Life  is  everywhere  much  the  same 
in  the  long  run.  In  all  places  the  senses  are  of  some  account ; 
the  rest  depends  on  the  cast  of  mind,  the  view  we  take  of 
things,  the  art  of  being  occupied,  and,  finally,  on  friendship, 
whose  sentiments  endear  our  existence  and  banish  enn«t.' 

About  the  same  time  Madame  de  Stael  wrote  also  to  M. 
Leray ;  '  I  understand  you  have  managed  your  lands  with 
great  skill,  and  that  you  have  a  fine  establishment.  I  cannot 
imagine  a  more  noble  career  than  yours,  and  if  I  had  not  my 
European  habits,  T  should  delight  to  become  an  inmate  at 
Leraysville.  1  should  there  find,  I  am  sure,  a  most  agreeable 
residence,  and  our  friend  Morris  would  bring  back  Paris  to 
my  recollections.  Commend  me  to  him,  I  pray  you,  and  for 
get  not  the  protection  of  friendship,  which  you  have  kindly  af 
forded  me,  since  I  have  been  deprived  of  the  protector,  who 
honored  and  sustained  my  life.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend,  we 
shall  meet  next  year  on  the  banks  of  some  river.'  But  the 
meeting  never  took  place.  Madame  de  Stacl's  European  at 
tachments  and  pursuits  threw  perpetual  obstacles  in  the  way 
of  her  projected  voyage,  till  declining  health  deprived  her  of 
the  courage  to  meditate  and  the  strength  to  execute  such  an 
enterprise.  Her  son  formed  other  views,  and  after  her  death 
the  lands  were  sold. 

The  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  Madame  de  Damas, 
dated  December  1st,  1809,  will  give  some  insight  into  Mr 
Morris's  habits  of  living  and  thinking  at  that  time. 

( Agreeably  to  your  wish,  we  have  talked  of  you  much,  we 
have  thought  of  you  still  more,  and  sincerely  wished,  that  you 
and  yours  were  with  us.  We  have  not  indeed  the  gayeties  of 
Paris,  nor  the  pleasures  of  France,  but  we  breathe  freely  a 
wholesome  air.  You  ask  what  is  my  situation,  my  health,  and 
employment.  I  answer,  that  my  establishment  is  pleasant,  and 
though  expensive,  not  beyond  the  means  which  I  ought  to 
possess,  and  which  time  will  either  bring  or  take  away.  My 
health  is  excellent,  saving  a  little  of  the  gout,  which  at  this 
moment  annoys  me.  I  can  walk  three  leagues,  if  the  weather 
VOL.  i.  42 


494  LIFE    OF 

be  pleasant,  and  the  road  not  rough.  My  employment  is  to 
labor  for  myself  a  little,  for  others  more ;  to  receive  much 
company,  and  forget  half  those  who  come.  I  think  of  public 
affairs  a  little,  read  a  little,  play  a  little,  and  sleep  a  great  deal. 
With  good  air,  a  good  cook,  fine  water  and  wine,  a  good  con 
stitution,  and  a  clear  conscience,  I  descend  gradually  towards 
the  grave,  full  of  gratitude  to  the  Giver  of  all  good  ;  and,  be 
seeching  him  to  grant  to  my  fellow  creatures  what  he  has  gra 
ciously  and  abundantly  bestowed  on  me,  I  rely  on  providence 
as  well  for  what  remains  here,  as  for  what  may  happen  here 
after. 

'  In  answer  to  this  letter  tell  me  the  same  things  of  yourself, 
and  it  will  add  much  to  my  felicity.  Be  persuaded,  that,  in 
spite  of  our  feeble  efforts  and  empty  vows,  events  in  this  world, 
and  in  the  thousands  of  worlds,  which  roll  through  the  regions 
of  space,  will  pursue  the  course  marked  out  by  Omnipotence. 
Every  inferior  intelligence,  the  greatest  as  well  as  the  least,  is 
but  an  instrument  in  his  hand.  How  vain,  then,  the  pride,  the 
power,  and  the  glory  of  man  !  How  idle  the  care,  of  those, 
who  think  they  regulate  the  affairs  of  a  little  portion  of  the  lit 
tle  planet,  on  which  they  chance  to  exist  for  a  moment !  How 
weak,  the  wish  to  play  a  splendid  part  on  this  transient  theatre, 
and  how  insensate  the  attempt  to  supplant  those,  who  are  bus- 
kined  to  terrify  or  amuse  !  Adieu.' 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  December,  1809,  Mr  Morris  was 
married  to  Miss  Anne  Carey  Randolph,  a  lady  accomplished 
in  mind  and  person,  and  belonging  to  one  of  the  ancient  and 
most  respectable  families  in  Virginia.  To  this  connexion, 
although  formed  late  in  life,  he  often  refers  in  his  private 
correspondence,  as  a  source  of  continued  satisfaction  and  hap 
piness.  More  than  two  years  after  his  marriage,  he  wrote  to 
his  intimate  friend,  Mr  John  Parish,  then  at  Bath  in  England ; 
'  Perhaps  some  wind  may  yet  waft  you  over  the  bosom  of  the 
Atlantic,  and  then  you  shall  become  acquainted  with  my  wife, 
and  you  shall  see  that  fortune — fortune  ?  No, — the  word  be 
fits  not  a  sacred  theme, — let  me  say  the  bounty  of  Him, 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  495 

who  has  been  to  me  unsparingly  kind,  gilds  with  a  celestial 
beam  the  tranquil  evening  of  my  day.'  On  the  sixth  of 
July,  1816,  he  wrote  again  to  Mr  Parish  as  follows.  'I  lead 
a  quiet,  and,  more  than  most  of  my  fellow  mortals,  a  happy 
life.  The  woman,  to  whom  I  am  married,  has  much  genius, 
has  been  well  educated,  and  possesses,  with  an  affectionate 
temper,  industry  and  a  love  of  order.  Our  little  boy  grows 
finely,  and  is  generally  admired.  The  sentiments  of  a  father, 
respecting  an  only  child,  render  his  opinions  so  liable  to  suspi 
cion,  that  prudence  should  withhold  them.  You  may,  then, 
opening  your  mind's  eye,  behold  your  friend,  as  he  descends 
with  tottering  steps  the  bottom  of  life's  hill,  supported  by  a  kind 
companion,  a  tender  female  friend,  and  cheered  by  a  little 
prattler,  who  bids  fair,  if  God  shall  spare  his  life,  to  fill  in 
due  time  the  space  his  father  leaves.  He  will,  I  trust,  be 
queath  a  portion  larger  than  his  heritage  of  wealth  and  fame. 
Nevertheless,  looking  back  T  can  with  some  little  self  compla 
cency  reflect,  that  I  have  not  lived  in  vain  ;  and  at  the  same 
time  look  forward  with  composure,  at  the  probable  course  of 
future  events.  At  sixty-four  there  is  little  to  desire,  and  less 
to  apprehend.' 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

MR    MORRIS    FIRST    SUGGESTS     THE    IDEA     OF    THE    CANAL    BETWEEN"    LAKE 

ERIE    AND    THE    HUDSON. HIS    SERVICES    IN    EFFECTING    THAT    WORK. 

HIS    DEATH. — SKETCH    OF    HIS    CHARACTER   BY    MADAME     DE    DAMAS. — 
CONCLUDING    REMARKS. 

WE  are  now  to  consider  Mr  Morris's  agency  in  originating 
the  idea,  and  projecting  the  plan,  of  the  Erie  Canal.  So 
much  has  been  written  on  this  subject,  and  so  many  rival 
claims  to  the  honor  and  credit  of  first  suggesting,  or  progres 
sively  effecting,  this  magnificent  enterprise,  have  been  put  for 
ward  and  tenaciously  maintained,  that  it  is  almost  invidious  to 
single  out  a  name  from  so  worthy  a  list,  as  demanding  a  mark- 


496  LIFE    OF 

ed  pre-eminence.  It  is  comforting  to  reflect,  however,  that 
there  is  merit  enough  for  them  all,  and  that  the  awarding  of 
his  just  share  to  one,  need  not  detract  from  what  may  fairly 
belong  to  any  or  all  of  the  others.  The  project  of  an  improved 
water  communication,  between  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Ontario, 
by  way  of  the  natural  streams  and  the  carrying  places,  for  the 
advancement  of  the  Indian  trade,  appears  to  have  been  thought 
of  some  time  before  the  Revolution ;  but  the  splendid  concep 
tion  of  connecting  the  vast  waters  of  Erie,  and  the  upper 
Lakes,  with  those  of  the  Atlantic  through  the  channel  of  the 
Hudson,  is  of  more  recent  origin,  and  may  undoubtedly  be 
ascribed  to  Gouverneur  Morris.  It  would,  truly,  be  pre 
sumptuous  to  say,  that  no  such  thought  ever  crossed  any  per 
son's  mind,  till  it  flashed  upon  his,  yet,  as  far  as  testimony  has 
weight,  it  is  demonstrable,  that  he  was  the  first  to  give  shape 
and  consistency  to  the  thought,  or  make  it  known  to  the  world. 
A  few  facts  will  be  enough  to  establish  this  point. 

In  a  letter  to  Dr  Hosack,  replying  to  certain  queries  re 
specting  the  Erie  Canal,  Mr  Harmanus  Bleecker  writes  as  fol 
lows. 

'  Of  the  merit  of  the  late  Gouverneur  Morris,  in  regard  to 
the  canals,  I  have  a  deep  impression.  I  witnessed  with  great 
interest  his  zeal  and  intelligence,  his  efforts  to  inform  others, 
and  his  elevation  above  the  ignorance  and  prejudice,  by  which 
the  project  was  condemned  as  premature  and  chimerical. 
You  know,  that  he  and  Mr  Clinton  were  deputed  by  the  Canal 
Commissioners,  to  attend  at  the  seat  of  the  general  govern 
ment,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  its  aid.  In  the  month  of 
January,  1812,  they  appeared  before  a  Committee  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  consisting  of  a  member  from  each 
State,  and  Mr  Morris  made  a  grand  and  luminous  exposition 
of  his  views,  in  relation  to  the  Erie  Canal,  and  several  other 
similar  projects  in  various  parts  of  the  United  States.*  It  is 


*  Mr  Bleecker  was  at  that  time  in  Washington,  as  a  member  of  Con 
gress  from  the  State  of  New  York. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  497 

grateful  for  me  now  to  see  how  just  and  enlightened  his  views 
were,  and  to  think  how  much  he  was  in  advance  of  those  who 
doubted,  those  who  were  passive,  and  those  who  condemned 
and  ridiculed  what  appeared  clear  to  his  discerning  mind. 
What  he  then  prophesied  is  now  history.' 

By  a  living  witness  it  is  proved,  that  Mr  Morris,  as  early  as 
the  year  1777,  promulgated  his  belief  of  the  practicability  of 
connecting,  by  an  inland  navigation,  the  great  interior  Lakes 
with  the  Hudson.  Our  readers  will  remember  his  mission  in 
that  year  from  the  government  of  New  York  to  General 
Schuyler's  army,  then  at  Fort  Edward,  retreating  before  Gen 
eral  Burgoyne.  He  there  met  the  associate  of  his  boyhood, 
Mr  Morgan  Lewis,  quartermaster  in  the  northern  army,  since 
General  Lewis,  and  Governor  of  New  York.  Their  evenings 
were  passed  together,  in  company  with  General  Schuyler  and 
other  officers.  In  a  letter  to  Mr  Bleecker,  dated  May  twen 
ty-sixth,  1828,  General  Lewis  relates  the  following  particulars 
in  regard  to  those  interviews. 

'  Mr  Morris,  whose  temperament  admitted  of  no  alliance 
with  despondency,  even  in  the  most  gloomy  periods  of  the 
war,  with  which  our  then  situation  might  justly  be  classed, 
never  doubting  the  ultimate  triumph  of  our  arms,  and  the  con 
sequent  attainment  of  independence,  frequently  amused  us  by 
descanting  with  great  energy  on  what  he  termed  the  u  rising 
glories  of  the  Western  World."  One  evening,  in  particular, 
while  describing  in  the  most  animated  and  glowing  terms  the 
rapid  march  of  the  useful  arts  through  our  country,  when  once 
freed  from  a  foreign  yoke ;  the  spirit  with  which  agriculture 
and  commerce  both  external  and  internal  would  advance ;  the 
facilities  which  would  be  afforded  them  by  the  numerous  wa 
tercourses,  intersecting  the  country,  and  the  ease  by  which 
they  might  be  made  to  communicate  ;  he  announced,  in  lan 
guage  highly  poetic,  and  to  which  I  cannot  do  justice,  that  at 
no  very  distant  day  the  waters  of  the  great  western  inland 
seas  would,  by  the  aid  of  man,  break  through  their  barriers 
and  mingle  with  those  of  the  Hudson.  I  recollect  asking  him 
42* 


498  LIFE    OF 

how  they  were  to  break  through  these  barriers.  To  which 
he  replied,  that  numerous  streams  passed  them  through  natu 
ral  channels,  and  that  artificial  ones  might  be  conducted  by 
the  same  routes.' 

There  is  a  passage  in  his  Diary,  while  he  was  travelling  in 
Scotland,  October,  1795,  which  furnishes  a  hint  corroborative 
of  these  views.  '  In  my  route  I  stopped  twice  to  look  at  the 
canal,  which  crosses  the  Island  here,  and  which  this  day,  for 
the  second  time,  I  rode  under.  First  I  went  to  look  at  a  suc 
cession  of  locks,  which  rise  immediately  after  the  canal  has 
been  carried  over  a  river,  and  saw  sufficiently,  I  think,  their 
principle  and  construction.  I  admire  much  the  execution  in 
hewn  stone,  all  in  the  best  style.  My  second  object  was  to 
see  a  number  of  vessels  collected,  and  lading  in  the  highest 
part  of  the  canal,  some  brigs  and  sloops.  On  inquiry,  I 
find  that  those,  which  draw  only  seven  feet  and  a  half  of 
water,  can  go  through.  Also,  that  there  are  twenty  locks, 
each  of  eight  feet ;  so  that  the  whole  rise  is  one  hundred 
and  sixty  feet.  When  I  see  this,  my  mind  opens  to  a 
view  of  wealth  for  the  interior  of  America,  which  hitherto  I 
had  rather  conjectured  than  seen.'  It  is  probable,  that  his 
idea  of  a  canal  for  vessels,  between  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Erie, 
which  he  maintained  for  some  time,  was  derived  from  this  in 
spection  of  the  Caledonian  Canal. 

But  a  more  remarkable  testimony  is  contained  in  his  letter 
to  Mr  Parish,  written  in  January,  1801,  a  few  weeks  after  he 
had  returned  from  a  tour  to  Canada,  and  up  the  St  Lawrence 
and  Lake  Ontario  to  Niagara  Falls  and  Lake  Erie. 

*  In  turning  a  point  of  wood,'  he  writes,  '  the  Lake  (Erie) 
broke  on  our  view.  I  saw  riding  at  anchor  nine  vessels,  the 
least  of  them  above  a  hundred  tons.  Can  you  bring  your 
imagination  to  realize  the  scene  ?  Does  it  not  seem  like  ma 
gic  ?  Yet  this  magic  is  but  the  early  effort  of  victorious  in 
dustry.  Hundreds  of  large  ships  will,  at  no  distant  period, 
bound  on  the  billows  of  these  inland  seas.  At  this  point  com 
mences  a  navigation  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles.  Shall 
I  lead  your  astonishment  up  to  the  verge  of  incredulity  ?  I 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  499 

will.  Know  then  that  one  tenth  of  the  expense,  borne  by 
Britain  in  the  last  campaign,  would  enable  ships  to  sail  from 
London  through  Hudson's  River  into  Lake  Erie.' 

Here  is  a  declaration,  as  clear  and  positive  as  it  could  be 
made  by  language,  that  his  view  extended  to  a  communication 
between  the  Hudson  and  Lake  Erie,  not  by  the  route  of  Lake 
Ontario,  but  direct,  for  he  speaks  of  a  ship  navigation,  which 
it  is  by  no  means  likely  that  even  his  fancy  would  have  dream 
ed  as  practicable,  through  a  canal  around  the  Falls  of  Niagara. 

This  statement  is  also  remarkably  confirmed  by  a  conver 
sation,  which  took  place  between  him  and  several  other  persons 
at  a  dinner  party  in  Washington,  not  many  days  after  the  above 
letter  to  Mr  Parish  was  written.  The  company  consisted  of 
gentlemen  from  different  parts  of  the  Union,  and  among  them 
was  Mr  Robert  Morris.  The  locality  of  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  came  under  discussion,  and  various  opinions  were  ex 
pressed.  Mr  Robert  Morris  at  length  called  out,  '  Gouver- 
neur,  what  would  they  think,  if  we  were  now  in  Convention, 
and  should  propose  to  establish  the  seat  of  government  at  New- 
burgh  on  the  Hudson?'  Gouverneur  Morris,  apparently  drawn 
out  by  this  question,  went  into  the  subject,  and  remarked  upon 
the  many  and  great  advantages,  which  would  have  resulted 
from  such  a  location.  He  extolled  its  beautiful  site,  its  cen 
tral  position,  its  accessibleness  to  the  sea,  and  the  ease  with 
which  it  could  be  protected  from  the  approach  of  an  invading 
enemy.  '  Yes,'  said  he,  i  this  would  have  been  the  place 
for  the  seat  of  government,  and  the  members  of  Congress 
could  have  corne  from  all  parts  by  water.'  *  Come  by  wa 
ter,  Mr  Morris  ! '  exclaimed  the  company,  '  but  how  ? ' — 
4  Why,  by  tapping  Lake  Erie,  and  bringing  its  waters  to  the 
Hudson.'  '  How  could  you  bring  them  ?  ' — '  By  an  inclin 
ed  plane.'  'But  that  would  be  too  expensive.'  'Well, 
then,'  said  he,  '  there  is  a  water-table,  which  can  be  found.'  * 


*  Communicated  by  Mr  S.  De  Witt  Bloodgood,  as  obtained  from 
Mr  K.  K.  Van  Rensselaer,  who  was  present  and  heard  the  eonversa- 


500  LIFE    OF 

Again,  Mr  Simeon  De  Witt,  who,  at  the  time  to  which  he 
refers,  had  already  been  many  years  surveyor  general  of  the 
state  of  New  York,  writes  to  Mr  William  Darby,  '  The  mer 
it  of  first  starting  the  idea  of  a  direct  communication  between 
Lake  Erie  and  Hudson  River,  unquestionably  belongs  to 
Gouverneur  Morris.  The  first  suggestion  I  had  of  it  was  from 
him.  In  1803  I  accidentally  met  him  at  Schenectady.  We 
put  up  for  the  night  at  the  same  inn,  and  passed  the  evening 
together.  Among  the  numerous  topics  of  conversation,  to 
which  his  prolific  mind  and  discursive  imagination  gave  birth, 
was  that  of  improving  the  intercourse  with  the  interior  of  our 
State.  He  then  mentioned  the  project  of  tapping  Lake  Erie, 
as  he  expressed  himself,  and  leading  its  waters  in  an  artificial 
river  directly  across  the  country  to  Hudson  River.'  Mr 
Geddes,  one  of  the  principal  surveyors  and  engineers  of  the 
Erie  Canal,  has  declared,  that  these  facts  were  communicated 
to  him  in  1804  by  Mr  De  Witt,  and  that  they  were  the  first 
hints  he  had  ever  received  of  such  a  project.  Mr  Stephen 
Van  Rensselaer,  who  was  from  the  beginning  one  of  the 
Canal  Commissioners,  says,  in  a  letter  recently  written,  '  I  con 
sider  Mr  Morris  the  father  of  our  great  canal,  and  every  re 
port  and  memorandum  of  his  should  be  preserved  for  posteri 
ty,  who  will  render  to  him  the  honor  he  merited. 'f 


tion.  It  may  be  observed  in  further  explanation,  that,  in  the  Conven 
tion  for  forming  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Gouverneur 
Morris  had  prepared  a  proposition  for  establishing  the  seat  of  govern 
ment  at  Newbugh,  which  he  was  dissuaded  from  presenting  by  Rob 
ert  Morris,  who  thought  it  would  lead  to  discussions  unfavorable  to 
harmony  and  union,  by  touching  upon  sectional  interests,  and  stirring 
up  local  feelings. 

f  Much  of  the  above  testimony,  and  many  other  particulars  relating 
to  the  same  subject,  may  be  found  in  Dr  Hosack's  valuable  Life  of  De 
Witt  Clinton ; — in  a  pamphlet,  entitled  Fads  and  Observations  in  Re 
lation  to  the  Origin  and  Completion  of  the  Erie  Canal ; — and  in  the 
compilation  of  the  Laws,  Reports,  and  Official  Documents  on  the  Cham- 
plain  and  Erie  Canals,  published  at  Albany,  1825,  in  two  volumes. 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  501 

Abundance  of  collateral  evidence  might  be  adduced,  tend 
ing  to  the  same  point,  but  this  is  enough.  We  believe  no 
person  can  rend  these  statements,  with  a  mind  wholly  unbias 
ed,  and  not  feel  the  force  of  a  perfect  conviction,  that  the  idea 
of  a  canal  from  Lake  Erie  to  Hudson  River,  by  an  interior 
route,  was  original  with  Mr  Morris,  and  that  he  was  the  first 
to  suggest  it.  These  proofs  are  too  strong,  too  direct,  and 
too  consistent,  to  admit  of  being  parried  or  invalidated.  If 
the  whole  could  be  traced  to  an  insolated  occurrence,  or  to 
the  recollection  of  a  single  person,  there  might  be  room  'to 
suspect  error  or  misapprehension.  But  as  the  evidence  now 
comes  before  us,  it  is  derived  from  different  sources,  fixed  at 
different  times  and  places,  proceeding  through  channels  hav 
ing  no  relation  to  each  other,  and  yet  essentially  confirming 
the  same  fact.  It  would  be  difficult  to  collect  human  testi 
mony  in  a  manner  less  exposed  to  uncertainty,  or  from  its 
character  demanding  more  implicit  faith. 

Mr  Morris  was  chairman  of  the  Canal  Commissioners,  from 
the  time  of  their  first  appointment  in  March,  1810,  till  within 
a  few  months  of  his  death.  Within  this  period  four  reports 
were  made  on  the  subject, to  the  legislature  of  New  York,  the 
three  first  of  which  were  from  his  pen.*  He  also  went  with 


*  The  fourth  report  was  drafted  by  Mr  Morris,  but  it  was  suppressed 
by  the  Commissioners,  and  another  substituted  in  its  place.  Dr  Ho- 
sack  quotes  remarks  from  the  manuscripts  of  Thomas  Eddy,  one  of  the 
Commissioners,  written  in  no  very  kindly  spirit  towards  Mr  Morris, 
and  containing,  besides,  some  errors  of  importance.  Mr  Morris  was 
unable  to  meet  the  Commisio  tiers  in  New  York  to  consult  on  the  re 
port,  and  at  their  request  the  draft  was  sent  to  them.  Mr  Eddy  says 
this  was  the  draft  of  the  *  third  report,'  and  moreover  that  it  was 
returned  to  Mr  Moms,  after  the  Commissioners  had  read  it,  '  with  re 
spectful  observations  proposing  amendments.'  In  the  first  place,  it 
was  the  draft  of  the  fourth  report  that  was  thus  sent  to  the  Commis 
sioners  ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  it  was  never  returned  at  all,  nor  has  it 
since  been  found. 

To  show  that  Mr  Eddy's  impressions,  in  regard  to  Mr  Morris  at  this 
time,  were  not  exactly  of  the  complexion,  which  might  be  supposed 
from  the  perusal  of  his  notes,  published  by  Dr  Hosack,  (Isife,  of  Clinton, 


502  LIFE    OF 

Mr  Clinton  on  a  special  mission  to  Washington,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  obtaining  aid  from  the  United  States  towards  the  con 
struction  of  the  Erie  Canal.  The  report  detailing  the  partic 
ulars  of  this  mission  was  written  by  him,  as  also  the  draft  of  a 
bill,  intended  for  the  adoption  of  Congress,  granting  lands  for 
a  magnificent  system  of  inland  navigation  throughout  the  Uni 
ted  States.  The  bill  was  never  brought  up,  nor  was  the  ap 
plication  to  Congress  attended  with  any  success.  There  were 
too  many  divided  intetests  in  that  body,  if  there  had  not  been 
other  obstacles  of  perhaps  greater  moment,  to  permit  them  to 
legislate  on  so  grand  and  comprehensive  a  scale,  as  that  con 
templated  in  Mr  Morris's  bill.  The  object  was  to  provide 
for  connecting  the  principal  waters  of  the  United  States  by  ca 
nals,  and  to  assign  a  proportionate  quantity  of  new  land  to 
each  State,  as  a  fund  for  effecting  these  works  within  their 
respective  limits. 

During  the  six  last  years  of  Mr  Morris's  life,  his  thoughts 
and  his  time  were  incessantly  occupied  with  this  business  of 
the  Erie  Canal,  not  more  in  discharging  his  duties  as  a  com 
missioner  to  their  full  extent,  than  in  devising  preliminary  and 
incidental  means  for  advancing  the  enterprise.  He  sought 


p.  271,)  it  will  be  enough  to  cite  a  passage  from  one  of  his  letters. 
After  the  draft  had  been  submitted  to  the  Commissioners,  Mr  Morris 
thought  he  had  reason  to  be  dissatisfied  with  Mr  Eddy's  proceedings 
in  the  matter,  and  hinted  this  in  a  letter  to  them.  Thereupon  Mr  Ed 
dy  wrote  him  an  explanation,  dated  March  15th,  1816,  at  the  conclu- 
of  which  he  says  ; 

'  J  most  extremely  regret,  that  my  meaning  and  intentions  should  be 
so  expressed,  as  to  induce  thee  to  suppose  me  capable  of  harboring 
sentiments  the  least  disrespectful,  or  in  any  way  showing  a  want  of 
attachment  to  thee.  I  have  received  so  many  proofs  of  thy  affectionate 
regard  and  kindness,  that  I  cannot  forbear  endeavoring  to  do  away 
from  thy  mind  any  unpleasant  feelings  towards  me.  I  can  only  add, 
that  my  esteem  for  thee  and  my  desire  to  retain  thy  friendship  are  not 
of  a  common  kind,  and  that  the  warmest  wish  of  my  heart  is,  that  thou 
mayest  enjoy  every  blessing  in  this  life,  and  everlasting  happiness  in 
the  next.  This  is  the  sincere  prayer  of  thy  affectionate  friend*' 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  503 

knowledge  from  able  and  skilful  engineers,  from  the  results  of 
long  experiments  in  other  countries,  from  the  aids  of  science, 
and  from  personal  observation.  He  examined  minutely  all 
the  surveys,  that  were  made  from  time  to  time,  entered  into 
complicated  calculations  on  the  motion,  pressure,  absorption, 
and  evaporation  of  water,  as  depending  on  the  quality  of  the 
soil  and  position  of  the  canal  route ;  he  formed  estimates,  not 
less  complicated  and  difficult,  respecting  the  cost  of  excavations, 
embankments,  aqueducts,  and  lockage  ;  in  short,  there  were 
no  details,  which  he  did  not  thoroughly  investigate,  and  sub 
ject  to  the  scrutiny  of  his  judgment.  His  two  first  reports 
to  the  legislature  are  very  able  documents,  indicating  at  the 
same  time  a  profound  knowledge  of  the  subject,  and  an  un 
common  enlargement  of  mind  and  foresight.  Mr  Bleecker 
has  well  and  truly  observed,  that  '  what  he  then  prophesied  is 
now  become  history.'  His  remarks  on  the  internal  commerce 
of  the  United  States,  as  connected  with  the  Atlantic  and  with 
Canada,  and  as  ultimately  affecting  our  national  improvement 
and  prosperity,  are  the  dictates  of  wisdom,  the  fruits  of  a  la 
borious  inquiry  concerning  the  physical  structure  and  resour 
ces  of  the  country,  and  of  a  deep  search  into  the  causes, 
which  carry  forward  the  intercourse,  growth,  and  refinement 
of  society. 

His  original  idea  was  that  of  a  canal  on  an  inclined  plane, 
provided  a  uniform  descent  could  be  found,  which  he  believed 
not  improbable.  By  this  plan  the  expense  of  locks,  and  the 
delay  in  passing  through  them,  would  be  saved.  Some  oth 
er  advantages  he  also  supposed  would  attend  it.  But  after 
the  surveys  were  completed,  he  saw  its  impracticability,  and 
abandoned  his  scheme.  When  he  wrote  his  second  report,  he 
seems  still  to  have  harbored  the  belief,  that  sections  of  the 
canal  might  he  constructed  on  that  principle,  and  connected 
by  locks  at  the  necessary  points.  No  doubt  this  was  practi 
cable,  but  the  general  opinion  turned  against  its  expediency. 
Those,  who  opposed  the  canal,  either  from  ignorance,  preju- 


504  LIFE    OF 

dice,  interested  motives,  the  spirit  of  parly,  or  any  other 
rause,  raised  a  clamor  about  this  unluckly  suggestion  of  an 
inclined  plane,  which  operated  unfavorably  to  the  Commis 
sioners,  and  especially  to  Mr  Morris,  with  whom  it  was  known 
to  have  originated.  But  it  was  a  clamor  without  any  just 
grounds.  The  scheme  was  held  out  only  while  the  surveys 
were  going  on,  and  no  attempts  were  ever  made  or  advised 
for  putting  it  actually  in  execution.  It  was  a  subject  of  in 
quiry,  and  as  such  it  contributed  to  waken  public  attention, 
elicit  discussion,  draw  out  facts,  and  excite  interest.  When 
the  surveys  were  finished,  the  face  of  the  country  understood, 
and  all  requisite  knowledge  obtained,  the  notion  of  an  inclined 
plane  vanished  from  the  mind  even  of  its  author,  and  there  it 
ended. 

In  the  midst  of  these  useful  labors  for  the  public,  and  the 
busy  pursuits  of  his  private  affairs,  the  earthly  career  of  him, 
whom  we  have  followed  through  the  scenes  of  a  varied  and 
eventful  life,  was  drawing  fast  to  a  close.  His  health  had 
retained  its  usual  vigor,  assailed  only  by  occasional  attacks  of 
his  early  and  tenacious  malady,  the  gout,  till  he  was  seized 
with  a  sudden  illness,  which  proved  mortal,  and  caused  his 
death  on  the  sixth  of  November,  1816,  in  the  sixty-fifth  year 
of  his  age.  His  faculties  remained  unimpaired  to  the  last, 
and  he  was  fully  acquainted  with  the  fatal  tendency  of  his  dis 
order,  for  several  days  previous  to  his  dissolution.  His  mind 
was  tranquil  and  collected.  He  conversed  freely,  sometimes 
cheerfully,  with  those  around  him,  till  he  expired.  His  re 
mains  were  interred  on  his  own  estate  at  Morrisania.* 

In  his  person  Mr  Morris  was  tall,  well  proportioned,  and  of 
a  commanding  figure  ;  his  features  oval,  regular,  handsome  and 


*  The  following  is  a  copy  of  Gouverneur  Morris's  Will,  made  a  short 
time  before  his  death. 

'I,  Gouverneur  Morris,  declare  this  to  be  my  last  Will  and  Testa 
ment,  of  which  I  name  rny  friend,  Moss  Kent,  and  my  wife,  Anne 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  505 

expressive  ;  his  demeanor  frank  and  dignified.  His  charac 
ter  has  been  sketched  by  Madame  de  Damas,  a  French  lady, 
with  so  discriminating  a  hand,  that  some  of  the  lineaments  of 
her  portrait  may  justly  claim  a  place  in  these  pages.  Madame 
de  Damas  was  intimately  acquainted  with  Mr  Morris,  during 
his  residence  in  France.  She  took  refuge  in  his  house  at 
Sainport,  at  the  time  of  the  bloody  horrors  in  the  Capital,  and 
was  dragged  from  that  sanctuary  to  prison,  against  the  remon 
strance  of  the  American  Minister,  but  was  ultimately  released. 
In  her  sketch  of  the  character  of  a  benefactor,  some  allowance 
should  probably  be  made  for  the  warmth  of  gratitude,  and  the 
range  of  fancy  natural  to  a  gifted  female  pen.  But  she  de- 


Carey  Morris,  Executor  and  Executrix,  hereby  giving  my  said  Execu 
tor  ten  thousand  dollars  for  his  care  and  trouble  in  executing  that 
office. 

'Item)  I  confirm  the  ante-nuptial  contract,  by  which  I  settled  on 
my  wife  twenty-six  hundred  dollars  a  year ;  moreover,  I  give  to  her, 
during  her  life,  my  estate  of  Morrisania,  with  all  the  stock  thereon,  and 
also  all  my  plate,  furniture,  and  carriages  ;  and  it  is  further  my  will, 
that  the  improvement,  which  may  become  necessary,  shall  be  made  at 
the  expense  of  my  estate  ;  and,  in  case  my  wife  should  marry,  I  give 
her  six  hundred  dollars  more  per  annum,  to  defray  the  increased  ex 
penditure,  which  may  attend  that  connexion. 

*  Item,  I  give  to  my  son,  Gouverneur  Morris,  the  whole  of  my  es 
tate,  saving  and  excepting  such  bequests,  as  may  be  in  this  my  will, 
and  such  as  I  may  hereafter  think  proper  to  make.     If  it  should  please 
God  to  take  him  away,  before  he  arrives  at  full  age,  or  afterwards,  not 
having  made  a  will,  I  then  give  my  estate  to  such  one  or  more  of  the 
male  descendants  of  my  brothers  and  sisters,  and  in  such  proportions, 
as  my  wife  shall  designate ;  but  in  case  she  shall  have  made  no  such 
designation,  I  then  give  my  estate  to  Lewis  Morris  Wilkins,  son  of  my 
sister  Isabella,  on  condition,  that  he  drop  the  name  of  Wilkins,  and 
bear  the  name  and  arms  of  Morris. 

*  Item,  I  give  to  my  nephew.  Gouverneur  Wilkins,  twenty-five  thou 
sand  dollars,  to  be  paid  to  him  when  he  shall  have  arrived  to  the  age 
of  thirty,  provided  his  conduct  shall  be,  in  the  opinion  of  my  Executor 
and  Executrix,  such  as  becomes  a  good  citizen. 

'  In  witness  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  seal,  this 
twenty-sixth  day  of  October,  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  sixteen.' 
VOL.  i.         43 


506  LIFE    OF 

scribes  impressions,  the  result  of  a  close  and  continued  obser 
vation,  and  in  their  spirit  they  are  doubtless  correct. 

1 1  attempt  to  delineate  the  character  of  a  man,'  says  Madame 
de  Damas,  l  who  so  little  resembles  other  men,  that  one  should 
hardly  say  anything  of  him,  which  has  already  been  said  of 
them.  Like  others,  however,  he  has  virtues,  defects,  and  tal 
ents,  but  their  nature,  their  use,  mixture,  and  results,  form  a 
whole  entirely  different  from  anything  I  have  seen.  Were  I 
called  upon  to  distinguish  him  by  a  single  trait,  I  should  say, 
he  is  good.  They,  who  do  not  well  understand  the  meaning  of 
these  words,  may  not  be  satisfied ;  but  as  for  me,  who  include 
much  in  the  term  goodness,  and  who  have  seen  the  exercise 
of  this  virtue  in  every  action  of  Mr  Morris's  life,  I  repeat,  that 
it  is  this,  which  gives  him  the  first  place  in  all  honest  hearts, 
and  entitles  him  to  their  lasting  admiration  and  gratitude.  The 
love  of  order  is  his  strongest  passion,  the  rule  of  all  his  acts, 
the  aim  of  all  he  utters.  A  true  philanthropist  by  the  natural 
impulse  of  his  soul,  he  considers  every  object  under  the  pos 
sibility  of  its  becoming  useful.  His  penetrating,  elevated, 
quick,  and  luminous  mind,  is  never  idle,  and  he  constantly 
employs  his  numerous  and  diversified  attainments,  either  in 
doing  good,  or  inspiring  in  others  the  love  of  goodness.  I 
have  never  known  a  person  to  approach  Mr  Morris,  whatever 
might  be  his  intentions,  circumstances,  or  situation,  who  did 
not  on  leaving  him  find  himself  enriched  by  his  gifts,  or  enlight 
ened  by  his  counsels ;  who  did  not  feel  grateful  for  some  sooth 
ing  consolations,  a  profitable  hint,  or  a  kind  reception. 

1  He  is  charged  with  some  faults  by  his  friends.  So  much 
enlargement  of  soul  may  not  be  compatible  with  a  quick  sen 
sibility,  yet  one  cannot  help  regretting,  that  reason  and  wis 
dom  should  assume  a  control  so  powerful  over  his  feelings. 
Brought  up  with  the  almost  rustic  freedom  of  a  republican 
country,  he  is  remarkable  for  great  simplicity  of  manners,  sus 
tained  by  a  nobleness,  which  has  its  seat  in  his  soul,  but  ting 
ed  with  a  slight  shade  of  self  complacency.  If  I  eulogize  him, 
it  is  only  because  1  attempt  to  draw  his  true  portrait,  and  I 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  507 

seek  not  to  weaken  defects,  which,  after  all,  may  be  no  other 
than  qualities  little  in  fashion  with  us.  We  call  him  self  com 
placent,  because  it  is  our  custom  to  expect,  that  every  one 
will  abase  himself  to  procure  elevation,  and  that  merit  shall 
wait  for  its  place  to  be  assigned,  instead  of  taking  it.  Mr 
Morris  knows  his  proper  station,  and  assumes  it ;  sacrificing 
no  person  to  himself  in  secret  design,  and  in  reality  sacrificing 
himself  to  no  other ;  thus,  inattentive  to  the  petty  tokens  of 
complaisance,  which  self-love  dictates  in  our  social  intercourse, 
he  sometimes  offends  those,  who  expect  and  demand  them. 
He  is  fond  of  his  ease,  does  his  best  to  procure  it,  and  enjoys 
it  as  much  as  possible.  He  loves  good  cheer,  good  wine, 
good  company.  His  senses,  as  well  as  his  mind,  have  a  high 
relish  of  perfection,  and  strive  to  attain  it.  He  never  eats  a 
bad  dinner,  without  a  severe  censure  upon  the  cook,  as  he 
never  listens  to  folly  without  a  keen  rebuke.  A  little  dissim 
ulation  would  save  him  from  many  harmless  enemies,  who  are 
not  more  to  be  regarded,  however,  than  the  small  faults, 
which  excite  their  enmity ;  but  every  species  of  deception, 
from  whatever  motive,  is  incompatible  with  the  elevation,  in 
tegrity,  and  frankness  of  the  man,  whom  I  delineate. 

'One  of  his  most  remarkable,  and,  if  I  may  so  say,  one  of 
his  fundamental  qualities,  is  his  regard  for  truth,  so  constant, 
so  absolute,  so  scrupulous,  that  it  might  seem  carried  to  an 
exaggeration,  were  it  not  for  the  importance  of  its  principle. 
Never,  under  any  circumstances,  in  the  excitement  of  an  ani 
mated  story,  or  in  the  lively  flow  of  pleasantry,  does  a  word 
escape  him,  not  a  single  word,  that  is  not  strictly  conformable 
to  truth.  He  has  no  conception  of  the  pliancy  of  truth  ;  he 
yields  to  her  on  all  occasions,  because  nothing  is  more  beauti 
ful  in  his  eyes  than  truth ;  and  because,  also,  a  mind  so  much 
enlightened  by  her  rays,  so  capable  of  discovering  her  charms 
and  extending  her  reign,  is  naturally  inclined  to  uphold  and 
defend  her. 

1  At  the  same  time,  how  superior  is  he  to  that  puerile  vani 
ty,  which  pretends  to  know  all  things,  and  to  that  fear  of 


508 


LIFE    OF 


seeming  ignorant,  which  aims  to  display  universal  intelligence, 
He  asserts  a  fact,  and  shows  without  ostentation,  that  it  can 
not  be  doubted  ;  again,  in  the  same  tone,  he  confesses  his  ig 
norance,  when  he  is  as  well  informed  perhaps  as  most  men 
on  the  subject.  No  wonder,  then,  that  he  should  bear  with 
an  ill  grace  a  doubt,  or  an  objection,  in  regard  to  what  he 
delivers  as  the  result  of  his  settled  conviction.  He  knows 
his  own  powers,  and,  perceiving  that  his  mind  runs  far  ahead 
of  his  antagonist,  he  will  condemn  him  as  presumptuous,  be 
fore  he  refutes  him  as  absurd.  His  refutation  is  made  in  few 
words,  so  clear,  so  concise,  so  evident,  that  commonly  it  is  im 
possible  to  reply.  But,  alas  !  the  pleasure  of  being  enlighten 
ed  rarely  heals  the  wounds  of  defeat. 

'  If,  instead  of  a  simple  error,  an  opinion  is  ventured  in  his 
presence  offensive  to  religion,  good  morals,  or  sound  political 
principles,  it  is  no  longer  a  regard  for  truth  alone,  it  is  the  pas 
sion  of  virtue,  the  ardor  of  justice,  the  love  of  humanity,  which 
inflame  his  generous  soul.  His  language,  always  correct  and 
nervous,  in  whatever  tongue  he  speaks,  becomes  eloquent,  an 
imated,  vehement ;  he  resists  a  false  principle  with  as  much 
pertinacity,  as  the  crimes  to  which  it  leads  ;  he  attacks  and 
beats  down  that  immorality,  which  is  destructive  of  the  order 
he  loves  and  maintains  ;  he  combats  every  sophism  dangerous 
to  society,  with  the  same  warmth  of  feeling,  the  same  power 
of  argument,  which  have  directed  his  meditations  to  the  happi 
ness  of  man,  and  given  him  so  much  zeal,  and  so  many  facili 
ties,  for  aiding  to  secure  on  a  solid  basis  the  lasting  prosperity 
of  his  country. 

'  Superficial  observers,  and  they  are  numerous,  might  be 
acquainted  with  Mr  Morris  for  years,  without  discovering  his 
most  eminent  qualities.  Such  observers  must  be  told  what 
to  admire.  They  will  never  perceive  greatness  in  things  per 
formed  without  boast  and  without  effort.  They  regard  Mr 
Morris  as  a  profound  politician,  the  most  amiable  and  the  most 
gifted  of  men,  and  this  is  truly  no  feeble  eulogium,  but  nothing 
really  worthy  of  him  will  be  said  by  any  one,  who  does  not  as- 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  509 

cend  to  the  source  of  all  that  is  great  and  excellent  in  his 
character.     The  idea  of  a  Deity  always  present,  the  habit  of 
contemplating  him  in  his  works,  of  imitating  his  goodness,  of 
submitting  to  his  will  with  that  calm  resignation,  which  arises 
from  a  belief  that   God  can  will  nothing  but   what  is  good  ; 
such  is  the  fountain  from  which  his  soul  derives  a  confidence 
full  of  serenity,  a  boundless  chanty,  and  a  hope,   which  he  re 
gards  both  as  a  homage  and  a  duty,  and  which  in   him   seems 
to    derive    unceasing   light    from    some    benignant   star,    that 
brightens  his  whole  happy   disposition.     Ever   at  peace   with 
himself,  ever  attentive  to  the  great  laws  of  the  universe,  sel 
dom  ruffled  in  his  temper,  not  suffering  men  or  events  to  have 
a  mastery  over  his  spirit,  he  is  habitually  serene,  alike   ready 
to  engage  in  the  most  abstruse  inquiries,  or  to  join  in  the  trifles 
of  social  amusement.     His  imagination  inclines  to  pleasantry, 
and  being  abundantly  gifted  with  what  the  English  call  humor, 
united  to  what  the  French  name  esprit,  it  is  impossible  not  to 
be  delighted  by  his  ingenious  combinations,  the  originality  of 
his  ideas,  the  flashes  of  his  colloquial  wit,  and  the  good  taste 
and  natural  cheerfulness,  which  pervade  and  embellish   what 
ever  he  says.     Though  ridicule  sometimes  provokes  his  satiri 
cal  mirth,  he  never  extends  it  to  vice  ;  this  would  be  show 
ing  it  a  sort  of  concession ;  but  he  hates  vice,  he  glows  with 
an  honest  indignation  at  its  sight,  he  would  sooner  punish  than 
ridicule  it. 

;  He  has  a  fine  and  disciplined  taste  for  poetry,  and  is  him 
self  a  poet ;  but  it  is  by  mere  chance  that  he  recites  any  of  his 
verses,  and  he  has  published  nothing  in  that  way.  His  insati 
able  memory  retains  everything.  Shakspeare,  Pope,  Dryden, 
Milton,  have  composed  nothing  beautiful,  which  is  not  known 
to  him ;  and,  indeed,  the  poetical  temperament  is  visible  in 
his  whole  conversation.  The  melodious  tones  of  his  voice,  the 
variety  and  justness  of  its  inflexions,  the  grace  and  energy  of 
his  utterance,  produce  such  an  agreeable  illusion,  that  I  have 
often  sought  in  vain  for  that,  which  had  so  much  enchanted  me 

43* 


510  LIFE  or 

in  the  book  he  had  been  reading ;  it  scarecely  contained  the 
same  ideas ;  the  words  wanted  the  melody  and  the  music. 

'  A  characteristic  trait,  which  I  must  not  forget,  is  his  fac 
ulty  and  habit  of  applying  his  mind  to  a  single  object,  of  sud 
denly  collecting  the  whole  force  of  his  attention  upon  one 
point.  It  is  in  this  manner,  that  he  learns  nothing  imperfect 
ly  ;  that  all  his  ideas  are  simple,  fixed,  complete  ;  that  when 
he  converses  upon  any  subject,  it  would  seem  as  if  his  thoughts 
have  always  been  occupied  upon  that  alone.  How  often  have 
i  seen  persons,  of  different  conditions  and  professions,  felicitate 
themselves  on  having  consulted  him  on  a  point,  which  they 
considered  precisely  the  one  in  which  he  was  best  informed. 
Nature  treats  only  her  favorites  with  such  a  liberality  of 
means. 

'I  will  yet  follow  Mr  Morris  for  a  moment  into  the  retired 
life  of  rural  solitude,  where  he  is  still  more  at  home,  and  hap 
pier.  Solitude,  did  I  say  ?  Ah,  no,  for  nowhere  is  he  more 
surrounded,  nowhere  more  beneficent,  occupied,  active,  prod 
igal  of  his  manifold  acquirements,  nowhere  does  he  labor  more 
or  enjoy  more.  Agriculture  becomes  the  chief  science  of  the 
legislator ;  not  content  with  simply  honoring  and  encouraging 
it,  he  applies  to  it  his  closest  attention  and  devoted  study,  and 
employs  in  it  the  discoveries  of  art.  He  has  neglected  none  of 
its  branches;  he  manages  a  farm  with  the  same  talent,  and  with 
more  pleasure,  than  he  presides  in  the  councils  of  state.  He 
combines  practice  and  theory,  and  is  a  stranger  to  none  of  the 
details.  The  names  and  qualities  of  grains,  trees,  and  plants ; 
the  divers  kinds  of  culture  adapted  to  each;  the  preparation  of 
soils,  choice  of  positions,  observation  of  the  seasons,  the  man 
ner  of  counteracting  their  vicissitudes,  the  means  of  hastening 
and  multiplying  products,  and  of  varying  them  so  as  to  pre 
serve  the  fertility  of  the  soil  without  exhaustion ;  in  one  word, 
from  the  greatest  labors  of  the  harvest,  to  the  attentions  re 
quired  by  the  poorest  vegetable,  nothing  escapes  his  notice  and 
care ;  more  happy  in  providing  for  the  increase  of  a  crop,  than 
in  tracing  plans  by  which  battles  are  to  be  gained;  and  as  con- 


GOUVERNEUR   MORRIS.  511 

tented  in  the  midst  of  the  rude  peasantry  at  S^lnport,  whom 
he  instructs  and  assists,  as  he  ever  has  been  in  the  brilliant  cir 
cles  of  Versailles  and  of  Paris. 

'  Sometimes  when  I  had  supposed  him  engaged  in  deep 
thoughts  on  the  great  principles  of  social  organization,  or  im 
parting  to  his  government  new  lights  respecting  the  political 
state  of  Europe,  I  have  found  that  he  had  spent  the  morning 
in  superintending  his  tillage,  in  sowing  seeds,  or  assisting  in  the 
harvest ;  alike  simple,  useful,  and  great,  whether  acting  a  part 
in  the  revolutionary  struggles  of  his  country,  or  enjoying  life  in 
his  tranquil  retirement  at  Sainport ;  alike  active  in  doing  as 
much  good  as  possible,  and  in  obeying  that  noble  precept  of 
Marcus  Aurelius,  "  not  to  leave  any  interval  between  one  good 
action  and  another."  A  legislator  in  the  New  World,  an  Am 
bassador  in  France,  everywhere  a  man  of  genius,  possessing  a 
wise  and  enlightened  mind,  a  faithful,  fearless,  and  unchangea 
ble  friend,  an  indulgent  and  liberal  master,  an  amiable  and  so 
cial  companion,  a  support  to  the  feeble,  the  resource  of  the 
indigent,  the  vindicator  of  justice,  he  is  the  model  and  the  ob 
ject  of  love  to  all  good  men. 

1  As  he  always  appears  in  his  true  character,  without  con 
cealment  or  hypocrisy,  I  may  observe,  that  he  puts  a  value  on 
all  the  conveniences,  comforts,  and  pleasures  of  life,  the  advan 
tages  of  fortune,  the  enjoyments  of  the  arts,  and  the  charms  of 
society.  He  conceives  it  to  be  following  the  order  of  Provi 
dence  to  enjoy  all  its  gifts.  "  To  enjoy  is  to  obey."  And  up 
on  the  same  principle  he  submits,  with  a  modest  fortitude,  and 
sincere  resignation,  to  the  ills  inflicted  by  the  same  hand.  But 
where  should  I  stop,  if  I  were  to  reveal  all  the  delicate,  gener 
ous,  and  magnanimous  acts,  which  I  have  witnessed,  and  the 
disclosure  of  which  he  would  never  forgive  ?  This  por 
trait  is  perhaps  already  too  long,  if  compared  with  other  por 
traits.  But  with  what  man  is  he  to  be  compared,  whom  I  de 
scribe  ?  In  this  kind  of  composition,  some  writers  seek  to  force 
admiration  by  surprise,  while  others,  with  a  blaze  of  splendid 
qualities,  would  conceal  defects  not  less  striking  ;  but  I  could 


512  LIFE    OF 

never  do  justice  to  Mr  Morris,  except  by  representing  him  as 
he  is,  in  the  accordance  of  his  principles  and  his  virtues. 
Some  write,  also,  to  gain  applause  for  themselves,  but  I  have 
only  poured  out  the  overflowings  of  a  heart  filled  with  esteem, 
veneration,  and  gratitude.' 

This  picture  is  highly  colored,  and  in  the  strain  of  French 
panegyric,  but  it  is  drawn  with  a  skilful  hand,  and  the  features, 
though  glaring,  are  unquestionably  characteristic  and  in  the 
outline  true.  The  manuscript,  from  which  the  above  sketches 
have  been  translated,  bears  the  date  of  May,  1795,  the  year 
following  that  of  Mr  Morris's  leaving  France.  About  four 
years  afterwards,  when  he  had  returned  to  America,  the  por 
trait  was  sent  to  him  by  the  fair  authoress  herself,  at  the  re 
quest,  as  she  says,  of  a  mutual  friend.  It  seems  proper  to  in 
sert  here,  also,  an  extract  from  the  letter  accompanying  it, 
which  was  written  in  English,  and  which  shows,  that  Madame 
de  Damas's  talent  for  good  writing  was  not  confined  to  exhi 
bitions  of  it  in  her  native  tongue. 

'  I  enclose  a  character,'  she  says  '  written  long  since,  and 
which  falls  so  short  of  my  opinion  of  the  original,  that  I  should 
not  have  offered  it  to  your  perusal,  if  J.  had  not  earnestly 
required  it,  as  a  part  of  that  implicit  confidence,  that  follows 
true  friendship.  Whatever  you  may  think  of  that  imperfect 
sketch,  a  paragraph  of  it  I  shall  particularly  insist  upon.  You 
have  allowed  me  to  write  with  the  affectionate  freedom  of  a 
friend  ;  do  not  call  me  bold,  or  ridiculous,  if  I  pretend  to  give, 
as  I  often  beg,  advice.  I  am  a  real  friend,  proud  of  the  title, 
and  I  only  aim  at  acting  up  to  it.  As  such,  I  will  go  on  to 
urge  a  subject  rather  delicate,  but  in  which  some  part  of  your 
happiness  may  be  concerned.  That  point  of  view  gives  me 
courage  to  proceed. 

'  This  character  contains  but  a  few  of  the  many  eminent 
qualities,  God  was  pleased  to  lavish  on  you,  but  one  slight 
fault  I  could  not  help  mentioning,  and  I  require  your  serious 
attention  to  the  part  marked  with  a  cross.  That  cross  I  have 
traced  with  a  pencil,  that  it  may  be  easily  rubbed  off,  as  I 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  513 

trust  that  little  blemish  will  soon  be  removed,  if  you  think  it 
worth  your  while  to  set  about  it.  People  of  weak  minds,  and 
many  they  are,  feel  the  more  shocked,  at  being  told  of  their  infe 
riority,  as  they  cannot  help  being  sensible  of  it,  and  the  com 
plaints  of  a  crowd,  though  consisting  of  fools,  are  often  hurtful  to 
the  wise.  Mistake  me  not  ;  I  do  not  suspect  your  intention 
is  to  mortify  any  body's  pride  ;  I  only  remark  that  you  do  it, 
though  unwillingly.  A  point  I  would  earnestly  wish  you  to  ob 
serve  in  your  conduct  is,  suaviterin  modo,fortiterin  re.  True 
greatness  is  generous,  and  your  benevolent  soul  must  be  used  to 
indulge  faults  you  are  free  from  ;  it  is  your  delight  to  assuage 
or  relieve  miseries ;  there  is  one  I  recommend  to  your  notice. 
Such  condescension  is  not  inconsistent  with  dignity,  nor  is  it 
more,  in  many  cases,  than  to  suffer  a  silly  creature  to  say  silly 
things,  without  expressing  your  cutting  contempt  and  disap 
probation.  By  so  doing,  you  do  not  correct  one,  and  you  ir 
ritate  thousands,  who  certainly  will  not  allow  the  rebuke  to  be 
merited,  and  will  spread  their  discontent  at  the  manner  it  W7as 
delivered.  But  I  grow  as  tedious  as  I  am  impertinent,  and 
should  tear  this  to  pieces,  were  I  not  persuaded  your  friend 
ship  will  forgive  what  mine  has  dictated.  At  all  events,  I 
offer  you  a  fair  opportunity  to  display  the  kindness  I  recom 
mend,  and  to  prove  yourself  the  most  indulgent  of  men,  as  per 
haps  you  will  think  me  the  pertest  of  women.' 

These  are  broad  hints  at  a  prevailing  defect  in  Mr  Morris's 
manners,  which,  it  is  believed,  neither  the  counsels,  almost 
admonitions,  of  his  friend,  nor  the  weight  of  his  own  reflec 
tions,  contributed  to  remove  or  diminish.  It  was  an  inborn 
weakness,  which  could  only  be  eradicated  by  a  change  of  na 
ture.  His  acute  powers  of  mind,  a  thorough  consciousness  of 
.his  own  strength,  and  his  quick  sense  of  the  ridiculous,  joined 
to  a  lofty  independence  of  thought,  often  betrayed  him  into  a 
forwardness  of  manner,  a  license  of  expression,  and  an  indul 
gence  of  his  humor,  little  suited  to  soothe  the  pride,  or  flatter 
the  vanity,  or  foster  the  self-love,  or  win  the  esteem  of  those 
about  him.  He  might  dazzle  by  his  genius,  surprise  by  his 


514  LIFE    OF 

novel  flights  of  fancy,  amuse  by  his  wit,  and  confound  by  his 
arguments,  and  thus  extort  the  tribute  of  admiration,  but  fai 
in  gaining  the  willing  applause  of  love.  No  man  was  better 
acquainted  with  the  forms  and  etiquette  of  society,  none  had 
moved  more  widely  in  the  circles  of  fashion  and  rank,  or  exam 
ined  with  a  keener  scrutiny  the  deep  fountains  of  the  human 
passions,  or  knew  better  how  to  touch  the  springs  of  men's 
motives,  yet  this  rare  intuition,  this  more  rare  experience,  and 
this  great  knowledge,  did  little  towards  modifying  the  tenden 
cies  of  his  nature,  or  diverting  the  first  bent  of  his  mind.  He 
was  sometimes  overbearing  in  conversation.  At  any  rate,  when 
he  spoke,  he  expected  to  be  heard.  There  is  an  anecdote 
illustrative  of  this  point.  At  a  breakfast  table  he  was  in  close 
conversation  with  a  gentleman,  to  whose  harangue  he  had  lis 
tened  patiently,  till  it  was  his  turn  to  reply.  He  began  ac 
cordingly,  but  the  gentleman  was  inattentive,  and  a  bad  listen 
er.  '  Sir,'  said  Mr  Morris,  'if  you  will  not  attend  to  my  ar 
gument,  I  will  address  myself  to  the  tea-pot,'  and  went  on 
with  much  animation  of  tone  and  gesture,  making  the  tea-pot 
the  representative  of  his  opponent,  till  he  had  finished  his 
replication. 

But  this  defect,  after  all,  was  only  a  spot  on  the  surface. 
It  did  not  penetrate  the  substance,  nor  taint  any  interior  fee 
ling.  It  was  in  fact  no  more  than  the  excess  of  some  of  the 
higher  qualities,  not  duly  balanced  by  others,  which  are  little 
valued  or  esteemed.  It  was  independence,  frankness,  self  re 
spect,  without  the  usual  mixture  of  cautious  reserve,  forbear 
ance,  and  timidity.  It  was  boldness  without  hypocrisy,  con 
fidence  without  fear,  and  dignity  without  dissimulation.  It  did 
not  touch  the  heart.  The  noble  and  generous  virtues  bloom 
ed  luxuriantly,  and  bore  rich  and  abundant  fruit.  It  marred 
no  principle.  Justice,  truth,  charity,  integrity,  honor,  held  an 
uncontrolled  empire  in  his  soul,  and  never  lost  their  influence 
or  authority. 

In  his  style  of  living  he  was  fond  of  a  display,  which  might 
perhaps  be  called  luxury,  and,  in  his  travelling  excursions,  his 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  515 

preparations  for  ease  and  comfort,  particularly  for  the  enjoy 
ments  of  the  table,  commonly  attracted  notice.  But  in  this 
there  were  no  extremes  nor  extravagances,  no  ostentatious  pa 
rade  of  wealth  or  grandeur.  He  had  formed  a  plan  of  life,  which 
he  deemed  suitable  to  his  disposition,  and  within  his  means  of 
attainment,  embracing  all  that  could  gratify  reasonable  desires, 
and  fill  up  an  adequate  measure  of  happiness.  This  plan  he 
pursued  methodically,  and  with  a  philosophical  temperament, 
contented  that  his  wishes  were  realized  and  his  object  gained. 
Although  his  expenses  were  on  a  liberal  scale,  they  were  uni 
form,  and  his  habits  of  economy  were  rigid  and  exact.  While  in 
Europe  he  kept  a  daily  record  of  his  expenditures,  noting  down 
each  day  in  a  small  book,  kept  for  the  purpose,  every  item  of 
expense,  even  for  the  most  trifling  article.  Some  persons  have 
wondered  how  he  accumulated  his  property,  but  whoever  will 
pursue  him  through  the  details  of  his  affairs,  and  observe  with 
what  minute  attention  and  unwearied  industry  he  devoted  him 
self  to  business,  and  the  multiplied  and  extensive  operations 
in  which  he  was  concerned  for  many  years,  will  wonder  no 
longer.  His  financial  skill,  his  talents  and  knowledge  of  the 
world,  combined  with  his  uncommon  opportunities,  his  power 
of  application,  his  principles  and  practice  of  economy,  are 
enough,  and  more  than  enough,  to  explain  all  the  mystery  that 
could  hang  over  that  subject,  if  it  needed  any  explanation. 
There  are  many  volumes  of  letter  books  on  matters  of  busi 
ness,  and  wholly  in  his  own  hand-writing,  which  unfold  a  se 
ries  of  enterprises,  commercial  schemes  and  transactions  in 
various  countries,  and  from  which  may  be  gathered  a  detailed 
history  of  the  sources  of  his  wealth,  and  the  progress  of  its  ac 
quisition. 

But  the  chief  basis  of  Mr  Morris's  property  was  his  success 
ful  speculations  in  new  lands,  continued  for  a  long  term  of 
years.  Under  favorable  circumstances,  and  at  a  time  when 
these  lands  bore  a  low  price,  he  made  large  purchases,  and 
the  rapid  increase  of  their  value  produced  great  and  accu 
mulating  profits  upon  the  first  investments.  His  foresight, 


516  LIFE    OF 

knowledge  of  affairs,  and  judicious  management,  promoted  his 
r;ood  fortune,  and  enabled  him  to  escape  the  disasters,  which 
befel  too  many,  who  entered  inconsiderately  and  deeply  into 
land  speculations. 

The  examples  already  cited  in  this  memoir  bear  testimony 
to  his  noble  spirit  of  generosity.  Others  might  be  adduced, 
which,  if  less  extensive,  are  not  less  creditable.  '  He  had 
always  a  great  aversion,'  says  a  gentleman  who  knew  him 
well,  '  to  speak  of  his  own  affairs,  except  to  those  whom  they 
immediately  concerned,  and  when  he  rendered  a  service  to 
any  one,  he  kept  it  still  more  secret.'  His  situation  in  France 
exposed  him  to  numerous  calls  on  the  exercise  of  this  virtue. 
Many,  who  had  been  his  friends,  were  deprived  of  their  proper 
ty,  and  thrown  into  prison,  or,  equally  destitute,  were  compelled 
to  leave  their  country,  and  depend  on  the  bounty  of  strangers. 
Among  those,  not  a  few  were  relieved  by  his  liberality.  To  a 
lady  of  rank,  who,  as  an  emigrant  from  France,  had  lost  every 
thing,  and  taken  refuge  in  Berlin,  he  sent  fifty  lotiis  d'ors,  say 
ing  to  her  in  the  letter  enclosing  the  money  ;  '  Should  fortune 
be  propitious,  you  can  return  the  amount,  but,  if  not,  allow 
me  the  consolation  of  believing,  that  I  have  soothed  for  one 
moment  your  afflictions.'  Besides  the  instances  of  this  kind, 
the  notes  of  acknowledgment  and  gratitude,  written  by  vari 
ous  persons  in  distress,  prove  the  frequency  of  his  acts  of 
kindness,  the  sincerity  of  his  friendship,  and  the  diffusive 
warmth  of  his  benevolence. 

As  a  politician,  Mr  Morris  will  of  course  be  judged  differ 
ently  by  different  persons,  according  to  the  origin  of  their  im 
pressions,  and  the  bias  of  their  sentiments.  The  decided  tone 
of  his  opinions,  and  the  deep  tinge  of  party,  which  they  im 
bibed,  in  common  with  those  of  all  his  countrymen,  on  one  side 
or  the  other,  at  a  time  of  great  national  excitement,  will  pre 
vent  their  being  viewed,  for  the  present  at  least,  with  perfect 
impartiality.  But  his  strong  attachment  to  his  country,  and 
desire  to  advance  its  highest  honor  and  best  interests,  the 
constancy  of  his  efforts  to  this  end,  and  the  rectitude  of  his 


GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS.  517 

purposes,  will  never  be  doubted  nor  undervalued.  No  man  ever 
acted  less  from  the  influence  of  selfish  aims,  or  with  more 
freedom  from  disguise,  or  a  more  fearless  independence.  Near 
the  close  of  his  life,  he  lamented  the  heats  and  divisions,  which 
had  inflamed  the  minds  of  men,  and  endangered  the  internal 
peace  and  safety  of  the  nation.  *  Let  us  forget  party,'  said 
he,  *  and  think  of  our  country.  That  country  embraces  both 
parties.  We  must  endeavor,  therefore,  to  serve  and  benefit 
both.  This  cannot  be  effected,  while  political  delusions  array 
good  men  against  each  other.5  These  are  the  counsels  of 
wisdom  arid  experience,  the  dictates  of  patriotism,  and  consist 
ent  with  the  uniform  principles  of  their  author.  Regard  him  as 
we  may,  the  name  of  Mr  Morris  must  ever  hold  an  elevated 
place  on  the  list  of  those,  whom  their  country  will  delight  to 
honor  for  their  talents,  and  as  the  patriots  by  whose  services 
and  virtues  its  freedom  has  been  achieved,  and  its  glory  estab 
lished. 


VOL.  i.         44 


PUBLICATIONS, 
BY    GOUVERNEUR    MORRIS. 


1.  Observations  on  the  American  Revolution.     Published 

according  to  a  Resolution  of  Congress,  by  their 
Committee,  for  the  Consideration  of  those,  who  are 
desirous  of  comparing  the  Conduct  of  the  opposed 
Parties,  and  the  several  Consequences  which  have 
flowed  from  it.  Philadelphia,  1779.  pp.  122. 

This  pamphlet  was  also  published  entire  in  Almon's 
Remembrancer,  London,  for  the  same  year. 

2.  Essays  on  the  Finance,  Currency,  and  Internal  Trade 

of  the  United  States,  published  in  the  Pennsylvania 

Packet,  1780. 

Published  anonymously,  addressed  to  *  The  Inhabit 
ants  of  America,'  and  signed  AN  AMERICAN.  They 
are  able,  and  afford  important  materials  relating  to 
the  history  of  the  time. 

3.  An  Address  to  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  on  the 

Abolition  of  the  Bank  of  North  America.  Philadel 
phia,  1785. 

Written  with  much  care  and  ability. 

4.  An  Oration  on  the  Death  of  General   Washington,  de 

livered  at  the  Request  of  the  Corporation  of  the  City 
of  New  York,  on  the  31st  of  December,  1799. 

5.  An  Oration  at  the  Funeral  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  Ju 

ly  14th,  1804. 

Pronounced  extempore,  and  written  out  afterwards 
from  notes  taken  down  by  a  person  present. 

6.  An  Answer  to  War  in  Disguise ;  or  Remarks  upon  the 

New    Doctrine    of    England,    concerning    Neutral 

Trade.     New  York,  1806.  pp!  76. 

This  was  in  reply  to  a  pamphlet  written  in  England, 
entitled  *  War  hi  Disguise,  or  the  Frauds  of  Neu 
tral  Flags.'  Mr  Madison  also  wrote  an  answer  to 
the  same  work,  in  which  he  discussed  at  large  the 
subject  of  Neutral  Trade. 


20  PUBLICATIONS, 

7.  Speeches  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  1801 — 3, 

Those  on  the  repeal  of  the  internal  Taxes,  the  Ju 
diciary  question,  and  Ross's  Resolutions,  were  pub 
lished  in  a  separate  form. 

8.  Notes  on  the  United   States  of  America.     Philadelphia, 

1806.  pp.  48. 

First  written  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  and  afterwards 
printed  for  circulation. 

9.  An  Address  to  the  People  of  the  State  of  New  York. 

1809.  pp.   16. 

Signed  by  the  Chairman  of  a  meeting  of  the  Feder 
alists  in  the  Legislature  of  New  York,  but  written 
by  Mr  Morris. 

10.  An  Oration,  delivered  on  the  19th  of  May,  1812,  in  Hon 

or  of  the  Memory  of  George  Clinton,  late  Vice  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  pp.  18. 

11.  A  Discourse  delivered  before   the  New  York  Historical 

Society,  at  their  Anniversary  Meeting,  December 
6th,  1812.  pp.  40. 

Contained  also  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Society's 
Collections. 

12.  An  Oration  delivered  July  5th,  1813,  before   the  Wash 

ington  Benevolent  Society  of  the  City  of  New  York, 
in  Commemoration  of  American  Independence,  pp, 
27. 

13.  An  Oration  delivered  on  the  29th  of  June,  1  814,  at  the 

Request  of  a  Number  of  Citizens  of  New  York,  in 
Celebration  of  the  Deliverance  of  Europe  from  the 
Yoke  of  Military  Despotism,  pp.  23. 

14.  An  Inaugural  Discourse,  delivered  before  the  New  York 

Historical  Society,  September  4th,  1816.     pp.  24. 
Occasioned  by  the  author's  having  been  chosen  Presi 
dent  of  the  Society. 

15.  Reports  and  other  Papers    respecting    the  Erie  Canal, 

1810  to  1816. 

Printed  separately  as  they  appeared,  but  they  are  all 
contained  in  a  work  entitled,  '  Laws  of  the  State 
of  New  York,  in  relation  to  the  Erie  and  Cham- 
plain  Canals.' 


END    OF    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


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